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April 03, 1966 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1966-04-03

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Sevrnty-Sixth Year

Faculty Review: Kautsky and Marx

e Opinios Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
uth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
T omorrow s Election:
Candidate Endorsements

STUDENT IMPACT on community af-
fairs will get its first substantial test
tomorrow in the City Council election.
Hopefully, students will cast enough votes
to exert their long-frustrated influence
on the city's welfare.
Students have definite needs which
may be satisfied by city action, but their
problems are well-integrated in the gen-
eral needs of the community.
Therefore, city councilmen should be
individuals who can come up with com-
prehensive plans that deal with needs of
all groups simultaneously. In order for
an individual to serve effectively at a time
when the community needs comprehen-
sive and thorough solutions to its prob-
lems, councilmen must come into office
well-informed, thoughtful, energetic and
prepared to provide thorough programs
to a city with a greatly expanding popu-
lation and long-time injustices to certain
IT IS WITH a student's eye into an evolv-
ing circle of civic affairs that the fol-
lowing evaluations and endorsements are
In the first ward:
MRS. EUNICE BURNS, a Democratic
incumbent, should be retained. She is one
of the most knowledgeable figures in the
community on city planning and hous-
ing, and her hard work in Council and
citizen committees is laudable. Mrs. Burns
was a central figure in getting a compre-
hensive and intelligent high-rise code for
Ann Arbor this fall.
Furthermore, she defends the interests
of some "silent" constituents in her ward
and the general community: the poor,
minority group members, and students.
She offers much to Council in her exper-
ience, and remarkable understanding of
trends and statistics in community prob-
Mallory Thomas, her opponent, is
new to Council politics, and lacks general
understanding of several important issues.
While Council would be hurt if he were
elected at Mrs. Burns' expense, Mr. Thom-
as should not be lost to Ann Arbor. He
is Intelligent, thoughtful on problems in
the community, and not restrained by
commitment to any past Council party
He is one of the most promising candi-
dates in the current campaign, and per-
haps, with additional experience in the
city's commission structure could gain
the necessary understanding for a future
Council seat.
In the second ward:
DEAN DOUTHAT, a new Democratic
candidate, should be elected. He is the
only new figure in the Council race who
thinks in terms of effective concrete pro-
posals for a wide range of current prob-
lems. He clearly understands all major
issues, has a sound factual background,
and is intelligent and energetic enough
to move Council to action.
Douthat is not prejudiced toward any
political procedure, and has sound and
promising theories on how the University
and city could unite to bring action to
many neglected areas.
James Riecker, his opponent, lacks
sensitivity to needs. He seems to know
where community problems lie, but has
not formulated any answers of his own.
In a highly student-populated ward, he
has allowed his campaign to be directed
in a nature which marks his as anti-
While he is an intelligent and energetic
man, Mr. Riecker seems to lack the abil-
ity to get into complicated problems de-
manding immediate attention.
In the third ward:
ROBERT WEEKS, a Democrat, should
be retained. Of 'the incumbents running

for re-election, Mr. Weeks seems to have
the most influence on fellow councilmen.
He is knowledgeable and energetic, and
takes decisive action towards investigat-
ing and solving problems.
His work in high rise legislation, hu-
man relations, and public housing is ad-
mirable. As a forceful influence on Coun-
cil for progressive legislation, Mr. Weeks
is definitely worth retaining.
Donald Kenney, his opponent, is an
intelligent and energetic man, but also
fails to provide answers to existing prob-
lems on Council is facing. It is difficult
to ascertain where Mr. Kenney stands on
several issues, and it appears that he
w;-,- I - vi - ^v- nt.-m-n+, ttllf ''~

