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November 05, 1969 - Image 4

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,CVeItty-IiilC vc(irs of cli itrld reedIont
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
'420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764 0552
Editoriuls printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1969 NIGHT EDITOR: STUART GANNES
Ngta

T11HE PRESIDENT'S address to the na-
tion last night was one of the most
deftly calculated political statements
from the administration; it cannot be
faulted for saying nothing at all, but
rather for having made the administra-
tion's uncompromising position so bru-
tally clear.
Nixon's speech was intended as his own
national mobilization for the war and it
was designed deliberately to inflame "the
great silent majority" against the anti-
war protesters. He asked for unity, but
lis plea was a thinly veiled call for polar-
ization.
Twelve days before the planned anti-
war moratorium in Washington, t h e
President has personally set the stage
for a violent confrontation which will
dismember and discredit the movement
and direct the nation's wrath against
doves from Philip Hart to Rennie Davis.
'T'HE JUSTICE Department's denial of
parade permits to the protesters, com-
ing yesterday on the heels of the Presi-
dent's mouthings, can only be interpreted
as another attempt to deny legitimacy
to the demonstrators. By allowing only
a "small, symbolic" proest, the adminis-
tIration is inviting mass violence of un-
imagined brutality. Certainly, the at-
torney general cannot be so naive as to
believe the President's comments will
deter protesters from overwhelming the
Capitol next week.
On the contrary, the administration
must know -- and hope - that violent
confrontation will put a quick end to the
moratorium and give the President the
mandate he needs to pursue an end to
the war on his own terms. Obviously, the
lessons of Vietnam have gone unheeded.
j HE PRESIDENT has dictated that the
future of the free society depends on
the acquiescence of all citizens with his
policy. The upshot of Nixon's pronounce-
ment is therefore apparent: America
must make the world safe for democracy,
but first America must submit to the ty-
ranny of the great silent majority whose

pliable will is visible in the President's
person.
This amounts to a sophisticated asser-
tion of the Vice President's harangues
delivered last week. Agnew's neanderthal
blasts should have served as an indica-
tion of what the President himself would
say about Vietnam, dissent and the direc-
tion of the American way.
The administration has forsaken the
dispossessed and alienated citizens
quite literally -- like rotten apples. Nixon
is abandoning those whose votes he has
never had any hope of securing and is
entrenching himself in office by preach-
ing a policy of fear and reaction. Nixon
intends to divide, isolate and destroy
those who would oppose him, while con-
solidating the support of those to his
right.
TJ)HE DISASTEROUS course thus chart-
ed by the President leaves few en-
couraging alternatives open to those who
would oppose him. Nevertheless, it de-
lineates the course which anti-war --
and now anti-Nixon -sentiment must
take.
Senators who oppose the war must end
their self-imposed moratorium on the
administration's policies. They must not
trust the President's vow to make Viet-
nam the war to end all wars and nl u s t
begin immediately to scrutinize American
commitments abroad, specifically i nt
Thailand.
The onus is clearly on elected repre-
sentatives whose protests the President
cannot ignore. But it is a measure of his
intransigence that Nixon has consistently
ignored the courageous appeals of lead-
ers from Sen. Fulbright to President
Fleming.
In the end, all citizens must protest the
war by going to Washington next week
or by organizing at home. For it must be
affirmed that the war and the nation
really do belong to the people; and the
people must be heard..
-hENRY GRIX
Editor

Violence
By FRANK BROWXNING
(1OME NOVEMBER each y e a r
'organxizations like the Educa-
tion WritersA sociation, the ed-
ucation depaittents at Time and
N ewsweek and the house admninis-
trative journals like The Chronicle
of Higher Education seem to de-
velop a case of dry heaves.
For try as they might they just
can't seem to spit up any sexy l
copy on those hotbeds of social1
crisis, the country's campuses.-
Radicals seem to have turned
fair weather fowl, and what with
cold, murky skies, plus the press
of overdue papers and impinging
exams, about all that's left for en-,
terprising reporters is the war or1
a few In Depth Interviews from 1
the Underground.
This year even good old de-
pendable California can't seem to ,
muster up a good fight, and the'
"besttweget is a little buned re-'
genit served up by the state:. su-'
preme court for canning UCLA's:
black CP member.
BUT TIMES like t h e s e when
the faculty stops threatening to
carry off all the library's books1
to the quiet sancity of their per-
sonal studies and t h e i r wives',
dustcloths, do have their reflec-
tive value.,e
Why? Well, we canx get dowin to z
that business President Fleming
and Sidney Fine war o v e r so
fondly. We can re-evaluate t h e
operation of our university quiet-
ly in the warm glow of non-coer-
cive Reason.l
Funny thing is this quiet spree
of reflective review actually hap-
pens sometimes -through prob-t
ably not in the crania of Profs.1
Fine and Fleming. And to the ex-
tent that it does, then we the t
scholars and scientists. as it wtere
- are resuscitated, possessed oft
a new and profound insight
The point then: Contrary to the
theme of Robben's heartfelt, an-t
guished explanations, violencel
does not function to vitiate the
~1

