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October 30, 1965 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1965-10-30

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I

4 Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD, IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Over-Discussed Universities: More

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NEws PHONE: 764-0552

ditorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.

DAY, OCTOBER 30, 1965

NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT CARNEY

If Rhodesia Declares .Independence
The UN Should Take Action

A UNILATERAL declaration of Inde-
pendence by Rhodesia seems now to be
only hours away. Events in that African
natio of 4 million blacks ruled by 172,000
whites are rapidly moving toward a cli-
max, one that may have grave conse-
quences for much of Africa as well as
the British Commonwealth.
British Prime Minister Harold Wilson
last night concluded talks with Rhodesian
Prime Minister Ian Smith's white-su-
premacist government. Wilson's sudden
trip to Salisbury, the Rhodesian capital,
Tepresented a last-minute attempt to
stave off a UDI by Smith's government.
Wilson has demanded that Smith pr-
vide a timetable for movement toward
eventual leadership by the nation's na-
tive population, but Smith was elected 18
months ago on a pledge of "no African
rule in my lifetime.":.
RHODESIA is a prosperous land with
many natural resouices and a high
standard of living - for whites. Large
homes boast swimming pools, lavish fur-
nishings and the latest goods and appli-
ances-for whites only. The average in-
come for whites is $3500 per year, which
buys a great deal in Salisbury's low-priced
stores. The average African yearly in-
come is only about $350.
There are, approximatly one million
voting-age Africans, but there are only
$0,000 on the voting rolls. Only 15 of the
60 members of Parliament are Africans
and a plan is in the works to transfer
black representation to a docile band of
native chiefs who are viewed as "Uncle
Toms" by leaders of the Black Nationalist
movement.
In land apportionment, the Africans,
who constitute 95 per cent of the popula-
tion, are restricted to 50 per cent of the
available acreage, and even that is the
least desirable land. In education, the
average expenditure for white students
is 20 times the amount spent to educate
the Africans.
The Africans are forbidden to live in
the cities or anywhere near the whites.
They have been herded together into
housing complexes at least seven miles
away from major cities. Although the
housing is clean and sturdy by African
standards, it is vastly inferior to housing
provided for even the poorest whites.
MOST RHODESIAN whites are postwar
immigrants, formerly members of the
lower middle class in Britain, now living
resplendently in an economy which is the
envy of even the upper-middle economic
class in London.
Prime Minister Smith's government
operates on three bsic principles: -
-That the African population is hope-
lessly primitive, impossible to educate,
and thus has no right to rule over its
own territory.
-That the country's booming $150 mil-
lion-a-year economy has been created by
white enterprise and, therefore, the
whites have a preponderant claim to
nearly all the prof its.
-That the white man's burden is an
archaic concept, and that the Africans
can expect no privilege and hardly any
Happy
' Pp
Mistake
T LOOKS LIKE the University made a
little error.
Instead of falling to 25.8 per cent as
it should have, the ratio of out-of-state

students at the University rose from last
year's figure .of 27 per cent to this year's
27.2 per cent.
As Vice-President for Academic Affairs
Allan Smith explained, the increase
wasn't intentional. All that happened
was that more out-of-state students, who
had attended the University last fall, re-
turned than had been expected.
THE UNIVERSITY'S out-of-state ratio
should be at least stabilized, if not
raised somewhat. A higher educational
level and a much more cosmopolitan air
are among the vital contributions out-of-
state students make to the University.