forced into action by private developers
or the University itself. Representing a
non-student ward, Dr. Pierce defends the
interests of good government, minority
groups, and the general community. He is
a creative and independent thinker who
understands Council's business: both
what it is and what it can best be.
Robert Jagitsch, his opponent, has
based much of his campaign on a war rec-
ord and a conservative philosophy. At a
time when it may take original action to
remedy grave problems, it would appear
that Mr. Jagitsch is prejudiced against
several tenable solutions. It is difficult
to determine how Mr. Jagitsch stands on
student concerns in civic affairs since he
failed to participate in the only student
candidate interview sessions this cam-
In the fifth ward:
LeROY CAPPAERT, a Democrat, should
be re-elected. He has been most concern-
ed with securing just action benefitting
often-neglected groups in the commu-
He has urged all city business be con-
ducted in public whenever possible, and
has spent much time helping individual
constituents represent themselves in busi-
ness with the community and large pri-
vate concerns. Mr. Cappaert is well-in-
formed and intelligent, and displays, an
unusual regard for just action in Coun-
Dale Boyd, his opponent, manifests
a conservative philosophy, as does his
fourth ward counterpart. He also did not
attend the SHA candidates' night.
We fear that Mr. Boyd, like Mr. Jag-
itsch, would rule out certain methods of
governmental action which could provide
much-needed solutions for current prob-
lems, such as the use of federal funds to
subsidize low-rent housing. Approach-
ing Council with such a conservative out-
look, Mr. Boyd may be pre-disposed to
denying Ann Arbor certain progressive
forms of governmental action.
we have endorsed five Democrats.
However, we have found that each has
offered a detailed and intelligent pro-
gram of leadership augmenting the strong
foundation set down in their party plat-
form. Their individual and party goals
are in the best interests of Ann Arbor.
The last Council has been one of the
most dynamic in city history. It has made
great gains in civil rights, housing, and
city planning. Much of this has been due
to the efforts of the Democrats in pro-
viding the climate and outlook necessary
for progressive legislation. They share
credit with Mayor Wendell Hulcher, a Re-
publican, and several Republican coun-
cilmen who have sought realistic reme-
dies for city problems.
The one new Democrat, Dean Douthat,
rivals all candidates-including the in-
cumbents-in potential. He is certainly
the most dominating figure in the cam-
fered to homeowners tomorrow. If they
are passed, the city would be empowered
to secure funds through bonds for road
construction and expansion and improve-
ment of recreational facilities.
The road construction proposal would
apply funds to improving several nuisance
intersections such as the one at Forest
and Washtenaw and widen and improve
existing roads.
The other proposal would empower the
community to act to censerve several
areas for recreational purposes and build
swimming pools and skating rinks. Most
candidates have endorsed these proposals
even though their passage would mean a

tax increase of approximately $1.37 per
thousand dollars.
For any student property owners, pass-
age of these bonding bills would be a
definite move toward the community's
best interests.
THE NEW COUNCIL will be unable to
escape the pressing issues studied and
debated by their predecessors. The vot-
ers' choice of councilmen will determine
how those issues are to be faced, and
students who have recently gained vot-
ing power will now be instrumental in
that decision.
We urge all students who are registered

sky, The University of Mich-
igan Press, 1964, 149 pages,
Associate Professor of Philosophy
KARL MARX. in his criticism
of the Gotha party programme,
wrote this memorable passage in
May, 1875:
"Between capitalist and com-
munist society lies the period of
the revolutionary transforma-
tion of the one into the other.
This requires a political transi-
tion stage, which can be nothing
else than the revolutionary dic-
tatorship of the proletariat."
Few expressions in human his-
tory have had greater influence
upon the lives of more people
than his cryptic phrase "dictator-
ship of the proletariat." Marx
himself made little of it; neither
did his followers place much em-
phasis upon it-until just prior to
the successful communist revolu-
tion in 1917, when Lenin pounced
upon this passage as the key to
successful advance toward the
communist objectives.
When, after the revolution
Lenin was placed in the position
of' having to manage the affairs
of a mammoth state, and at the
same time consolidate the forces
of the successful Bolshevik wing
of the revolutionary movement, he
developed a consuming need for
personal power.
THAT PASSING reference to
the dictatorship of the proletariat,
he then insisted, was the ,"essence"
of Marx's revolutionary teachings,
and the justification for his own
heavy-handed rule. So, in one
very early pronouncement of the
new revolutionary government, the
proletarian dictatorship is declar-
ed, to be and to remain in a per-
manent state of war against the
"Those who cry out about the
violence of the Communists
completely forget what dictator-
ship really is. The Revolution
itself is an act of naked force.
The word dictatorship signifies
in all languages nothing less
than government by force. The
class meaning of force is here
important, for it furnishes the
historical justification of revolu-
tionary force, It is also quite
obvious that the more difficult
the situation of the revolution
becomes, the sharper the dicta-
torship must be."
This development in the inter-
pretation of Marx culminates in
Lenin's forthright statement of
his own personal, dictatorial
power, in April, 1918. "No essen-
tial contradiction can exist be-
tween the Soviet, that is, the So-
cialist democracy, and the exercise
of dictatorial power by a single
HOW CRUEL a blow all this
was to the hopes and dreams of
many Marxists the world over is
difficult for us to realize now,
when communism and dictator-
ship have been so long and so
closely associated. But it was not
always so. The original Marxists
were mostly democrats; they took
for granted that Marxism stood
squarely for democracy-that is,
for universal suffrage, for gen-
uine representative government,
and for the effective control of
governmental policy by the masses.
Karl Kautsky was foremost
among these. Probably the most
influential German Marxist of this