classic conception a:d. underpin-
nings of the University .
IF' ANYThING violence on the
Green (or the Diag) has been a
great innovative force in awak-
ening and revitalizing the intel-
lectual activity of the universities.
And not because it's brought the
class struggle home.
Instead its contribution has
been toward actively stimulating
the pursuit for new paradigms in
our understanding of knowledge
and society.
Or in other words, the kinds of
ideas of reality we have been 1.
greatly expanded in number and
2.} subjected to more and more
profound scrutiny than they had
been heretofore
The likes of our brothers in the
political s c i e n c e departments
(read, frequently enough, the
State Departnent) give as good
an example as one might want.
Just a year or so ago I became a
subject in one of the more so-
phisticated political games which
the discipline has yet devised.
BRIEFLY the purpose was to
stimulate a crisis situation in the
Near East sometime early in the
1970's. Given a scenario not un-
like the present, actors were asked
to make policy recommendations
for state action which would be
realistic in the "context of pres-
ent world conditions."
As it turns out the only allow-
able actions i realistic actions i
were thoae which not only rein-
forced but in fact heightened Dul-
les-type cold war tensions.
Should one of the student ac-
tors in the simulation prescribe a
course of action or potential so-
lution beyond the scope of John
Foster's imagination or inconsis-
tent with, say, George Kennan's
analysis of East-West relations,
then it was rejected out-of-hand
as frivolous. or ---since the game
cost a lot of money to design and
run - subversive to the faith and
purposes of the men who h a d
spent 10 years creating it.

in

pursuit of reason

is no vice
proliferation of social analysis
sweeping the universities during
the Sixties.
At least one thing that has hap-
pened to our pastoral professors
is that they have not been allowed
to escape with lax and irrespon-
sible - often unrigorous - social
analysis.
Not only do we no longer syn-
onymize sociology a n d Seymour
Martin Lipset, but there has
grown up a thriving variety of al-
ternative analytical schemes of
social analysis which flow in di-
rect contradiction to him.
Many might argue that rational
debate would get us to the same
lplace. But it ain't likely. For when
we are changing our intellectual
paradigms, we nearly always are
changing our basic views of real-
ity, our notions of the ways by
which people interact with sys-
tems, with things, and with oth-
er people
By merely offering a more care-
ful refinement of the old reality
we make the chances for new dif-
ferent intellectual insights e v e n
less likely.
THE DISRUPTION of normal
processes of life and scholarship
have made it obvious that not only
at least the predictions founded on nor-
halt. mal science were wrong, but they
st t w have even more importantly il-
central lustrated t h e different ways in
uit, and which people can organize them-
e to re- selves for social purtposes - like
derlying bookstores
f reality Just as importantly the high
rch was involvement of people in the so-
cial sciences and campus disrup-
resident tian has demonstrated to those
to his participants th e inadequacies of
lament- Lipset-like analysis. They have re-
amtt- ceived and provided new informa-
but oth- tion. even in the technical sense,
cinel- fatr the intellectual pursuits.
ations. Of course, that kind of infor-
mation seldom makes it through
uilding: the trickle-down system of journ-
alistic gatekeepers at Newsweek or
violence Time - if in fact either of those
y high slicks ever really contain infor-
exciting mation. Let 'em heave.

BY HALF-WAY through t h e
run. student actors had taken dis-
ruptive action, at least as disrup-
tive as the take-over of the LSA
building this fall. The student ac-
tors pointed up inconsistencies
and theological fallacies in t h e
way the bosses were running the
game, but were ignored
So, they began to systematically
break the game's rules, telling the
bosses that they would play
straight as soon as the proper cor-
rections had been made.
Actual physical take-over was
unwise since the setting was a
major Los Angeles think tank in
whose corner's were hidden de-
fense department tv cameras and
whose walls contained bins mark-
ed "Classified Waste."
Result: the game was cancelled,
the company lost nearly $10,000,

and the research project,
fot' a while ground to a h
Further upshot: at lea
employes of the company
to the simulation project q
half-dozen others b e g an
evaluate strongly the un
principles - or notions o
- upon which the resea
based.
The director, like our P
had too much committed
position to undertake fun
al scutiny of his analysis,
em's who were in a weake
lectual box were able tok
other conceptual configur
BACK TO THE LSA B
It is just this sort of
which 'uns an ext'etmel3
corr'elation to a new and1

* AQUS
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1/ \ '

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it

Bigger or Ietter.

