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December 05, 1965 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1965-12-05

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s

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Crisis Develops: Space Shortage

Where Opinions Are Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN AP.BOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints,
SUNDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT CARNEY

Kennedy in Latin America:
A Salesman, Not a Statesman

BUENOS AIRES-Senator Robert Ken-
nedy sought maximum exposure to
student audiences during his trip to South
America.
In Buenos Aires on Nov. 19, a meeting
was arranged with a selected group of 3,-
000 students. The location selected was
the Teatro San Martin-a suitable spot
for a man who aspires to be the Twen-
tieth Century's agent of social change
in South America. Surrounded by an un-
savory horde of reporters and camera-
men, Kennedy arrived for a "dialogue"
with the students.
The speech began with praise of the
glories of Argentina by mentioning all
the best names from the past, but omit-
ting any mention of the last 20 years.
Then Kennedy repeated the message
stressed in all his student speeches. "In
every country a revolution is coming,.. .
whether we will it or not. We can change
its character, but not its inevitability."
He challenged the students to not use
their education simply. to gain a secure
social 'position. Rather, they should lead
the revolution and guide it along demo-
cratic, peaceful lines, he suggested.
THE QUESTION and answer session re-
vealed how carefully the group had
been selected. Considering the popularity
of egg throwing and caustic, heckling at
such gatherings, it was amazing that a
"representative group" of university stu-
dents should not even mention Viet Nam
or asked pointed questions. In fact, at
times Kennedy had to volunteer his pol-
ished replies to questions which were not
asked.
The senator showed that he was open
to differences of opinion over such mat-
ters as the inter-American peace-keep-
ing force, and aid to dictators, but did
not attempt to resolve those differences.
He pointed out that he had expressed
opposition to the occupation of the Do-
minican Republic and drew great ap-
plause. Then he asserted the United
States was trying to create a democratic
system there now.
The session with the students, which
lasted an hour, was the longest, most ser-
ious public appearance Kennedy made
during his stay in Argentina. There were
private sessions with Argentine and
American personnel, interspersed with
mob scenes in the streets as Kennedy
made contact with his admirers.
After the buffeting of the crowds, the
private sessions must have been like giv-
ing football players a philosophy lecture
during halftime of a game.
HOW IS ONE TO REACT to Kennedy's
performance in Buenos Aires? In my
opinion, with disappointment. It may be
naive to expect anything but a political

visit from a man in his position.
On the other hand, because of Ken-
nedy's position, a different kind of trip
was possible. Only a politician with his
assured popularity can afford the luxury
of a trip devoted to learning through true
dialogue.
Yet, Kennedy seemed intent on wring-
ing away drops of publicity from his ap-
pearance to the detriment of the sup-
posed purpose.
The 20 cameramen milled around the
stage in sullen disrespect for the speak-
er and the audience. Although the tele-
vision and newsreel viewers at home had
a good close-up view of Kennedy speak-
ing, the audience could often see only the
backside of a photographer interposed on
the stage between Kennedy and the seats.
The fact that he did not obj ect to this
behavior gave the impression to the audi-
ence that the publicity was more impor-
tant than the speech.
Not that the speech was that signifi-
cant. It is hard to imagine who was to
be impressed by the first half of the talk.
The friendly majority did not need to
hear the blandishments to preserve their
favor. And surely the critics could not
have been won over by Kennedy's Outline -
Series knowledge of Argentine history.
IN FACT it is quite ironic that a man
who travels to, a country to learn about
it should spend much of his time repeat-
ing the smattering he knew when he ar-
rived.
Kennedy was wise to place himself on
the side of the inevitable revolution.
Thus, he appeared to South Americans in
sharp contrast to Johnson in the Presi-
dent's attempts to keep the lid on revo-
lutionary movements.
And the point about the importance of
political leadership by university students
after graduation deserved to be empha-
sized. But the rest of the speech could
have consisted of the recital of Kenne-
dy's open-minded views on important
topics, rather than delivering them as
impromptu "answers" to questions.
Then these areas could have been ex-
plored in more depth. As it was both the
senator and the students passed up the
chance to exchange views.
Kennedy's maneuver toward a distant
election was a wasted opportunity. As a
virtually certain presidential candidate
in the future, one would think he would
use his years as a senator for preparation
and learning. The electorate should ex-
pect this of him.
THERE IS MUCH to learn in South,
America; but Kennedy came to sell.
-JAMES SVARA
Collegiate Press Service

