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May 20, 1967 - Image 4

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Michigan Daily, 1967-05-20

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I r irl Ugttn Bally

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNiERSr OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD INC ONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

-IS
Where Opiulmons Are Free.
Truth Will Prevai

420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SATURDAY, MAY 20, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: JENNIFER RHEA

i

Dirksen's Old Antics:
Fair Housing Doomed Again

SENATE MINORITY LEADER Everett
McKinley Dirksen has, in his limited
wisdom, threatened to block space proj-
ects in both Texas and Florida if Weston,
Illinois, is denied the atomic particle ac-
celerator because his state has no open
housing law.
The decision to award the accelerator
to Weston was reached last December
after several years of deliberation by the
Atomic Energy Commission. Ann Arbor
was one of the six finalists for the $375
million project, but lost out in the end.
However, Glenn Seaborg, AEC chair-
man, recently informed Illinois officials
that unless an open housing law is en-
acted "we'll be under a lot of pressure
to hold up the project."
All of the other five sites are located
within states which have fair-housing
laws.
Dirksen contends that the AEC'c ac-
tions are arbitrary. Previously unconcern-
ed with open occupancy, the commission
took note of Weston's lack of fair hous-
ing laws only after pressure was applied.
He accuses the AEC of knuckling under

to civil rights groups in their drive to
extend the rule to all of Illinois.
SEN. JOHN PASTORE (D-RI), chairman
of the Joint Atomic Energy Committee,
asserts, however, that "it would be a dep-
recation of the civil rights law" to award
the project if the fair housing bill is not
resolved. As manager of the pending AEC
authorization bill, Pastore can deny the
initial $10 million sought in the current
budget. Dirksen on the other hand can
wield his extensive power to blackmail
other senators if he is thwarted by Pas-
tore.
Dirksen, who led the successful fight
against last year's civil rights bill con-
taining sections concerning open occu-
pancy, has now given hope to the real-
tors and racial bigots of Illinois. The pres-
sure on the Illinois legislature to pass a
fair housing ordinance which would re-
sult from the threat of losing the accel-
erator will probably be relieved. In the
good old unprincipled Dirksen tradition,
his threats will probably work.

4
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UNDER .TH INFLUENCE..F... . EREDIT.EIKER
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UNDERTHE INFLUENCE OF ... MEREDITH EIKER
Tidbits in the Wall

Universities And
Foreign Policy -- I

-MARK LEVIN

In Peking's Shadow

HONG KONG has long been a thorn in
the side of China. First under the
presently exiled Nationalist government
and now under Communist control, the
crowded port city has represented the
thrust of the Western lance to the sprawl-
ing, hungry nation.
Hong Kong and its Portuguese neighbor
Macao 40 miles away now symbolize to
the Peking regime everything their ideol-
ogy is adverse to. That China had not
taken definite steps to expel the British
is surprising. The new uprisings in Hong
Kong, however, could represent the first
step in that direction.
No tangible evidence has yet been un-
covered by Hong Kong correspondents to
support this, but the striking workers pre-
sent such a lucrative opportunity to Pe-
king that the wheels of infiltration have
certainly become firmly entrenched.
HE MOVEMENT to boot out the Brit-
ish is appealing to Mao Tst-tung be-

cause it is a widely popular cause in
China, fitting nicely into the predominant
ideology. The Red Guard, according to
most news reports, seems bent on taking
the initiative in publicizing British "fas-
cist atrocities," and the movement will
enhance the dwindling prestige of the
"Cultural Revolution."
The mobilization of public opinion
against an enemy always unites a coun-
try, and unless Mao plays his hand cor-
rectly, he may bring on internal troubles.
Specifically, if he buoys the hopes of the
Chinese on the expulsion of the British,
and then fails to bring it about.
But this is unlikely because Mao, the
astute politician, will not imperil his po-
sition. Instead he will continue his self-
righteous diatribes against London with-
out resorting to ultimatums that will fall
flat.
-MICHAEL DOVER

CHICAGO--And it seems Ann
Arbor hasn't really got a monopoly
on lease - your - life - away high-
rise cubby-holes and insufficient
parking facilities ...
But the list of what the big
city has that Ann Arbor hasn't is
endless, including a conductor on
the 8:15 a.m. Illinois Central elec-
tric train who yells "CHARGE"
through the train as passengers
arrive downtown on Monday
mornings. Kind of gets you into
the proper psychic state for the
week to come.
On my way to the "office" every
morning I walk past two of Chi-
cago's big newspaper buildings-
the Chicago Tribune and the Chi-
cago American-a morning and an
evening paper, both of which are
owned by the same people. I sort
of look up at them enviously,
knowing in my heart of hearts
that a circulation of 800,000 is
impossible in Ann Arbor.
THE OTHER DAY, however, I
began to get my cool back and
decided to try walking past them
without worshipping-just casual-
ly walking by with just a passing
glance at whatever was at eye
level on the facade.
As a matter of fact, I almost
got completely past the Chicago
American Building without so

