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October 15, 1965 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1965-10-15

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

, I

C, 4r Alr4toan Balty

.t

Inuon esia- The US. Gets a chance

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Where Opinions Are Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN AROR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: LEONARD PRATT
The Regents Must Allow Students
To Act for Their Own Welfare

HE REGENTS at their October 22nd
meeting definitely should rescind the
1929 ruling which forbids the University
to encour'age or aid the establishment
of cooperative mercantile organizations.
Reversing the ruling would make possi-
ble the establishment of University-
sponsored projects-similar to those in
other schools in this state - benefiting
students' economic welfare in many areas,
such as housing and bookstores.
Changing the ruling would not imply
approval of the idea of a discount book-
'store. It would mean that a number of
possible projects, including a bookstore,
could be considered and established if
proven economically helpful to students.
In fact, the present aim of the student
ad hoc committee-a discount bookstore
which would offer a 10 per cent discount
on texts-would not be in the best eco-
nomic interests of the general student
body.
ACCORDING TO STATEMENTS made
yesterday by John Feldkamp, assist-
ant to the vice-president for student af-
fairs, it would be impossible for such a
bookstore to support itself.
Feldkamp pointed out that with the
small net profit of two to three per cent
received from texts sold at list prices, a
10 per cent discount on list prices would
force a bookstore to rely on University
subsidies to balance its books.
University-operated bookstores at oth-
er schools in this state either have subsi-
dies or offer no discount.
Subsidies for a discount bookstore would
possibly be allocated from student fees,
which means the students would ulti-
mately be paying back the marginal $10
or $12 each managed to save per year on
books. Or funds would come fron the
monies of the general fund, which means
students would still be paying indirectly
for the bookstore, since less money would
then be allocated from the fund for such

areas as teaching salaries and instruc-
tional equipment.
While all students would thus be fi-
nancially supporting a discount bookstore,
only a few would reap its benefits. It
would be impossible for one University
bookstore to serve all the students; most
would be forced to buy their books from
Ann Arbor merchants at list prices.
The economic welfare of most students
would be harmed not only by having to
pay for texts at regular list prices but
also by having to pay for a discount
available to a few students.
INSTEAD OF ASKING for a discount
bookstore which would at best serve
students inequitably, if at all, students
might better consider alternate plans for
a bookstore and also investigate the pos-
sibilities of University-sponsored projects
in other areas, such as housing.
A bookstore set up along the lines of
those at Western Michigan and Michigan
State Universities-subsidized by the uni-
versity but offering no discount-might
succeed.
It might take quite a while for the
small amount of profits to pay for the
grant necessary to initially equip the
bookstore. But, once this were accom-
plished, the two to three per cent profit
could be placed in the general fund, thus
indirectly benefiting students by provid-
ing more money for teaching salaries
and classroom buildings.
BUT ALL THIS DISCUSSION is mean-
ingless unless the Regents rescind the
1929 ruling. They must not confuse this
action with the approval of present stu-
dent requests for a discount bookstore but
must understand that repeal of the ruling
would recognize the need for the Univer-
sity to look out for the total economic
welfare of its students.
-SHIRLEY ROSICK

By LEONARD PRATT
"PRESIDENT SUKARNO can
still say 'to hell with the Unit-
ed States and to hell with China',"
a high Indonesian official said
Wednesday, according to The New
York Times. Whether or not this
is true, the obvious conclusion
of the last several days' events
in Indonesia is that he cannot
say to hell with his army.
Sukarno's power always rested
on his ability to play off Indo-
nesia's two key power blocs, the
army and the Communist party.
This was an arrangement which
stems from Sukarno's original role
as the coordinator of Indonesia's
fight for independence.
He proved an able revolution-
ary, but like so many able revo-
lutionaries, found himself hard put
to govern his country unassisted
once he had rid it of foreigners.
To counteractathis, he used his
immense popularity with the peo-
ple to his advantage.
To do this, he created the pre-
carious balance between right and
left on which hisbgovernment rest-
ed. for so many years. It was an
arrangement profitable to all three
of its parties: it gave Sukarno
control of the country, and assur-
ed the right and the left that
neither one would be removed by
its opponent so long as Sukarno
remained in power.
ALL THIS WORKED quite well