century, he was the founder, and
for thirty-five years the editor
of Die Neue Zeit, the theoretical
organ of the most powerful and
well-organized Marxist party in
Western Europe, the German
Social-Democratic Party-not ac-
cidentally so named.
For him and his followers, the
conduct of the Bolsheviks in the
year following their accession to
power was a corruption and an
abomination. The Leninist dicta-
torship was defeating the true
ends of Marxism, he argued, and
showed itself to be not the pro-
letarian revolution under whose
name it operated, but instead a be-
trayal of the ideals of that revolu-
tion. The Dictatorship of the Pro-
letariat, written in August, 1918,
was a bitter, but rational cry of
protest. Marxism and dictatorship
are, he insisted, essentially anti-
"For us, therefore, Socialism
without democracy is unthink-
able. We understand by Mod-
ern Socialism not merely social
organization of production, but
demaocratic organization of so-
siety as well. Accordingly, So-
cialism is for us inseparably
connected with democracy. No
socialism without democracy."
which this powerful book is writ-
ten. It has recently been reprinted
by the University of Michigan
Press (Ann Arbor Paperbacks, No.
AA96) as one of a valuable series
in the Study of Communism and
Marxism, and deserves careful at-
tention by those who wish a clear
perspective of the character of
Marxist thought in the early dec-
ades of this century.
Kautsky knew Marx and Engels
personally; after their deaths he
became their chief literary execu-
tor, making extensive efforts to
complete the project Marx had
begun in Des Kapital. Until his
death in 1938, he was the leading
European adversary of Bolshevism
in its Leninist and Stalinist forms.
He writes clearly and with author-
ity; he should be read.
Kautsky's defense of democracy
during and after the proletarian
revolution can be reduced, for the
sake of economy, to arguments in
three categories. These categories
are: first, that the proletarian
revolution cannot succeed in prin-
ciple without genuine democracy;
second, that Marx himself intend-
ed the, revolution to be democratic,
and for the transitional period to
remain so; and third, that Lenin's
dictatorial policy proves itself to
be not the proletarian revolution
that it claims to be. I shall sketch
the arguments in each category
1) DEMOCRACY is essential to
the success of the proletarian
revolution for two basic reasons.
-That revolution can only suc-
ceed when the objective conditions
for proletarian rule have been
properly developed. Those con-
ditions are many (including the
full development of industrial
capitalism) and they include the
intellectual and psychological ma-
turity of the proletariat. This
"ripening process" can only be
achieved through democracy.
"The proletarian, class
struggle, as a struggle of the
masses, presupposes democracy.
If not absolue and pure de-
mocracy, yet so much of
democracy as is necessary to or-
ganize masses, and give them
uniform enlightenment. This

