,CVeItty-IiilC vc(irs of cli itrld reedIont Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan '420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764 0552 Editoriuls printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1969 NIGHT EDITOR: STUART GANNES Ngta T11HE PRESIDENT'S address to the na- tion last night was one of the most deftly calculated political statements from the administration; it cannot be faulted for saying nothing at all, but rather for having made the administra- tion's uncompromising position so bru- tally clear. Nixon's speech was intended as his own national mobilization for the war and it was designed deliberately to inflame "the great silent majority" against the anti- war protesters. He asked for unity, but lis plea was a thinly veiled call for polar- ization. Twelve days before the planned anti- war moratorium in Washington, t h e President has personally set the stage for a violent confrontation which will dismember and discredit the movement and direct the nation's wrath against doves from Philip Hart to Rennie Davis. 'T'HE JUSTICE Department's denial of parade permits to the protesters, com- ing yesterday on the heels of the Presi- dent's mouthings, can only be interpreted as another attempt to deny legitimacy to the demonstrators. By allowing only a "small, symbolic" proest, the adminis- tIration is inviting mass violence of un- imagined brutality. Certainly, the at- torney general cannot be so naive as to believe the President's comments will deter protesters from overwhelming the Capitol next week. On the contrary, the administration must know -- and hope - that violent confrontation will put a quick end to the moratorium and give the President the mandate he needs to pursue an end to the war on his own terms. Obviously, the lessons of Vietnam have gone unheeded. j HE PRESIDENT has dictated that the future of the free society depends on the acquiescence of all citizens with his policy. The upshot of Nixon's pronounce- ment is therefore apparent: America must make the world safe for democracy, but first America must submit to the ty- ranny of the great silent majority whose pliable will is visible in the President's person. This amounts to a sophisticated asser- tion of the Vice President's harangues delivered last week. Agnew's neanderthal blasts should have served as an indica- tion of what the President himself would say about Vietnam, dissent and the direc- tion of the American way. The administration has forsaken the dispossessed and alienated citizens quite literally -- like rotten apples. Nixon is abandoning those whose votes he has never had any hope of securing and is entrenching himself in office by preach- ing a policy of fear and reaction. Nixon intends to divide, isolate and destroy those who would oppose him, while con- solidating the support of those to his right. TJ)HE DISASTEROUS course thus chart- ed by the President leaves few en- couraging alternatives open to those who would oppose him. Nevertheless, it de- lineates the course which anti-war -- and now anti-Nixon -sentiment must take. Senators who oppose the war must end their self-imposed moratorium on the administration's policies. They must not trust the President's vow to make Viet- nam the war to end all wars and nl u s t begin immediately to scrutinize American commitments abroad, specifically i nt Thailand. The onus is clearly on elected repre- sentatives whose protests the President cannot ignore. But it is a measure of his intransigence that Nixon has consistently ignored the courageous appeals of lead- ers from Sen. Fulbright to President Fleming. In the end, all citizens must protest the war by going to Washington next week or by organizing at home. For it must be affirmed that the war and the nation really do belong to the people; and the people must be heard.. -hENRY GRIX Editor Violence By FRANK BROWXNING (1OME NOVEMBER each y e a r 'organxizations like the Educa- tion WritersA sociation, the ed- ucation depaittents at Time and N ewsweek and the house admninis- trative journals like The Chronicle of Higher Education seem to de- velop a case of dry heaves. For try as they might they just can't seem to spit up any sexy l copy on those hotbeds of social1 crisis, the country's campuses.- Radicals seem to have turned fair weather fowl, and what with cold, murky skies, plus the press of overdue papers and impinging exams, about all that's left for en-, terprising reporters is the war or1 a few In Depth Interviews from 1 the Underground. This year even good old de- pendable California can't seem to , muster up a good fight, and the' "besttweget is a little buned re-' genit served up by the state:. su-' preme court for canning UCLA's: black CP member. BUT TIMES like t h e s e when the faculty stops threatening to carry off all the library's books1 to the quiet sancity of their per- sonal studies and t h e i r wives', dustcloths, do have their reflec- tive value.,e Why? Well, we canx get dowin to z that business President Fleming and Sidney Fine war o v e r so fondly. We can re-evaluate t h e operation of our university quiet- ly in the warm