share in the nation's vast wealth "until
they raise themselves by their own boot-
straps to European standards."
These principles formed the essence of
Smith's election campaign, and are also
the principles by which he rules today.
A unilateral declaration of independence,
it is feared, could set off seething resent-
ment and discontent among the Africans
and therefore result in a civil war with
t'ace pitted against race. The conflict
could also extend to neighboring nations
such as Zambia and Malawi, former Brit-
ish colonies as part of the Federation of
Rhodesia and Nyasaland but now ruled by
governments composed of native leaders.
Rhodesia, Zambia and Malawi are eco-
nomically interdependent. Smith's gov-
ernment has threatened to cut off the
railroad transport and electric power sup-
ply upon which the Zambian copper in-
dustry depends if the British impose eco-
nomic sanctions on Rhodesia following a
unilateral declaration of independence.
Wilson, on the other hand, has threaten-
ed a total embargo on oil supplies to land-
locked Rhodesia if Smith goes through
with a UDI. Wilson has reportedly also
promised Zambia a Berlin-type airlift if
Rhodesia issues economic reprisals against
Zambia. The United States may partici-
pate in sch an airlift.
THUS, A RHODESIAN declaration of in-
dependence would have worldwide
repercussions which may rival the recur-
rent crises over problems in the Congo
during the past five years.
'White Rhodesians contend that the na-
tives in their country are well off com-
pared to other black Africans. An official
government pamphlet 'contends that the
nations governed by black natives are
"degenerating into Fascist slums propped
up by international doles."
If Rhodesia unilaterally declares inde-
pendence from Britain, it will be the first
time a British colony has so acted since
1776, the year of American independence.
This does not faze Smith, who is count-
ing on support from Portugal and South
Africa and fears no intervention from
militarily weak black neighbors to the
north.
Britain's precarious economy and the
stability of the pound may be seriously
affected if drastic action is necessary,
against Rhodesia. Thus, Smith has his
doubts that the British would actually
impose a blockade on his country. Smith
also has -been persuaded that the U.S.
will not act because of large American
investments in Rhodesia, which supplies
50 per cent of the U.S. supply of chrom-
ium ore.
Furthermore, Smith feels that interna-
tional opposition to his regime, which was
censured in the UN by a 107-2 vote, will
crumble if the British fail to act. The
Rhodesian prime minister foresees an
international race for commercial advan-
tage following a declaration of inde-
pendence.
The totalitarian, police-state methods
of Smith's government are well known
and are surpassed only by the apartheid
policies of South Africa's white-suprema-
cist prime minister, Hendrik Verwoerd.
THE COMMUNITY of nations must trake
action if Rhodesia flouts internation-
al opinion and sets up an independent,
white-ruled regime. An emergency meet-
ing of the United Nations should be con-
vened immediately to make clear to Smith
that nearly all the world's peoples and
governments are opposed to his regime
and the racist principles by which he
governs. If necessary, some kind of UN
presence in Rhodesia might be necessary
to forestall violence between the Euro-

pean settlers and the native population.
Eventually, it will be necessary for the
Rhodesian government and the white mi-
nority to recognize certain facts of poli-
tical life--that the black majority must
be educated and prepared for self-govern-
ment as soon as possible. Such a pro-
gram for eventual native rule has long
been proposed by Britain without any re-
sponse from Smith's government. Every
feasible form of pressure must now be
brought to bear upon Rhodesia to move
toward twentieth-century concepts of,
equality and emancipation.

THE NOVEMBER Atlantic de-
votes 54 pages to "The Trou-
bled Campus," but- doesn't quite
pull it off.
The American university-is rap-
idly becoming the most over-stud-
ied and over-discussed social in-
stitution around. Predictably, how-
ever, little of importance has been
said, and less has been done;
and the patient, tired corps after
corps of doctors and advisors en-
gaging in ceaseless examination
and consultation among them-
selves, is wishing it could holler
STOP!
But even if it could, and did, it
probably wouldn't help. Students
agitate. Faculty cogitate. Legis-
lators probe. Alumni react. Ad-
ministrators vacillate. The masses
utter. The federal government
sends money (like CARE). For-
eign governments send students.
Liberal magazines decry. Con-
servative magazines decry. Middle-
of-the-road magazines fill them-
selves with thoughtful, thorough
but empty discussions.
MEANWHILE, the university
has, in a sense, been betrayed.
The appointment custodian of
learning since the decline of the
church, it is a victim of too much
success. Suddenly learning has be-
come relevant. Suddenly the per-
ceived fruits of investment in the
production and distribution of
knowledge correlate ever-so-nicely
with commonly-held goals in our
society. I
Harnessed to the social machine,
the university produces more
horsepower than Ford's factories
ever did. And it does it cheaply,
efficiently-compared to the old-
fashioned industries.
Whatever committee designed
the California system of higher
education (and even I don't blame
Clark Kerr for that), now being
copied in New York, will one day