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i

S THE administration and faculty
continue to work under hand-to-
mouth budgetary conditions, the greater
issues concerning the future of the Uni-
versity go largely unnoticed and undis-
cussed.
With the exception of the work of an
occassional commission and a handful
of standing faculty committees, questions
of long-range planning are either 1 e f t
up to the administrators or just up in
the air.
One of the most important questions
now facing the University is what should
be the size and nature of the s t u d e nt
body of the literary college - which, if
graduate students are counted, now
makes up half the population of the
Ann Arbor campus.
At present, the size of the college is
being held constant, but this is mostly
due to space shortages which will grad-
ually be alleviated over the next five to
seven years.
But what then? Though the pros and
cons of unlimited expansion of the liter-
ary college have not been widely discuss-
ed, plans for large-scale expansion are
being taken pretty much as an accepted
fact by University and college adminis-
trators.
LSA Dean Hays, Vice President for
Academic Affairs Allan F. Smith and Vice
President for State Relations Arthur
Ross all point out that substantial growth
of the Ann Arbor campus is likely to take
place as soon as facilities permit,
/UTr THIS appearance of certainty is
misleading. Expectations of growth
can only be based on plans for growth.
And these are plans that are ill-conceived
at best, calamitous at worst.
A good deal of the impetus for expan-
sion of the University comes from exter-
nal pressure. The Legislature has con-
stantly taken the view that budgetary re-
cognition should go for enrollment in-
creases and plant expansion first, and
only later to the maintenance or im-

Meanwhile, administration officials
look upon enrollment expansion as t h e
only way to get new funds for the Uni-
ve'sity.
Operating under this kind of financial
pressure, then, it is hardly surprising that
the administration has fallen in line be-
hind apolicy of at least moderate growth.
BUT UNFORTUNATELY, while the Uni-
versity will thrive in an institutional
sense under conditions of expansion, un-
dergraduate students will be the big los-
ers.
From an administrative standpoint,
the nice thing about having a large stu-
dent body is the ability to make maximum
use of the faculty. Simply to be a qual-
ity institution, the University has to
retain men in a wide range of distinct
academic fields -whether one student
or 700 take his course.
But the larger the class size, the easier
it is to pay the professor's salary. And
given larger lecture halls, better sound
systems, and more teaching fellows, the
enrollment of the literary college could be
increased almost boundlessly.
On all but a cursory level, however, this
kind of efficiency is ludicrously illusory.
At the freshman and sophomore level at
least, mamouth class size has already
ruined much of the potential for liberal
education in the classroom. And substan-
tial new increases in eprollment will un-
doubtedly extend this condition to the
upper-class and even graduate level
Quality liberal arts education cannot
take place in classes where even getting
a good look at the lecturer is a feat. Edu-
cation in the humanities and social
sciences, at least, will of necessity involve
intensive, critical examination of theories
and conclusions-an examination which
can only take place on a superficial level
in a large lecture situation.
THE GREATEST task facing the Uni-
versity administration at present is to

"Just tell 'em-It could hove happened to anybody !"