glow of non-coer- cive Reason.l Funny thing is this quiet spree of reflective review actually hap- pens sometimes -through prob-t ably not in the crania of Profs.1 Fine and Fleming. And to the ex- tent that it does, then we the t scholars and scientists. as it wtere - are resuscitated, possessed oft a new and profound insight The point then: Contrary to the theme of Robben's heartfelt, an-t guished explanations, violencel does not function to vitiate the ~1 classic conception a:d. underpin- nings of the University . IF' ANYThING violence on the Green (or the Diag) has been a great innovative force in awak- ening and revitalizing the intel- lectual activity of the universities. And not because it's brought the class struggle home. Instead its contribution has been toward actively stimulating the pursuit for new paradigms in our understanding of knowledge and society. Or in other words, the kinds of ideas of reality we have been 1. greatly expanded in number and 2.} subjected to more and more profound scrutiny than they had been heretofore The likes of our brothers in the political s c i e n c e departments (read, frequently enough, the State Departnent) give as good an example as one might want. Just a year or so ago I became a subject in one of the more so- phisticated political games which the discipline has yet devised. BRIEFLY the purpose was to stimulate a crisis situation in the Near East sometime early in the 1970's. Given a scenario not un- like the present, actors were asked to make policy recommendations for state action which would be realistic in the "context of pres- ent world conditions." As it turns out the only allow- able actions i realistic actions i were thoae which not only rein- forced but in fact heightened Dul- les-type cold war tensions. Should one of the student ac- tors in the simulation prescribe a course of action or potential so- lution beyond the scope of John Foster's imagination or inconsis- tent with, say, George Kennan's analysis of East-West relations, then it was rejected out-of-hand as frivolous. or ---since the game cost a lot of money to design and run - subversive to the faith and purposes of the men who h a d spent 10 years creating it. in pursuit of reason is no vice proliferation of social analysis sweeping the universities during the Sixties. At least one thing that has hap- pened to our pastoral professors is that they have not been allowed to escape with lax and irrespon- sible - often unrigorous - social analysis. Not only do we no longer syn- onymize sociology a n d Seymour Martin Lipset, but there has grown up a thriving variety of al- ternative analytical schemes of social analysis which flow in di- rect contradiction to him. Many might argue that rational debate would get us to the same lplace. But it ain't likely. For when we are changing our intellectual paradigms, we nearly always are changing our basic views of real- ity, our notions of the ways by which people interact with sys- tems, with things, and with oth- er people By merely offering a more care- ful refinement of the old reality we make the chances for new dif- ferent intellectual insights e v e n less likely. THE DISRUPTION of normal processes of life and scholarship have made it obvious that not only at least the predictions founded on nor- halt. mal science were wrong, but they st t w have even more importantly il- central lustrated t h e different ways in uit, and which people can organize them- e to re- selves for social purtposes - like derlying bookstores f reality Just as importantly the high rch was involvement of people in the so- cial sciences and campus disrup- resident tian has demonstrated to those to his participants th e inadequacies of lament- Lipset-like analysis. They have re- amtt- ceived and provided new informa- but oth- tion. even in the technical sense, cinel- fatr the intellectual pursuits. ations. Of course, that kind of infor- mation seldom makes it through uilding: the trickle-down system of journ- alistic gatekeepers at Newsweek or violence Time - if in fact either of those y high slicks ever really contain infor- exciting mation. Let 'em heave. BY HALF-WAY through t h e run. student actors had taken dis- ruptive action, at least as disrup- tive as the take-over of the LSA building this fall. The student ac- tors pointed up inconsistencies and theological fallacies in t h e way the bosses were running the game, but were ignored So, they began to systematically break the game's rules, telling the bosses that they would play straight as soon as the proper cor- rections had been made. Actual physical take-over was unwise since the setting was a major Los Angeles think tank in whose corner's were hidden de- fense department tv cameras and whose walls contained bins mark- ed "Classified Waste." Result: the game was cancelled, the company lost nearly $10,000, and the research project, fot' a while ground to a h Further upshot: at lea employes of the company to the simulation project q half-dozen others b e g an evaluate strongly the un principles - or notions o - upon which the resea based. The director, like our P had too much committed position to undertake fun al scutiny of his analysis, em's who were in a weake lectual box were able tok other conceptual configur BACK TO THE LSA B It is just this sort of which 'uns an ext'etmel3 corr'elation to a new and1 * AQUS K KN.. 1/ \ ' >1 . it Bigger or Ietter. , Y_.