GEORGE GOEBEL once told the
following story about an early
morning walk home from a late
New Year's Eve party:
"I was doing real well," he said,
"coming around the last corner
and in sight of my house, not hav-
ing a bit of trouble, when all of a
sudden some clown stepped on my
fingers."
That is just about the way the
University must feel as it has sud-
denly been caught up short by the
convergence of a whole series of
factors to create what will prob-
ably be one of the University's
most serious problems over the
next five years, a severe shortage
of space.
University administrators have
done a juggling act for years with
salary problems, space needs, stu-
dent fees, Legislative intransigence
and federal largess, but it looks
like the building program can no
longer be accommodated with this
sort of bargaining and balancing.
It is ironic, for instance, that
the University, given restrictions
on various sources of building
money, has built the North Cam-
pus Center several years in ad-
vance of any real need, and is
building the University Events
Bldg. irrespective of any real need
compared to classroom and lab-
oratory needs.
AT THE SAME time construc-
tion on Medical Science II is just
now about to start, 10 years after
the building was promised by the
Legislature; and the Dental School
Bldg., needed for 20 years, is be-
ing painfully reevaluated because
of the recent receipt of bids al-
most $4 million over the estimates.
The number of aggravating fac-
tors in the present and somewhat
sudden construction crisis (though
it has been building up for some
years), blow the situation up to
major proportions.
First, the University already has
an accumulated building deficit
from the lean years of Legislative
appropriations in the late 1950's
and early 1960's, which would take

many millions to wipe out.
Second, on top of this deficit
which must be made up, the Uni-
versity's needs now are going up
exponentially as 2000 added stu-
dents a year means classrooms plus
offices for faculty, plus added li-
brary needs for both the faculty
and students plus laboratory space
for the faculty and graduate stu-
dents to do their research in,
which itself is growing even faster
than the student population.
Third, the University cannot
spend General Funds money from
the Legislature for buildings, nor
can it sell bonds for classroom and
office buildings which are sup-
posed to be paid for by the Legis-
lature's capital outlay appropria-
tion.
YET LANSING has a very re-
stricted view of what are proper
capital expenditures to cover, and
even when it has recognized a
need, it is incredibly slow in put-
ting up the money for it. And pro-
cedures are so slow that by the
time the University gets the,
money, adds some other resources
it has dug up and is ready to
build, costs have gone way up be-
yond what was planned for.
Fourth, given the high level of
national prosperity in the United
States, labor, especially skilled
construction labor, is scarce. It is
even scarcer in Southestern Mich-
igan where the auto, boom has
made itself felt in the high levels
of capital outlay by the auto com-
panies and their suppliers.
And it is scarcer still in Ann
Arbor, where the University is
growing faster than any auto com-
pany, where unprecendented num-
bers of students and faculty are
looking for housing, where non-
University research firms are also
attracted to build laboratories, and
where the city must supply them
all with schools and municipal
services.
ALL THIS IS aggravated con-
siderably by the completely ar-
chaic methods of construction still

Michigan MAD
By ROBERT JOHNSTON
used in this country and by the
unions' control over these methods
and its restrictions on the labor'
supply. This problem is shown in
the fact that one of the contribut-
ing factors to the high dental,
school bid was the contractors' ex-
pectation of a major wage boost
demand from the unions next
spring, a demand that will have
to be substantially met, given all
the shortages in labor.
While the state procrastinates
on meeting even the most urgent
of University needs, the federal
government is beginning, but just
barely, to fill up the gap. It still
adheres, however, to a philosophy
of making the receipient of its
building grants come up with a
major portion of the expenses.
For instance, the University has
been forced to commit a major
portion of its uncommitted income
in the $55 'Million Program to sup-
plementing federal construction
funds for the large library addi-
tion, one of the University's most
acute needs. And the University
had to supply $500,000 for the In-
stitute for Social Research Bldg.,
and ISR had to supply an addi-
tional $500,000 out of its own
sources of funds.
And the library, needed at least
five years ago, will probably not
be ready until 1970, since $55 M
money won't all be in until 1968,
by which time it may go through
some of the same difficulties the
dental school is in.
OTHER $55 M income, what-
ever the importance of the pro-
jects it will support, will do little
toward the central problems of
classrooms, offices and research
space for the literary college, the
architecture and design school and
the engineering college.