be dubbed the Henry Ford of the
new age. The production and dis-
tribution of talented people.
Howard Mumford Jones dis-
courses on "The Meaning of a
University" in the Atlantic. He of-
fers a well-articulated description
of what will never be again. He
traces the historical growth of the
problem of definition. He speaks
of the great, traditional republic
of learning and of the rights, du-
ties and responsibilities of the stu-
dent therein.
BUT HIS REPUBLIC has been
overwhelmed. Surely he must real-
ize that by clinging stubbornly to
this vision of what is past, he
loses his chance to have a say
in what the replacement will be.
His university, the custodian of
learning, is being swept away in a
tidal wave of public interest- (one
hesitates to use the word greed,
but it is partially applicable).
And the traditionalist, strangely
ignorant of his own newly-ac-
quired value and importance, has
as good a chance of preserving his
institution untouched as a bank
owner who offers free money dur-
ing a Manhattan noon hour.
LEARNING IS MONEY. Ask
Thomas Watson at IBM, or the
heads of the oil companies' re-
search teams, or the "think tank"
captains in Los Angeles if you
don't believe it. They can tell you
in dollars and cents how much
every year of learning their em-
ployes have acquired is worth.
Learning was translated into
power in the crucible of World
War II. The nation's universities
plugged into programs of tech-.
nological development of sea, air
and land vehicles, of weapons sys-
tems (there were only weapons be-
fore the War, no systems), of con-
trol and monitoring systems, and
of the Bomb.

Michigan MAD
By ROBERT JOHNSTON
It was only a small step from'
the equating of learning with pow-
er to harnessing it to money, mak,
ing it 'good for economic power.
And, as learning has become in-
creasingly valuable, it has, through
its relative ascendency, put more
and more into the shade the other
means of economic advantage and
social advancement.
The first waves of immigrants
to America established themselves
as farmers and small townsmen,
and eventually put together some-
thing of an aristocracy on this
base. Later waves of immigrants
poured into factories and became
the labor base of the industrial
revolution and went on to become
its captains.
NOW WE ARE face to face with
the Negro, who demands an en-,
trance to society. The only way is
through education. Yet even as the
other doors are closing, the value
of this one has become such that
the established classes want it
first, both to protect and to im-
prove their positions. And there
is only so much to go around.'
Nobody wanted the dirty jobs
of the industrial revolution, but
they paid-they were a start -
and the capitalists were only too
glad to, employ, and exploit, all
those they could. But everybody
wants learning, and those who'
can pay are going to get it first.
It is a compelling paradox.
NOW, PERHAPS, we can begin
to tie these two patterns of
thought together. The universities
need a new ideology, a new set of

beliefs and dogmas and goals and
ways of doing things. The pres-
ent ivory tower ideal is simply in-
compatible with the goals and
pressures and demands of the sur-
rounding society.
The first tenet of the new ideol-
ogy can be the necessity of a'
solution to the Negro problem.
The universities, using idealistic
students and supposedly idealistic
faculty, can undertake to infuse
massive doses of valuable learning
into the Negro population rather
than the middle class, from the
bottom up.
This can be done by plugging
in a second tenet of the new ideol-
ogy-this one thought up by stu-
dents-"participatory democracy."
Irving Kristol (in "What's Bug-
ging the Students" in the Atlan-
tic) denigrates this pattern of stu-
dent participating, equating it
with Russian populism.
But again, the control of the
only means of entrance to the es-
tablished society is with those
already well-established in it, and
they want it for themselves. So,
unless you are participating, you
get shut out.
The hope then is to set up the
system so that the universities
exert their control over learning
to remove some of the bias in its
distribution. Establish new cultur-
al norms that will force graduates
to spend several years teaching
in the slums before they go on
to earn their fancy upper middle
class salaries.,
The universities can also exert
efforts, and considerable ones will
be required, which makes it all
the more important, to bring Ne-
groes into the learning processes.
,SKIMMING through those 54
pages in the Atlantic one can pick
up other components that could
well be fitted into the new ideal-
ogy.