The smr~ile and
how to get it
By ICHRIS ST''EEI.E
rilHE SMILE has returned to American politics.
It is not the legendary smile which has characterized the politics
of this country-not the smile that goes along with whistle-stopping
and glad-handing. It is not the smile of either Roosevelt nor is it the
simple, blank smile of an Eisenhowser.
Yet, though this smile seems to be lacking in deep traditional Amer-
ican precedent, it is one we have seen before.
This particular kind of a smile made its first apjlearance on the
American political scene at the extreme right edge of the mouth of a
certain Texan's weathered face. The smile quickly passed to the ex-
treme left edge of that same mouth leaving, of course, the center o
the mouth unaltered and the eyes, basset like, seeming almost on the
verge of tears.
FROM THAT rude beginning,
only a few years ago, the smile
broadcast itself more times than ;
one can name onto millions of
television screens in millions of
homes causing untold heartburn
and countless nauseations. vesaw
Anid Monday night wve sass',
that smile again but on a different
face.
The exact original of this brave
ubending in the corners of t h a
mouth remains open to specula-
Lion. Because of the fleeting na-
ture of the smile and the incon-
gruity of its appearing, some haire
been led to suggest it results from
some noxious interaction of tele-
vision and loose uppers.
Those big cameras zoom in and
you just can't let anyone know
that the old plate is slipping, so
you kind of wcrap the old smile
at'ound it and pull things back
into shape.
After all, the country would probably lost all faith in itself if
everybody saw the president's falseteeth wrench loose from their
moorings in mid-sentence. A whole people shattered in a flash of
enmel.-
Some have even gone so far to to suggest that the smile is the
pained response to aching hemorrhoids.
BUT THE force of reality and the confines of newspaper journal-
ism force one to conclude that the smile has something to do with the
rhetoric which flows throuh and around it.
For as some keen political observers have noted - - the smile has
been closely associated with discussion of the war in Vietnam. Indeed
it seems most related to discussion of things unpleasant about Viet-
nam, since neither of the two men gifted with this strange aspect
of demeanor have had much else to say.
But just what has the smile meant when these presidents have
used it? What does it portend concerning the mind and conscience
of our nation's leader? Is there more behind the smile than a tongue?
FOR ONE thing the smile seems to mean that no change in policy
is forthcoming. It means that the president, in light of overwhelming
evidence, has decided to do the following things which the smile lets
you know right away aren't going to change anything.
The smile also says that the problems in Vietnam have been
caused by someone else--the previous administration, the commun-
ists, the demonstrators-certainly not the holder of the smile.
Furthermore, the smile indicates whatever the president is doing
is in the best irterests of the country, will result in an honorable
peace. and, for obvious reasons, can't be revealed to anyone.
BUT MORE than anythin
else, the snile tneans to kee
quiet and be brave like the rest
of us. Related in some obscure
fashion to the smile a slightly
fed-up father gives to his son
along with the admonition to be
brave about the cut finger i h e

Lett
Anti-u'ur optiois
To the Editor:
DUE TO ETHL -sope and breadtli
of the anti-at'r movemlent, a great.
deal of confusion has arisen on a
national as well as on a local level.
Many groups, tnany organizations,
and many individuals are working
for peace.
Understandably. these people
embrace a very broad spectrum of
political philosophy, and some-
times co-ordination and co-opera-
tion have been difficult to achieve.
In short, sometimes political phi-
losophy has stood in the way of
unified action.
The ones who suffer tmost fron
this needless situation are the
people wio support the mnovemtment.
It is they, and not the leaders of
the conflicting organization, who
are confused and bewildered. But
it is they who are most important.
It is they whlo determnine the suc-
cess or failure of any nmovement.
And so it is to them we addre:s
ourselves.
FOR THE sake of this di:cu-
siont, let us call ourselvesa coali -
tion of independents. By indepen-

Srs to the Editor

course inconclusively. sunnarize
the various activities of the three
major organizations that are open-
ly advocating complete and imne-
diate withdrawal of all Ame'ican
troops and supplies from South
Vietnan.
BEGINNING ti no particular
order, let us consider the Ann
Arbor March Against Death Com-
mittee first. They are presently
directing their efforts toward get -
ting 3500 people from the campus
and the connunity 0toWashington
by 4 p.m on Not. 14 to participate
in the March Aeainst Death.
They are also encouraging all
tose who mareh Friday to march
again in the :\Mas March Satur-
day. Let it be clear that they are a
separate and distinct group as are
the other two major organizations.
Their fund-raising campaign is
tieir own effort, and their focus
is a mnational one. They are work-
ing in conjunction with the na-
tional organization, the New Mo-
bilization to End the War in Viet-
nam.
TH1IE 3SECOND orgatuization is
the Ant Arbor New Mobilization
Cotnmnittee. which is oresently i-

to Washington at least in time to
participate in the Mass March at
noon on Nov. 15.
The committee sponsored the
moratoriumn here on Oct. 15, am'd
they conducted the stadium rally,
Their fund-raising has been their
own efforts, and they have al-
located funds they have collected
for a variety of causes.
They are an autonomous >rgan-
ization which sets its own policies
and directions. They have been
working only partially in conjunc-
tion with the New Mobilization
to End the War In Vietnam.
THE THIRD and final >rgan-
ization is the Student Mobilization
Committee. They are presently cr-
ganizing local activities for the
period Nov. 13, 14 and 15. They
have their own fund-raising ap-
paratus and set their own policies.
They are partially cooperating
with the National Moratorium
Committee, but their focus is ex-
clusively local.
IN SHORT, these are the major
organizations that are working to
end the war. We, the Coalition of
Independents, have worked within
these various organizations at'

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