There is only one source of im-
mediate relief, and that remote
and fairly small, for any of these
needs. When Medical Science II is
done, an older medical building
near campus will be remodeled for
the literary college.
But a major literary college ad-
dition, the Modern Language
Bldg., is being held up, possibly
for some time, by the University's
autonomy hassle with the Legis-
lature and the state controller's
office over control of building
planning money, which recent
.legislation dictates is to be re-
leased by the controller and not
given directly to the University.
What it comes down to then is
that the University will be put-
ting 40,000 students in 1970 into
the same physical plant that it
has now, and 50,000 students in
1975 into al'most the same plant,
since it is impossible to get more
than a building a year out of the
Legislature.
With this state of affairs, it is
clear that education and research
programs are going to suffer. as
the space squeeze gets tighter and
tighter. The dental school has
been in severe straits for some
time, and now will have to make
do even longer..
IN THE LITERARY college
there will have to be even more
expedients-doubling and tripl-
ing offices; noon, evening and
Saturday classes; larger classes
farther away from the teachers'
offices; use of high cost rented
space; and so on.
Major blame must rest with the
Legislature, which, through its
parsimony, anxiety for control
over appropriations, and inability
to pass an income tax to get the
revenue in the first place, has
simply failed to meet most of the
University's building needs.
'The University isn't blameless,
however. Its planning over the
years has been almost nonexistent.
While it is brilliant in putting to-
gether resources to build build-
ings, there is no thought of using

the same approach in putting to-
gether the University's buildings
so as to get the most for the
money and make maximum use of
them.
Needs have been decided upon
haphazardly and without thorough
study of the overall problems-a
building here, a building there for
whoever yells the loudest has been
the approach. Until last year's
growth projections came out, no
one had even the foggiest notion
of how big the University as a
whole was going to be ten years
hence, which is when we should
be planning for now.
You can hire a professor in a
month, but it takes a minimum of
four years to put up a building.
The University is going to be
faced with a series of needs over
the next ten years that cannot
possibly bemet. It should first of
all take steps to get out of that
bind as fast as possible, through
thorough, integrated planning,
University-wide, coordinating real-
istic needs and expectations in
all the units.
Emergency, make-do measures
will have to suffice in the five to
ten-year interval. Once again.
though, more inter-unit study and
cooperation will have to be in-
stituted to make maximum use of
available space.
With well-regulated use of space
at home and comprehensive, long-
range planning instituted, the
University will be able to squeak
through this crisis, though many
schools are going to suffer in
quality through the worst period.
IF SUCH PLANNING cannot be
instituted quickly, and the data
collection, data sharing and ad-
ministrative cooperation intro-
duced, the University may well be
forced to 'give up some of its
cherished quality to accommodate
the students being forced upon it
and, ironically, not for lack of pro-
fessors, but for lack of a place to
put them.
Wednesday: Housing

t0

*

The United Nations: Keeping the Peace

A Riva at Michigan State

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
second of two articles . on the
United Nations.
By NEAL BRUSS
REGARDLESS of the threat to
world peace implied in strife
in any location at any time, for
the United Nations to dispatch
peace-keeping forces is a dan-
gerous move. There are subtle
conflicts between major nations
on the use of multilateral force.
and every time patrol forces are
dispatched, some members feel
the discord caused endangers the
United Nations.
Edwin Brown Firmage, assistant
professor of law at the University
of Missouri, discusses the balance
of power at the United Nations
which imposes such conditions in
a recent Wayne Law Review.
Firmage says that the official
attitude of the United States to-
ward the creation of a standing
United Nations police force was a
consequence of provisions of the
Baruch Plan of 1946 for the es-
tablishment of the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission. The
American attitude was not in
agreement with philosophies of
other World War II allies and was
in direct opposition to the attitude
of the Soviet Union.
THE MAJOR CONFLICT devel-
oped over a proposal to deprive
major powers of their veto in
the Security Council on motions
for dispatching police forces, and
the right of the Security Council
to use power to punish a great
power. The Soviets claimed such
policies were opposed to the spirit
and language of the United Na-
tions Charter.
Firmage uses as an example of
the American philosophy the three
"Uniting for Peace" resolutions
brought before the General As-
sembly at the time of the Korean
War.
The resolutions were results of
a feeling of the Western powers
at the time that United Nations
police power should be used on
both large and small aggressor
nations. The three resolutions
would have permitted the General
Assembly to petition the Security
Council for collective action
against its member nations.
If police measures were not
approved by the Security Council,
Wear
Diplomacy
IF YOU WISH to convey even to
a little Power that if it does a
certain thing you will go to war
with it, you take care not to an-
.. __... _ _ 4..- - - ."