-A campaign to unorganize
America might be linked with one
to abolish middle class boredom;
-A program to introduce san-
ity and humanity and reason into
international affairs can be link-
ed with an as yet unarticulated
philosophy on how such affairs
are to be conducted in the future;
--All of these hopes and pro-
grams will have to be reconciled
with the emerging ambitions and
vested interests of various fac-
ulty types (discussed in the At-
lantic in "Beleaguered Professors"
by Irving Howe), the research
magnate (tied to Washington), the
academic entrepreneur (tied to
whatever is locally expedient), the
campus org-man (tied to greater
institutional glory) and the schol-
ar, perish the thought (tied to
tradition);
-The present functions of the
production and distribution of
knowledge and the production of
distribution of talented people
must be fitted in somewhere, or
the constituencies these processes
serve satisfied elsewhere.
-The urban attraction of places
like Berkeley and Michigan (no-
body wants to go to Riverside, as
Kerr will point out) must be
brought into harmony with the
concept of community so dear to
the traditional scholars and the
non-Establishment liberals, if only
to make life livable.
WE WOULD DO WELL to turn
the universities on their head,, get
the worms out of the woodwork
and rebuild them as faculty, stu-
dents and university leaders would
have them rebuilt, to accomplish
their goals, and have them recon-
ciled with an insistent society, not
swept away.
Learning is power. Universities
might well learn how to exercise
it in the interests of what they
believe in.

*

"I'm Still Bothered By One I Had Over A Year Ago"
71
WT *I-

A Couple of.Accidents

By PETER R. SARASOHN
LAST WEEK I witnessed two
death scenes.
The first was of a fly. This
wasn't an ordinary fly since it
lived in my apartment. It tortured
me for a week, buzzing everytime
I tried to do any homework. I
was slowly going insane because
of that damn fly and was about
to summon all my available energy
and demolish that fly, for good-
but something happened that did
the job for me.
One evening as I attempted to
solve some economics problems,
the buzzing took on an entirely'
new tone. It was much louder and
more frantic than the usual drone
of the last week.-
I LOOKED AROUND the room
trying to locate the fly. Suddenly,
I noticed its shadows dancing
around in the bowl of the light
above. It must have been attracted
by the light and had flown down
between the 100 watt bulb and the
surrounding ,bowl.
It struggled to find a way out
of its horrible trap. 'Inside the
bowl the temperature must have
been at least 200 degrees. It was
evident from his motions that
the fly knew it also. It was suf-
fering a horrible death-at least,

as horrible a death as a fly can
suffer.
I walked under 1 the light and
climbed up on a chair to look
down inside the bowl. I could see
the fly down in the bottom, flying
back and forth, banging into the
sides, falling to the base of the
bowl and then beginning the rit-
ual over again.
IT REMINDED ME of tribal
death irtuals that I saw once in
a movie where the girl to be sac-
rificed is bitten by poisonous
snakes and then dances around a
fire until she drops dead-the
longer she dances the more honor
is bestowed on thefamily.
I poked my pencil down into
push the fly out, but I saw im-
mediately it was impossible. I
watched helplessly as the fly fin-
ally lay on the bottom of the'
bowl-buzzing F very quietly. Then
the buzzing stopped and all was
quiet.
The fly lay there motionless,
baking. What was two minutes ago
a happy, healthy and active fly
was no more. But it was just a_
fly and of no consequence any-
how.
AND THEN last Tuesday night,
a buddy and I bored with study-
ing went out to get a bite to-eat.

A fire ergine passed' up with its
siren going full blast and, feel-
ing adventurous, we followed it.
It led us to a car, and a sight
I won't ever forget. A 'car driven
by two 19-year-old boys had ram-
med the rear of a truck and had
been set on. fire. The back seat
had been occupied by four half-
kegs of beer which from the im-
pact of the crash had flown for-
ward and pinned the boys to the
dashboard.
The'firemen, policemen and am-
bulance doctors stood by and were
watching when we arrived. By the
time the first police had arrived
the car was already flaming and
the boys inside had been burned
to death.
THE CAR' DOOR had been
forced slightly open by the crash
and the attempts of the truck
driver to save the two boys. We
could see the charred bodies which
remained in the same position as
immediately following the crash
-pressed between the kegs and
the dashboard. One of their arms
was hanging out of the door, al-
most pleading for help.
Two boys and a fly died horrible
deaths last week and who knows
about it or even cares about it. It
does, however, make you feel kind
of insignificant.