__ . , - . , l 1 i S THE administration and faculty continue to work under hand-to- mouth budgetary conditions, the greater issues concerning the future of the Uni- versity go largely unnoticed and undis- cussed. With the exception of the work of an occassional commission and a handful of standing faculty committees, questions of long-range planning are either 1 e f t up to the administrators or just up in the air. One of the most important questions now facing the University is what should be the size and nature of the s t u d e nt body of the literary college - which, if graduate students are counted, now makes up half the population of the Ann Arbor campus. At present, the size of the college is being held constant, but this is mostly due to space shortages which will grad- ually be alleviated over the next five to seven years. But what then? Though the pros and cons of unlimited expansion of the liter- ary college have not been widely discuss- ed, plans for large-scale expansion are being taken pretty much as an accepted fact by University and college adminis- trators. LSA Dean Hays, Vice President for Academic Affairs Allan F. Smith and Vice President for State Relations Arthur Ross all point out that substantial growth of the Ann Arbor campus is likely to take place as soon as facilities permit, /UTr THIS appearance of certainty is misleading. Expectations of growth can only be based on plans for growth. And these are plans that are ill-conceived at best, calamitous at worst. A good deal of the impetus for expan- sion of the University comes from exter- nal pressure. The Legislature has con- stantly taken the view that budgetary re- cognition should go for enrollment in- creases and plant expansion first, and only later to the maintenance or im- Meanwhile, administration officials look upon enrollment expansion as t h e only way to get new funds for the Uni- ve'sity. Operating under this kind of financial pressure, then, it is hardly surprising that the administration has fallen in line be- hind apolicy of at least moderate growth. BUT UNFORTUNATELY, while the Uni- versity will thrive in an institutional sense under conditions of expansion, un- dergraduate students will be the big los- ers. From an administrative standpoint, the nice thing about having a large stu- dent body is the ability to make maximum use of the faculty. Simply to be a qual- ity institution, the University has to retain men in a wide range of distinct academic fields -whether one student or 700 take his course. But the larger the class size, the easier it is to pay the professor's salary. And given larger lecture halls, better sound systems, and more teaching fellows, the enrollment of the literary college could be increased almost boundlessly. On all but a cursory level, however, this kind of efficiency is ludicrously illusory. At the freshman and sophomore level at least, mamouth class size has already ruined much of the potential for liberal education in the classroom. And substan- tial new increases in eprollment will un- doubtedly extend this condition to the upper-class and even graduate level Quality liberal arts education cannot take place in classes where even getting a good look at the lecturer is a feat. Edu- cation in the humanities and social sciences, at least, will of necessity involve intensive, critical examination of theories and conclusions-an examination which can only take place on a superficial level in a large lecture situation. THE GREATEST task facing the Uni- versity administration at present is to "Just tell 'em-It could hove happened to anybody !" The smr~ile and how to get it By ICHRIS ST''EEI.E rilHE SMILE has returned to American politics. It is not the legendary smile which has characterized the politics of this country-not the smile that goes along with whistle-stopping and glad-handing. It is not the smile of either Roosevelt nor is it the simple, blank smile of an Eisenhowser. Yet, though this smile seems to be lacking in deep traditional Amer- ican precedent, it is one we have seen before. This particular kind of a smile made its first apjlearance on the American political scene at the extreme right edge of the mouth of a certain Texan's weathered face. The smile quickly passed to the ex- treme left edge of that same mouth leaving, of course, the center o the mouth unaltered and the eyes, basset like, seeming almost on the verge of tears. FROM THAT rude beginning, only a few years ago, the smile broadcast itself more times than ; one can name onto millions of television screens in millions of homes causing untold heartburn and countless nauseations. vesaw Anid Monday night wve sass', that smile again but on a different face. The exact original of this brave ubending in the corners of t h a mouth remains open to specula- Lion. Because of the fleeting na- ture of the smile and the incon- gruity of its appearing, some haire been led to suggest it results from some noxious interaction of tele- vision and loose uppers. Those big cameras zoom in and you just can't let anyone know that the old plate is slipping, so you kind of wcrap the old smile at'ound it and pull things back into shape. After all, the country would probably lost all faith in itself if everybody saw the president's falseteeth wrench loose from their moorings in mid-sentence. A whole people shattered in a flash of enmel.