the General Assembly could per-
mit and suggest that its member
nations individually take sanctions
against the aggressor. Also, any
two members of the Security
Council or a majority of the Gen-
eral Assembly would be empowered
to call a UN Emergency Session.
As could be expected, the Soviet
representative charged that the
Uniting for Peace resolutions were
a violation of the UN Charter.
THE POLICE FORCE contro-
versy gained recent immediate
meaning as a threat to the UN
when several nations refused to
pay peace-keeping assessments
levied by the General Assembly
for UN police operations. Con-
tributions from member nations
are necessary to back UN military
operations, and when nations do
not pay their assessments, the UN
is threatened with bankrupcy. Ob-
servers felt that several member
nations would leave the United
Nations if forced to pay for police
actions.
In 1964, international authori-
ties realized the threat and sug-
gested alternatives. In a major
policy address presented at a
Princeton University Dag Ham-
marskjold Memorial lecture, Adlai
Stevenson, the United States rep-
resentative to the United Nations,
said: "We are exploring possible
arrangements whereby the view-
points of the major powers and
contributors to the cost could be
assured of more adequate con-
sideration."
Later that same year, a Jap-
anese newspaper printed a four-
point statement made by the
Japanese government containing
"Certain Measures to Strengthen
the Effectiveness of the United
Nations in the Maintenance of
International Peace and Security."
The statement advocated the fol-
lowing:
-Creation of a military staff
command from the five permanent
members of the Security Council
as described in Article 47 of the
United Nations Charter.
-Placement of entire control of
United Nations forces in the Se-
curity Council.
-Conscription of troops only
from member nations other than
the great powers.
-Creation of a secondary re-
sponsibility category for nations
such as the Soviet Union which
refuse toassume primary respon-
sibility.
Since such nations would not be
forced to assume full responsibility
for police actions, they would not
feel forced to boycott in order to
show disapproval.
FIRMAGE FEELS that the So-
viet Union might agree to some
such reforms in order to retain
influence on some peace-keeping
decisions. The Soviets fear both
the loss of nower which would re-

Also, by cooperating in peace-
keeping efforts, Soviets could
cause a balance of power that
could effectively check Chinese
expansion in areas of local strife.
Thus, the Soviets might consider
their General Assembly vote valu-
able through a new appreciation
of its practical power.
Finally, Firmage points out, the
Soviets wish to prevent adoption
of a plan suggested by Canadian
Prime Minister Lester Pearson
creating a six-power force taken
from nations of moderate strength
under advisement and not control
of the UN.,
The Russians would find this
force of moderate nations merely
an extension of NATO. The back-
ers of the army would probably
be western moderate powers, and
the Russians would fear their in-
fluence on UN operations.
THE UNITED STATES, accord-
ing to Firmage, is willing to adopt
a revised plan. Americans felt a
need for a reliable international
police force during the Cyprus
crisis. ."Frailties of existing ma-
chinery" became obvious when the
Security Council could not pro-
vide forces until war almost broke
out between feuding powers.
Adiai Stevenson was aware of
this weakness and attempted to
assess what forces and logistic re-
sources could be counted on "at a
moment's notice." He said:
"Perhaps it is too early to con-
template a fixed United Nations
international force which would

be maintained for use for any and
all purposes-for the world's
emergencies differ one from an-
other and there could hardly be
one treatment for all bf them."
Firmage, however, develops
Stevenson's argument, asserting
that the United Nations police
force can only be effective in
incidents where a direct East-
West confrontation is not present.
He also believes that Soviet argu-
ments against General Assembly
police action have been weakened
by the "organic" evolution of the
United Nations. Examples of this
have been the expansion of the
General Assembly and the grow-
ing power of the Secretary Gen-
eral.
The developers of the UN Char-
ter could not envision the changes
in international economics, bal-
ancesofhpower, colonial holdings
and other developments that have
changed the character of the UN.
The UN, as originally conceived,
has been expanded and its char-
acter changed, and as a result
elements of its charter may be
obsolete.
But it appears that the univer-
sal nature and general purpose of
the UN is weakened when col-
lectve security action is proposed
to punish a major power. Firmage
realizes this when he says,
"If the United Nations cannot'
effectively maintain collective se-
curity action against a major
power with out seriously distorting
the universal nature of the or-
ganization, then the argument

against allowing the ' Security
Council to control the peace-
keeping functions of the UN'loses
much of its validity."
COMPROMISE appears neces-
sary for the creating of such a
force, and because of a new trend
toward awareness, the United Na-
tions may be moving toward de-
velopment of such a force.
The General Assembly recently
founded a 33-member study com-
mittee on peace keeping. In a
memorandum, Secretary U Thant
suggested reform that stated,
-If the Security Council is
blocked by veto, the General As-
sembly could request by a two-
thirds vote that the Security
Council withdraw its veto.
-All peace-keeping missions
would be directed by the Security
Council.
-No major power would, be
forced to pay for peace keeping,
but would supply funds for other
projects.
Because conditions have chang-
ed since the inception of the
United Nations, a re-examination
of policy is necessary if great
powers are to agree on a practical
UN peace-keeping mechanism.
Such a development of new atti-
tudes on the part of major na-
tions would decrease if not elim-
inate the threat to the United
Nations arising out of dichotomy
of thought on its purpose and
limitations in peace keeping.