The Progressive Democrats Must Vote for Lindsay

IF THE best interests of the city
of New York were apparent to
the voters, there would be no
question but that John Lindsay
would win the mayoralty in a
landslide. The choice is entirely
between him and Abraham Beame.
William Buckley is not really a
candidate for mayor.
On the merits, on which of the
two men is the more likely to
make a beginning of good gov-
ernment in New York, the ques-
tion is easily answered.
Beame's support comes from the
very Democratic politicians with
whom the enlightened and pro-
gressive Democrats of New York
City have been at war for a gen-
eration. By habit, experience and
point of view, he is the perfect
representative of the city machine
which, in New York and in other
cities, has been failing to make
our big cities fit for our urbanized
society.
This is no claim that Lindsay
is a miracle worker and a super-
man. It is quite enough to say
that he comes from a new genera-
They're
As Free
As Us.
THE (BRITISH) Home Office
has done it again. Not content

Todlay
Tomorrow
By, WALTER LIPPMANN
tion of educated and public-spirit-
ed men which is alert to and
aware of what will have to be done
if a big city like New York is to
be made livable and decent.
IT IS by no means improbable
that in the end the voters of New.
York will act upon their first and
most important interest-the wel-
fare of the city. But the voters
are being distracted by politicians,
each of whom has his axe to grind.
There is to begin with the Ken-
nedy interest in New York which,
while exploiting the shining leg-
end of John F. Kennedy, has in
fact sunk its political base in the
old New York Democratic na-
chine. Then there are the ad-
ministration Democrats who dare
not fail to provettheir party regu-
larity because their minds are
fixed not on New York City, but
on Presidential politics in the
years to come.
Most important of all, and cri-
tical in this particular election,
are the progressive Democrats in
New York. They are in the tra-
dition of Franklin and Eleanor
Roosevelt, Al Smith and Berbert
Lehman. The candidate of these
progressive Democrats was de-

IF THE progressive Demo-
crats do this, the Buckley cam-
paign wills be no more than an
ugly sidespow. If, on the other
hand, the progressive Democrats
desert their principles, the elec-
tion returns may show that Buck-
ley, who represents the Gold-
water faction, contrived the de-
feat of a Republican.
He represents the faction which
captured the Republican Party in
1964, and he has now shown that
he is determined to wreck the
party in order to rule the wreck-
age. For np one can pretend that
the Republican Party under Gold-
water and Buckley is anything
but a weak minority.
Because there is in Buckley a
strong streak of fanaticism, he
would rather rule the wreckage
than try to win an election. There
is no real precedent in American
politics for the kind of wrecking
operation that Buckley is con-
ducting.
There is in his performance not

a scintilla of interest in the good
government of the city of New
York. Buckley's paramount and
sole objective is to prove that no
Republican, even the most attrac-
tive and highly qualified Repub-
lican, can be elected unless he has
surrendered to the Goldwater fac-
tion. This is a most serious assault
on the integrity and on the in-
dependence of the Republican
Party, and dealing with it will
preoccupy Republicans for . a long
time to come.
THE KEY to the election, both
from the point of view of the in-
terests of New York City and of
the interests of the Republican
Party, is in the hands of the pro-
gressive Democrats. If they do
not stand up straight, if they bow
their heads, hold their noses and
meekly refuse to be as independent
as they have always asked others
to be, they will have a stain on
their consciences which they will
not soon be able to wipe off.
(c) 1965, The Washington Post Co.

REP. JOHN V. LINDSAY

Schutzehs Corner: Infiltration
Among The Revolutionariesc

'Dear Atty. Gen. Katzenbach:
YOU ARE MISTAKEN in believ-
ing Students for a Democratic
Society to be a Communist-front
group. The fact is that SDS has

cuse another
attempted to
father when
member with

member of having
throw a hex on his
he threatened the
a haircut.

ization? One spokesman for the
clandestine clan explained that
"We need a lobbying body just
like anybody else. Our rights are
being violated. Our best fortune-
teller had his crystal ball con-

THE GYPSY BOSSES of SDS

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