until the last year or so. Su-
karno then began finding his in-
terests coinciding more and more
with those of the Chinese Com-
munists. His foreign relations,
policy statements and internal en-
couragement to the Indonesian
Communist party all testified to
this coincidence.
The problem was of course that
by encouraging the Chinese and
their Indonesian agents, Sukarno
inevitably was forced to begin rel-
egating the army to second place
in his coalition. The army's re-
ported resentment of the CP's in-
creased influence is mute testi-
mony to Sukarno's mistake in try-
ing to play favorites in a coali-
tion.
Three weeks ago, when the Com-
munists grabbed for power, the ar-
my wasn't so mute. It may be
years before anyone really knows
what motivated the Communist
move.
Usual Chinese caution in for-
eign affairs tends to suggest that
the move was primarily a mistake
made by a left-leaning junior ar-
my officer, Lt. Col. Untung.
But whatever the cause of the
uprising, the army was quick to
see that its power was threatened
by a potential Communist coup.
Its predictable reaction was to
strike back at the Communists
with a speed and unanimity be-
speaking a powerful and fright-
ened force.

THROUGH ALL THIS Sukarno
retained one thing which both
the army and the Communist par-
ty lacked, and which the army was
quick to capitalize on: his im-
mense popularity with the people.
The army made sure that all its
actions against the Communists
were announced to have been tak-
en on Sukarno's behalf, so that
great numbers of the people were
turned against Indonesia's left.
When thegsmoke cleared, the
army, through its control of the
communications media, was able
to take advantage of what must
have been an immeasurably dis-
illusioned Sukarno. His Commu-
nist "allies" had attacked - him,
and he had been rescued by his
rightist "enemies."
What has happened since the
shift between "allies" and "ene-
mies" has many important impli-
cations for the future of both
Indonesia and the United States'
affairs in Southeast Asia.
This is because, from all indi-
cations, the power shift combined
with Sukarno's loss of control over
his coalition, has put the army,
and the army alone, firmly in con-
trol of Indonesia.
The first of these indications
was that army officials, not Su-
karno, made most of the an-
nouncements regarding the at-
tempted coup. Sukarno's state-
ments were conspicuously confin-

ed to generous platitudes about
how he was in "complete control"
of the country.
IF SUKARNO'S statements were
hints, the announcement Wednes-
day that a non-Chinese Commu-
nist party was about to be formed
in Indonesia was a confirmation.
In the first place, Sukarno him-
self did not make the announce-
ment as one would suspect he
would have normally. The state-
ment was made by a "highly-
placed government source" who
could not be identified.
The all but certain conclusion
is that the new Communist party
will be greatly, if not entirely, in-
fluenced by the military. But
whatever the precise status of In-
donesia 's "new" party, it is ob-
vious that Peking's influence will
be the last thing Sukarno will be
concerning himself with. It is far
more likely that he will be more
and more concerned with the ar-
my that so far seems to be run-
ning the show.
For even if the army has not
been able to reduce Sukarno to the
status of a complete puppet, it
certainly must have impressed it-
self upon him as the major force
in Indonesia today. Sukarno's
eventual fall from real power,
whether or not he remains an
Indonesian figurehead for any
length of time; thus seems assur-
ed.