4

EDITOR'S NOTE: Michael Kind-
man recently resigned as editorial di-
rector of the Michigan State News
in protest over censorship and news
policies. He has started a rival paper
at Michigan State, called "The Pa-
per." Here are excerpts from his edi-
torial, which appeared in the first
issue.
'THE PAPER" is the sum of its parts;
it is as good as the people who make
it. With as much modesty as the situa-
tion allows, we feel we are "better" than
our daily rival, and likely to improve
steadily as more people' on campus be-
come aware of the State News' deficien-
cies and inconsistencies.
We seek to create an organization of
unashamedly confident, critical, sincere
talent, and with it to publish a newspaper
(a magazine, if you prefer) which will be
a credit to the community from which it
emanates.
We hope to make it possible, even de-
sirable and exciting, to express on paper
intelligent thoughts about things of con-
cern to people at Michigan State Uni-
versity. We are interested in politics, in
social studies, in the arts, in creative
writing, in intelligent commentary, and
rn+n+f f all in nesntino all sies of the

OUR HIGHER LOYALTY is to the prac-
tice of imaginative, creative, thought-
ful journalism. We will not run a ma-
chine for processing copy which can run
without people.
Our plans sound ambitious, and that
is intentional. We have a loyalty to the
idealism on which the best journalism
ever practiced has been based. We hope
unabashedly to be a forum for ideas, a
center for debate, a champion of the com-
mon man, a thorn in the side of the pow-
erful.
We hope to inspire thought, to attract
good writing, to train newcomers in the
ways of the press. We hope to be all places
at once, to be all good things to all good
men, to answer before they are asked all
the questions a reader might have.
We hope never to become so sure of
our position and so unaware of our real
job that we will concentrate merely on
putting out a paper. When we publish
"The Paper" each week, we intend to
challenge our readers to consider ours a
serious publication.
AND WE INTEND to do all this in a spir-
it of editorial independence for which
there is hardly a model on this campus.
We may submit organizationally to the
in.i,.imant +-c +.' 4-p ni4 ci tr, h n h i i

The Shadow of Viet Nam

r STARE at my typewriter. It
stares back. I think of all the
good things that should be writ-
ten about: new poetry, new ar-
ticles by the Death-of-God theol-
ogians, a new folk group at the
Canterbury Coffee House.
But all of them stay in my mind.
What dominates my hands at
the keyboard is the knowledge
that the war in Viet Nam is to
grow larger, that no end appears
in sight. I hear the bombs destroy-
ing farmland. I see the ugly deaths
of Vietnamese, of Americans. I
know the cold fear of the peasant
in the fields, the high school
dropout in his trench, waiting.
Beyond all these, deep in my
mind, is the certainty that this
war, like all wars, has finally
acquired a personality and will of
its own. Its direction is beyond
the critic in the university, the
church, the community. Its jus-
tification (if any war can be jus-
tifir11 hn,.q 1nno sincebn hbnuhried

In Parenthesis
By GEORGE ABBOTT WHITE
steadily undermined by the effect
of the senseless brutality on the
American public. If the critics feel
their minds raped ,the American
public must acknowledge that it
has finally, horribly, been bludg-
eoned into indifference, accept-
ance, of this war.
How much it hurts seeing the
country you love turning into an
animal!
The churches sit on their, mon-
ey-fat haunches and preachers
safely make the Gospel "rele-
vant' 'to Christmas. Their military
counterparts "bless" the planes
and crews that carry death. The
universities, having "done their
part" by allowing teach-ins, go
back to the Ivory Tower or the
difficult huines of hustling mon-

many did
feel?"

you kill? How did it

FOR ONE pure moment, if every
American from LBJ to the little
old lady next door became in-
tensely introspective and asked
themselves "How did it feel," ask-
ed themselves whether or not the
violence of war was "winning"
Viet Nam (whatever, in God's
name, winning means), I am quite
certain the answer would be a
solid "No."
In spite of all the honeyed
words, our security depends
naught on Southeast Asia. One
has only to remember the missile
silos in Nebraska to be clear on
that. And our "honor" depends
less on our waging an absurd
war, than in helping the people
of the third world to attain the
economic paradise America now
enjoys.
We will not help those people
nor bolster our sagging honor by
destroying whole countries in the
nm.a, fnpo. anm .nA rnfl n- a

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