cannot be adequately done by
secret methods. A few fly sheets
cannot be a substitute for an
extensive daily Press. Masses
cannot be organized secretly,
and, above all, a secret organiza-
tion cannot be a democratic
one. It always leads to the dic-
tatorship of a single man, or a
small knot of leaders. The or-
dinary members can only be-
come instruments for carrying
out orders." (p.19)
These human conditions, Kaut-
sky argues, are now the decisive
ones; it is democracy alone that
can develop the needed political
maturity, and it is only democracy
that will exhibit the presence of
that maturity once it has been
-The proletarian revolution
could not conceivably attain its
objectives without democracy. For
what are the alternatives? Either
proletrians will command a popu-
lar majority or they will not. If
they do not, the attempt to con-
duct a "proletarian" government
will- result in forcible suppression
and exploitation of the masses.
And if they do command a
majority, they can effect the de-
sired organic changes in aipeace-
ful, orderly, an ddemocratic f ash-
ion. Kautsky quotes himself, vrit-
ing at the turn of century:
"The proletarian-democratic
method of conducting the
struggle may seem to be a slower
affair than the revolutionary
Carl Cohen is a graduate of the
University of Miami (Fla.), Uni-
versity of Illinois, and Univer-
sity of California. He is the
author of "Communism, Fasc-
ism and Democracy." His essay
"Law, Speech and Disobedience
appears in this week's Nation.
period of the middle class; it is
certainly less dramatic and
strinking, but it also exacts a
smaller measure of sacrifice ...
"This so-called peaceful method
of the class struggle, which is
confined to nonmilitant meth-
ods, parliamentarianism, strikes,
demonstrations, the press, and
similar means of pressure, will
retain its importance in every
country according to the effee-
tivesness of the democratic
institutions which prevail there,
the degree of political and eco-
nomic enlightenment, and the
self-mastery of the people.
"On these grounds, I antici-
pate that the social revolution
of the proletariat will assume
quite other forms than that of
the middle class, and that it will
be possibly to carry it ant by
peaceful economic, legal and
moral means, instead of by
physical force, in all places
where democracy has been es-
tablished." (p37)
Kautsky reaffirms this con-
clusion in The Dictatorship of the
Proletariat, and sums it up:
"The social revolution must
not, for the time being, be car-
ried out farther than the ma-
jority of the people are inclined
to go, because beyond this the
Social Revolution, desirable as
it may seem to far-seeing in-
dividuals, would not find the
necessary conditions for estab-
lishing itself permanently." (p.56)
2) Arguments in the second
category aim to show that Marx
himself did not intend the transi-
tional period to be a dictatorship
of the kind Lenin was then in the
process of creating. This fact was
to be shown in two ways:

We must note (Kautsky argues)
that Marx placed much emphasis
on the possibility-and even the
probability-that in key countries
the proletariat might peacefully
attain political power. Kautsky
quotes Marx, speaking to the final
meeting of the Congress of the
Communist International, at the
Hague, in 1872:
"The worker must one day
capture political power in order
to found the new organization
of labor . . . But we do not
assert that the way to reach this
goal is the same everywhere.
"We know that the institu-
tions, the manners and customs
of the various countries must be
considered, and we do not deny
that there are countries like
England and America, and, if I
understood your arrangements
better, I might even add Hol-
land, where the worker may
obtain his object by peaceful
OF COURSE this may not be the
case in all countries; but the
peaceful attainment of power,
Kautsky contends, entails demo-
cratic process. So Marx's own
hopes and expectations committed
him to democracy.
-It remains to explain away
Marx's passing reference to the
revolutionary "dictatorship of the
proletariat." This phrase, Kautsky
insists, was an unfortunate ex-
pression, never fully explicated,
which the Bolsheviks have deliber-
ately misinterpreted and distorted.
Marx's own work, particularly
his extensive discussion of the
Paris Commune of 1870-71, clearly
shows his deep commitment to
democracy, even during periods of
'His reference to the "dictator-
ship of the proletariat," then, must
be understood as an expression of
the need for the rule of the pro-
letarian class, not the expression
of a pattern of organization within
that class. It was, in other words,
"intended to describe a political
condition, and not a form of gov-
ernment." (p.146). Kautsky admits
that this argument by itself does
not prove that democracy is es-
sential to the proletarian revolu-
tion; it does prove that the B01-
shevik dictatorship does not have
the legitimate support of Marx's
august authority.
3) ARGUMENTS in the third
category are aimed directly at
Soviet circumstances and Soviet
practice. The conduct of the Bol-
shevik leaders provides an object
lesson in the way the proletarian
revolution should not, and cannot
be carried through.
A careful analysis of the Rus-
sian Revolution of late 1917, and
the events of the following year,
show first that the developed in-
dustrial base for a true proletarian
revolution was entirely absent in
Russian; and that the maturity of
the Russian proletariat was also
totally lacking, leading inevitably
to the assumption of autocratic
power by ruthless men.
This event, Kautsky contends,
was not and could not have been
the true rise- of the proletariat.
The scandalous abandonment of
Marxist ideals is only further
proof that the Bolsheviks have
done what every Marxist knows
must never be done they have
tried to skip essential stages in
an inexorable historical evolution.
A society, Marx said in the Pre-
face to Das Kapital, "can neither
clear by bold leaps nor remove
by legal enactments the obstacles
offered by the successive phases