THE COMMUNIST party must
still retain a great deal of influ-
ence with the Indonesian people.
but the implications for an Amer-
ican foreign policy based on the
short-range assui ption of mili-
tary control of Indonesia are
many.
Basically the situation presents
a great chance for the U.S. to
begin an attempt to reverse its
fortunes in that area. This is not
to say the government should sell
out to the Indonesian military, but
it does mean that diplomatic and
trade relations with that country
can be returned to some sem-
blance of normalcy in a relative-
ly short time; suddenly, the U.S.
is not dealing with a Communist-
aligned nation, and there is no
reason for the government to con-
tinue acting as if it were.
Following the implementation
of more improved relationgsbe-
tween the U.S. and Indonesia,
there may then be time to use our
influence to raise that country's
social system economically and po-
litically so that it no longer of-
fers the potential for Chinese ad-
vances which it has recently pro-
vided.
WHAT IS IMPORTANT now is
that the government realize that
things have in fact changed hands
in Indonesia, and that forces are
now in power which are much
more likely to respond favorably
to U.S. advances.

4*
*

A Discussion of Conservative Beliefs

Aid to Church Schools?

HE VATICAN Ecumenical Council's re-
cent statement calling for more aid to
parochial schools brings to the public eye
once again a frequently debated issue.
The Council's position should be rejected
unless state and church officials can
reach a workable compromise on the
manner of education in parochial schools.
The Council's provision said that sub-
sidies should be distributed so that all
children benefit from the best possible
education and then criticized civil so-
ciety for running an educational monop-
oly.
These criticisms are not justified. Each
state attempts to ensure that the maxi-
mum number of students will receive a
sound, educational background in such
subjects as English, history, mathemat-
ics and science.
Funds are issued to public schools in
the hope that objective instruction will
be given and teachers hired who can
A Victory
For Apathy
'IERE IS ANOTHER group being form-
ed at the University-this time to pro-
test picketing of any kind for anything.
The.basicobstacle to such an organiza-
tion is how to demonstrate. One sugges-
tion has been not to.
What a perfect haven for the few apa-
thy-leaguers left in town.
-PETER R. SARASOHN
Editorial Staff
ROBERT JOHNSTON, Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM JEFFREY GOODMANT
Managing Editor Editorial Director
JUDITH FIELDS ................ Personnel Director
LAUREN BAHR........... Associate Managing Editor
JUDITH WARREN ........ Assistant Managing Editor
ROBERT HIPPLER .......Associate Editorial Director
G3AIL BLUMBERG .... ..... ..... . . Magazine Editor
LLOYD GRAFF................ Acting Sports Editor
-Tntr %Pmvt :.ant^1n ~nTPA

maintain a fair amount of objectivity.
OFTEN IN a parochial school, church
doctrines are emphasized in subjects
which should be given a more seculariz-
ed treatment-specifically, English and
history. Students in many cases do not
fully receive the more well-rounded edu-
cation offered in a school which is not
religiously oriented.
There is, however, a tremendous need
for increased funds for parochial schools.
The number of children attending paro-
chial school, according to the New York
Times, has increased drastically in the
last 25 years. Between 1940 and 1963,
there was a 129 per cent increase in their
number of pupils.
Fifty students are often taught in one
classroom. Two-thirds of the schools have
had to raise their tuitions recently to
meet the influx of students.
Also, the number of nuns (who do not
have to be paid) has decreased. While the
cost of supporting a nun for a year is only
$800, parochial schools finds it difficult
to pay the average salary of a regular
teacher, $5000.
The primary issue, then, is how all stu-
dents, regardless of religion, can receive
an education of the same high quality.
'THE ANSWER to the problem is this-
more state funds should be provided
parochial schools under the condition that
academic subjects receive fair, objective
treatment.
This probably would require the use of
generally the same textbooks as those of
the public schools and the hiring of some
regular teachers along with nuns and
priests.
The Ecumenical Council's proposal in-
cluded a statement saying that subsidies
should be distributed in such a way that
parents may choose for their children the
schools they want them to attend.
Both the goals of the Church and the
educational goals of the state would be
met by assuring a comparable well-
rounded education for children in paro-
chial and public schools.