- Some have even gone so far to to suggest that the smile is the pained response to aching hemorrhoids. BUT THE force of reality and the confines of newspaper journal- ism force one to conclude that the smile has something to do with the rhetoric which flows throuh and around it. For as some keen political observers have noted - - the smile has been closely associated with discussion of the war in Vietnam. Indeed it seems most related to discussion of things unpleasant about Viet- nam, since neither of the two men gifted with this strange aspect of demeanor have had much else to say. But just what has the smile meant when these presidents have used it? What does it portend concerning the mind and conscience of our nation's leader? Is there more behind the smile than a tongue? FOR ONE thing the smile seems to mean that no change in policy is forthcoming. It means that the president, in light of overwhelming evidence, has decided to do the following things which the smile lets you know right away aren't going to change anything. The smile also says that the problems in Vietnam have been caused by someone else--the previous administration, the commun- ists, the demonstrators-certainly not the holder of the smile. Furthermore, the smile indicates whatever the president is doing is in the best irterests of the country, will result in an honorable peace. and, for obvious reasons, can't be revealed to anyone. BUT MORE than anythin else, the snile tneans to kee quiet and be brave like the rest of us. Related in some obscure fashion to the smile a slightly fed-up father gives to his son along with the admonition to be brave about the cut finger i h e Lett Anti-u'ur optiois To the Editor: DUE TO ETHL -sope and breadtli of the anti-at'r movemlent, a great. deal of confusion has arisen on a national as well as on a local level. Many groups, tnany organizations, and many individuals are working for peace. Understandably. these people embrace a very broad spectrum of political philosophy, and some- times co-ordination and co-opera- tion have been difficult to achieve. In short, sometimes political phi- losophy has stood in the way of unified action. The ones who suffer tmost fron this needless situation are the people wio support the mnovemtment. It is they, and not the leaders of the conflicting organization, who are confused and bewildered. But it is they who are most important. It is they whlo determnine the suc- cess or failure of any nmovement. And so it is to them we addre:s ourselves. FOR THE sake of this di:cu- siont, let us call ourselvesa coali - tion of independents. By indepen- Srs to the Editor course inconclusively. sunnarize the various activities of the three major organizations that are open- ly advocating complete and imne- diate withdrawal of all Ame'ican troops and supplies from South Vietnan. BEGINNING ti no particular order, let us consider the Ann Arbor March Against Death Com- mittee first. They are presently directing their efforts toward get - ting 3500 people from the campus and the connunity 0toWashington by 4 p.m on Not. 14 to participate in the March Aeainst Death. They are also encouraging all tose who mareh Friday to march again in the :\Mas March Satur- day. Let it be clear that they are a separate and distinct group as are the other two major organizations. Their fund-raising campaign is tieir own effort, and their focus is a mnational one. They are work- ing in conjunction with the na- tional organization, the New Mo- bilization to End the War in Viet- nam. TH1IE 3SECOND orgatuization is the Ant Arbor New Mobilization Cotnmnittee. which is oresently i- to Washington at least in time to participate in the Mass March at noon on Nov. 15. The committee sponsored the moratoriumn here on Oct. 15, am'd they conducted the stadium rally, Their fund-raising has been their own efforts, and they have al- located funds they have collected for a variety of causes. They are an autonomous >rgan- ization which sets its own policies and directions. They have been working only partially in conjunc- tion with the New Mobilization to End the War In Vietnam. THE THIRD and final >rgan- ization is the Student Mobilization Committee. They are presently cr- ganizing local activities for the period Nov. 13, 14 and 15. They have their own fund-raising ap- paratus and set their own policies. They are partially cooperating with the National Moratorium Committee, but their focus is ex- clusively local. IN SHORT, these are the major organizations that are working to end the war. We, the Coalition of Independents, have worked within these various organizations at'