of its normal development." What
are we to conclude, then, about
this unhappy state of affairs?
We conclude, says Kautsky.
that instead of being aproletar-
ian revolution it is the revolution
of the Russian bourgeoisie, in pro-
letarian guise. "What is being
enacted there now is, in fact, the
last of middle class, and not the
first of Socialist revolutions."
ON THE WHOLE the argu-
ment -of The Dictatorship of the
Proletariat is not profound, nor
does it do full justice to the sub-
tlety of Kautsky's opponents. It
is the outline of a position which
needs both analytical and empir-
ical support and refinement. Kaut-
sky must have realized that; he
was not a superficial thinker. He
is, however, caught in the trap of
Marxist ideology.
That the great Marx himself
could have been mistaken, or that
the Marxist framework of histor-
ical materialism could have been
inadequate, or that the Marxist
dialectic of revolutions could have
been too confining to do justice
to human history - such notions
seem hardly to have entered
Kautsky's head. He was an hon-
est man, and a thoughtful man,
but a narrow man, too.
This work - The Dictatorship
of the Proletariat - was the shot
heard round the Marxist world.
It began the great debate between
the so-called "orthodox" commu-
nist interpreters of Marxism, and
opposing social-democratic in-
LENIN REPLIED to it with his
nasty but influential, The Prole-
tarian Revolution and the Rene-
gade Kautsky. Kautsky responded
to him with From Democracy to
State Slavery.
The upshot was that the man
who had been the personal disci-
ple of Marx and Engels, and for
years the respected friend of Len-
in, became a "renegade" whose
views were to be abjured and ex-
irautsky himself did not expect
seriously to influence the imme-
diate course of events in Russia.
He did hope to use his prestige
and authority among all Marxists
outside Russia to prevent the pat-
terns of Leninist dictatorship from
becoming the model for future
revolutions of the proletariat,
when conditions for them were
truly ripe.
R u s s i a n developments, he
thought, evinced a .series of fatal
errors; for twenty years after the
publication of this work he reiter-
ated and reinforced this dismal
but perceptive conclusion. He
hoped, at least, that Marxists
would learn from these terrible
AOW, ALMOST half a century
after the first publication of The
Dictatorship of the Proletariat,
the possible paths of Marxist (as
well as non-Marxist) revolution-
aries are again many and distinct.
The advocates of violence and
proletarian dictatorship at one ex-
treme, and of non-violence and
democracy at theother (with in-
numerable varieties between,) now
renew their arguments, often
seeking to prove the orthodoxy of
their Marxism.
If being an orthodox Marxist is
so important to so many, it would
be well if the arguments of Karl
Kautsky, the Socialist-Democrat,
were widely understood. His posi-
tion, if narrow and rigid is at least
This is not to 'say that the Uni-

versity as a whole has turned its
face toward the future, unafraid
of change. As in any institution,
the majority of administrators are
interested in preserving their al-
ready tenuous positions and spe-
cial itnerests.
Nevertheless, there is more than
enough reason to hope for suc-
cess in the University's efforts to
grapple with its problems. The
system and the University will
change even though, as President
Hatcher said, "It is a big and
bulky ship; it plows forward at
high speedsand it will drift many
miles before its response is visi-