To the Editor:
AS CHAIRMAN of the local
Young Americans for Freedom
chapter, I would like to congratu-
late The Daily and Miss Charlotte
Wolter for an intelligent and well-
researched article about the stu-
dent right. I was happy to see
that for once someone was able
to offer an article which steered
away from name-calling and out-
right condemnation which char-
acterizes so much writing about
the right.
Yet despite the extensive study
which went into the article, I be-
lieve that Miss Wolter failed to
comprehend some of the bases of
the conservative philosophy. This
is not surprising since so few peo-
ple are exposed to responsible con-
servative ideas and there is no
single source for them. (We have
no Daily to serve as a forum for
our ideas.)
The most important idea which
you seemed to misunderstand was
the basis of the alienation be-
tween the right and left over tac-
tics. You implied that conserva-
tives were opposed to nonviolence
and civil disobedience yet were
willing to use it to further their
own purposes.
The reason for this confusion is
your failure to distinguish between
nonviolence and civil disobedience.
As I understand the apparent
leftist rationality at the moment,
it seems to hold that if you be-
lieve a law or rule is morally un-
just, it is your duty to actively
violate this law so as to draw at-
tention to it.aThis apparently in-
cludes burning draft cards, block-
ing troop trains, lying on busy
streets and in general preventing
the orderly operation of the law
to which you are opposed.
Also, when someone tries to en-
force this law, the blame is some-
how placed upon him for enforc-
ing an "immoral law." This is the
sort of activity which I would de-
fine as civil disobedience - the
disruption of law and order for a
stated purpose.
THE PROBLEM which this con-
cept presents is obvious-it places
no limit on which laws are con-
sidered immoral or who is justi-
fied in using this tactic. I wonder
how the "open-minded" propon-
ents of civil disobedience would
react if conservatives started
burning their social security cards,
blocking mail trucks delivering
federal grants, lying in front of
urban renewal bulldozers or pre-
venting the orderly operation of
federal subsidy programs-for I
can say truthfully that there is
no conservative who does not con-
sider such laws to be "immoral."
As you can see, if both sides used
tactics of civil disobedience, our
entire democratic system of dis-
cussion and compromise would dis-
integrate.
Further, the purpose of civil dis-
obedience seems to be to gain
sympathy for a cause by creating
some sort of violent incident. What
seems to count is not the pro-
test, but getting your opponents
so mad that they make fools of
themselves. Yet if a cause is so
weak that it needs to create ar-
tificialtsympathy before it can suc-
ceed, it does not say much for the
cause. The emotion aroused in
such situations does nothing but
cloud the issues and prevent
a clear discussion of the pros and
cons of the problem.
In contrast to civil disobedience
I would place the various forms
of nonviolent protest, including
picketing, "teach-ins," and the
like. Such protests call attention

of the powers of final decision and
enactment of laws. These powers
should rightfully belong only to
the duly elected and authorized
bodies whose power it is to enact
law.
Yet to deny any individual or
group the right of dissent or the
power of attempting to influence
these final decisions by democrat-
ic means is a denial of the demo-
cratic system of government. Al-
though it may sometimes appear
that the right would deny the
left even the opportunity of voic-
ing their opinions, this is without
foundation. For if we did such a
thing, we would no longer be con-
servatives even by our own defi-
nitions, but rather some type of
authoritarians. Our basic objec-
tion to the left, as elucidated,
above, is their method of using
power to disrupt, the democratic
process.
Earlier in this letter I congrat-
ulated The Daily for avoiding
name-calling and prejudgment.
You happily avoided most of the
irresponsible cliches which are oft-
en used to-describe conservatives.
However, there is one which un-
fortunately seeped through. That
is where you say that conserva-
tives are somehow "longing for a
return to the original 'pure' form
of American constitutional gov-
ernment."
eThisconception often leads to
the definition of a conservative as
a "reactionary." Yet it is totally
false. The conservative no more
wants a return to the past than
the liberal. He only asks that the
past be studied and reviewed for
its lessons before one goes charg-
ing into the future. An old quote
by Patrick Henry states it ef-
fectively, "I know of no way of
judging the future but by the
past."
I WOULD finally object to your
typifying conservatism as an ideol-
ogy. As a conservative, I per-
sonally try continually to prevent
my conservative philosophy from
becoming an ideology; because, to
me, an ideology implies a closed
mind and an inability to accept
new ideas and concepts. (This is
another objection to the left, for
most of them seem to fall under
this definition.)
Conservatism is far from this
stage. It is a new, developing and
still fluid movement, one whose
final patterns have not yet been
determined and one which is open
to many new ideas from many
kinds of people.
A final compliment to The
Daily for an intelligent contribu-
tion to the intellectual discussion
between the left and the right,

which is so sorely lacking in our
present society. I hope you will
continue and expand upon this
high plane.
-Warren Van Egmond,.'68
Chairman, University of
Michigan Chapter, Young
Americans for Freedom
Endorsement
To the Editor:
AS CAMPUS MINISTERS and
members of the Ecumenical
Campus Staff at the University
we strongly support the request
of the students for a university
owned and operated book store.
We urge the University regents
and administration to take steps
to establish such a store for the
benefit of university personnel,
faculty and students.
-Charles Bearden
-Daniel Burke
--Paul Dotson
-J. Edgar Edwards
-Paul Light
-Donald Postema
-Eugene Ransom
-Patricia Stoneburner
-Donald VanHoven
-Henry Yoder
-Donald Young
How Convincing!
To the Editor:
THE FOLLOWING four argu-
ments should convince anyone
why we should get out of Viet
Nam:
1) The U.S. can't be policeman
to the world. If it is true that the
Communists are trying to con-
quer the world, they probably
ought to be stopped. But that's
no reason why we should try to
stop them. After all, we might
get wounded, or killed even! Pat-
rick Henry said, "Give me liberty
or give me death." He didn't say
anything about their liberty. If
Communism doesn't offer much
liberty to its people, why should
we worry? Why should we be good
samaritans and brothers' keepers?
2) Red China really doesn't want
much, just a few buffer states so
she won't feel penned in. If Red
China could just have South Viet
Nam and a teeny bit of India, her
anxieties would be considerably
eased, and she could devote more
time to projects beneficial to her
starving millions - like building
bigger and better nuclear bombs.
And surely no one can deny the
need to help China's starving mil-
lions.
Some people say that Red China

can't be trusted, but why should
we doubt her word? It's true that
she got a little unruly in Korea
a few years ago, but nobody is
perfect.
3) Russia demands that we
leave. Russia has an admirable,
logical thinking government, so
let's wake up and take their good
advice. Like Confucius said, peo-
ple who can build strong walls
can build strong arguments.
4) We have no right to be
there. Some of the warmongers
base our right to be there on the
premise that we are trying to pre-
serve human dignity by stopping
the spread of Communism. This
is silly, because Communism isn't
so bad. Just look at how people
are dying to get out of East Ger-
many and tell everyone how won-
derful things are!
Others remind us that nine gov-
ernments have asked our help in
fighting the Viet Cong. So what?
Those governments haven't had
100 per cent popular support like
all good little governments do, so
we certainly shouldn't oblige them
and come to their aid.
Anyway, South Viet Nam is just
a little country, so even if the
Communists took over it shouldn't
bother us way over here on our
side of the globe. Leave Asia to
the Asians, that's the best policy.
So let's get out of Viet Nam!
-Dennis Thompson, Grad
Tuesday Vote
To the Editor:
IT'S RATHER unfortunate that
the citizens of Ann Arbor will
have to go to the polls next Tues-
day to vote on whether we have
a housing commission.
It's unfortunate for three rea-
sons: 1) the election was forced
on the city by a very, very small
percentage of our population (less
than 2 per cent); 2) the election
is being held on extremely short
notice (15 days); 3) the election
will be on an issue-creation of
a housing commission-that the
bipartisan City Council has al-
ready supported unanimously (8-
0).
But what is most unfortunate of
all is that the tiny group of ex-
treme conservatives who have cre-
ated this situation may succeed.
The housing commission may very
well be defeated in Tuesday's elec-
tion. When on quite short notice
people are required to inform
themselves on a public issue, then
go to the polls, to vote on it,
many of them will fail to vote.
Of those who do vote, experience