The New University: "Turn, Turn 1

PRESIDENT Harlan Hatcher, in
his recent lecture series at the
University of Missouri entitled
"ThePersistent Quest for Values-
What Are We Seeking?" spoke
briefly of the visions of Utopia
evoked by authors such as Paul
Goodman, which have seized the
imagination of the present gen-
eration of young people.
More important that President
Hatchers' recognition of these
ideals, however, was the implica-
tion that Utopia was well worth
considering right now, that we
can somehow link this ideal to "the
inescapably slow rhythm at the
heart of all change. We now un-
derstand better than preceding
generations the evolution of val-
ues, and how they shift in re-
sponse to the changing human sit-
At the core of this idea of the
"evolution of values" is the exist-
ence of a situation similar to the
one in which this country finds
itself today. "We are shocked to
find about us an America we nev-
er intended to create," said Hatch-
relations with the rest of the
world, there aretequally disturb-
ing developments:
"If the values which we so
willingly embrace are so self-
evident and of such critical im-
portance to the world, it re-
mains a mystery why the rest
of the world, which is not un-
intelligent, does not and has not
9n ..,,4nmzalalnau l a i

begun its re-evaluation.
As Hatcher pointed out, the
most searching re-examination of
values is being done by college-age
youth. It is they who have been
exposed most disturbingly to the
American paradox.
The educational revolution of
the space age, the explosion of
civil rights activity, the rejec-
tion of the inevitability of social
injustice, and the massive psy-
chological impact of incredible
technology all hit them at the
time when they were just begin-
ning to as ethical and moral ques-
At the same time this genera-
tion is aware of the political and
technological power that it holds,
power that can be used to solve
the problems that have confronted
them so shockingly.
THE YOUNGER generation al-
so perceives a second paradox re-
sulting from the present painful
re-evaluation. While we become
aware of our abuses and the cor-
rective measures they require, we
either waste resources on further
abuse (like the constant prepara-
tion for war which we euphemis-
tically term "defense") ornwe hes-
itate and stall in the name of
caution or the preservation of tra-
President Hatcher recognized
this paradox in his speech, and,
although he could not excuse
youth's lack of patience or un-
derstanding for the older genera-
tion, said that their rebelliousness
- . 1"An+ a"Ahl in hnfar o

The Associates
by carney and wolter
achieving the Utopia we have pos-
tulated-in other words, the spe-
cific actions that must be taken
And, significantly, this Univer-
sity may be one of the places
where sweeping change will begin.
We have already seen.here, now,
a phenomenon that is only a
dream at other schools-student
participation in many aspects of
administration, and the initiation

of changes in policy.
Admittedly we have just begun,
and the process is imperfect; ad-
ministrators still tend to re-grip
the reins when they feel students
may be making a mistake. But, as
evidence of great progress, we have
a student committee participating
in the selection of President
Hatcher's own successor.
OTHER CHANGES such as the
proposed revision in the grading
system, a new concept of counsel-
ing, greater University participa-
tion in student housing problems
and the establishment of the Res-
idential College are evidence of
this awareness of changing values
and our ability to remedy our own

Schaadt Replies on Dorms

To the Editor:
titled "Dorm Service" in yes-
terday's Daily, one correction is
In order.
My statement concerning stu-
dents being required to furnish
their own bed linen and desk
lamps was not that this is what
students are required to do at
presentbutthat this was Mich-
igan State's policy at the time my
children attended Michigan State
University some few years ago.
If you wish to make a compari-

rooms in each category such as
singles, for example.
-L. A. Schaadt
Business Manager of
Residence Halls
To the Editor:
SGC IS TO BE highly commend-
ed for its recent endorsement
of Mr. Dean Douthat for Ann Ar-
bor's City Council election this

THE NECESSITY for each and
every vote is apparent when one
learns that the Second Ward has
a mere 3,997 registered voters who
will determine the winning candi-
date and that scarcely 51 per cent
of those registered will actually
bother to vote. In other words, the
winning City Council candidate
will receive fewer votes than some
of the victors in last month's
Student Government Council race!
The message: EVERY vote counts!
Candidate Dean Douthat and
incumbent council members, Prof.



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