has shown that a large percentage
will out of apathy or confusion-
because of the short time avail-
able to them to study the issue-
vote negatively.
IF YOU FEEL you do not yet
know enough about this Issue to
vote intelligently on it, go to the
City Clerk's office in the City Hall
and ask for a voter's packet on
the housing commission. It con-
tains five useful, readable docu-
ments that will give you the facts
about the housing commission.
As a member of the City Coun-
cil and the Council's Committee
on Housing that studied the city's
low-cost housing shortage, I urge
you to vote "yes" for a housing
commission next Tuesday. A "Yes"
vote will create a body that can
study our housing needs further,
recommend solutions to the Coun-
cil, then help to put those solu-
tions into effect.
The Ann Arbor residents who
will directly benefit from the pro-
grams of such a commission are
not very numerous, but their needs
for decent shelter are real and
urgent. If we create a housing
commission, we will have a useful
instrument for helping them. The
commission programs will be fi-
nanced by long-term, low-interest
bonds that will not raise federal,
state, or local taxes. The resulting
low-cost housing will give some
Ann Arbor citizens and their chil-
dren a better chance of becoming
self-respecting, productive people.
-Prof. Robert P. Weeks
Engineering School
Councilman, Third Ward
Judgment"
of History
THIS WAR (in Viet Nam) can-
not be "just," essentially be-
cause it is immoral to fight a war
in the midst of a civilian popula-
tion that has never clearly ex-
pressed itself one way or the other
on the so-called issues. It is bas-
ically a great-power struggle, and
since it cannot be fought except
with the most horrible conse-
quences to the people who are in
effect bystanders, it is inherent-
ly and irremediably immoral.
The conscience . . . of America
is on trial. If we are different
from, say, the Germans in World
War II, now is the time to make
the differences manifest. If we fail
to do so, we will be Judged by his-
tory as they have been judged.
--The Nation

4
00

3

Some Ruminations on Planes and People

WOULD have to wait a few
minutes before boarding my
BOAC jet bound for London, the
stewardess told me. It was sup-
posed to leave JFK airport at
8:20 p.m. and arrive in England
at 7:30 a.m. their time.
The most interesting looking
person waiting in the line was an
American male student about 19
years old. He looked like that
typical American-student phony
hitch-hiker who had convinced
himself he was going to rough it.
He carried a guitar case, two
flight bags (one saying North-
east and one Mohawk), two dif-
ferent size camera cases, one light
meter, a small satchel with a
"Visit Florida This Summer"

So What?
by sarasohn
immediately fell asleep.
About four hours or four thou-
sand miles later, I was awakened
by a girl leaning over me looking
out the window and checking her
light meter. "Can I take a pic-
ture out the window?" she asked
me. Without being entirely awake
I told her she'd have to take the
picture straight out the window
so there wouldn't be any reflec-

talked excitedly of her first trip
'by herself" (she was with three
other girls) away from her home
in Brooklyn. She and her com-
rades were first generation im-
migrants and part of the group
that had chartered half of this
plane to London as the first leg
of their trip to Israel.
I noticed that some passengers
were praying. They stood by their
seats reading their prayers, sway-
ing back and forth with yarmulkahs
on their heads and tallises draped
over their shoulders. If ever Gody
watches over plane trips, ours had
definitely a good chance, I was
certain.
TR C' ilm .iq qrla ..-,,-.af

know where Westchester was-or
even what it actually was. They
knew of Long Island but hadn't
ever been there. They were going
to Israel-almost half way around
the world, yet they hadn't ever
been in Westchester, which was
15 minutes from their home by
car.
It is almost archaic now to say,
"Are you going to Europe?" Now
it is, "Are you going to Europe,
too?" And a good many of those
people haven't ever been away
from their home state. The glamor
of the far away country over-
shadows the beauty, adventure
and even glamor that exists close
by.
Tn oth. eidci n he hill alwavs

I

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