much as a blink, but as I neared
the corner of the edifice I no-
ticed a piece of rock imbedded
in the wall. It stuck out about
three inches and was maybe a foot
long and half a foot high. The
inscription underneath it stated,
"Great Pyramid, Egypt, 3700 B.C."
Sure. So I backstepped a foot
or two and looked again. This
time I noticed two more pieces
of rock-one named "Great Wall
of China" and the other called
"St. Peter's, Rome."
Then Ig looked down the side of
the building and saw another 20
or 30 protrusions. In awe I gazed
upon pieces of Yale and Prince-
ton Universities, a bit of Antarcti-
ca gained during a Navy expedi-
tion in 1947, some of John Brown's
Cabin from Kansas, a brick from
Independence Hall, a rock from
North Dakota's International
Peace Garden, and imports from
the Walls of Londonderry in
Northern Ireland (held against
James II in 1689) and the Santa
Maria Island in the Azores (where
Columbus landed).
THE CITY EDITOR at The
American explained that Col. Rob-
ert McCormick, late owner of
both the Tribune and the Ameri-
can, had collected them and had
them cast into the building for
the public to view. Apparently I

had missed a small piece of
Christ's birthplace in the Tribune
Building during my efforts to pass
the place nonchalantly.
Actually, McCormick's idea was
ingenious and I've decided that
when The Daily gets a new build-
ing in Ann Arbor there are cer-
tain tidbits which should be im-
mortalized in its facade.
For example, a piece of the
University's Architecture Auditor-
ium, notorious for its Cinema
Guild productions, is worthy of
preservation. And of course a 40
cent can of soup from Ralph's
Market (by the time we get a new
building that should be the going
price for chicken noodle).
And the plug from the Union
pool, the corner stone from West
Physics, the supporting brick from
U Towers, a column from Angell
Hall, a book legally checked out
of the UGLI, the first wheel to
fall off one of the University's
mini-buses, Rapoport's typewriter,
,an import from Fleming's office
in Madison, and Hatcher's chair
from the Regents' room in the Ad-
ministration Building.
The possibilities are endless, par-
ticularly if University students are
willing to carry around a pick and
a hack-saw with them this sum-
mer.
After all, it's probably the best
way to shake a few foundations.. .

The following selection, first
of a two-part series, is from
the text of a speech given by
Sen. 3. William Fulbright be-
fore a meeting of the Center for
the Study of Democratic Insti-
tutions. Sen. Fulbright, a for-
mer Rhodes Scholar and presi-
dent of the University of Arkan-
sas, is chairman of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee.
The author's topic is "The Uni-
versity and American Foreign
Policy."
I am not convinced that either
the government or the universities
are making the best possible use
of their intellectual resources to
deal with the problems of war
and peace in the nuclear age.
Both seem by and large to have
accepted the idea that the avoid-
ance of nuclear war is agmatter
of skillful "crisis management,"
as though the techniques of di-
plomacy and deterrence which
have gotten us through the last
20 years have only to be Improv-
ed upon to get us through the
next 20 or a hundred or a thou-
sand years....
What we must do, says Brock
Chisholm, a distinguished psychia-
trist and former director-general
of the World Health Organiza-
tion, is nothing less than "to
re-examine all of the attitudes of
our ancestors and to select from
those things which we, on our
own authority in these present
circumstances, with our knowl-
edge, recognize as still valid in
this new kind of world."
I regret that I do not have
a definite plan for the execution
of so considerable a project, but
I have an idea as to who must
accept the principal responsibility
for it: clearly, the universities. I
agree with Dr. Chisholm, who
writes: "I think every university
has an obligation to consider
whether its teaching is in fact uni-
versal. Does it open all possible
channels of knowledge to its stu-
dents? Does it teach things in
true perspective to each other?
Does it take the same attitudes
about other cultures as it does
about the one in which it hap-
pens to be working?"
WHATEVER the circumstances
of the moment, whatever the de-
mands of government and indus-
try on the universities - what-
ever the rewards for meeting these
demands-the highest function of
higher education is the "teach-
ing of things in perspective," to-
ward the purpose of enriching the
life of the individual and advanc-
ing the eternal effort to bring
reason and justice .and humanity
into the relations of men and na-
tions. Toward these ends, the uni-
versity has a responsibility to an-
alyze existing public policies with
a view to determining whether
they advance or retard the reali-
zation of basic human objectives
and how they should be changed.
Obviously, there are great mu-
tual benefits in relations between
the universities and government,
but when the relationship becomes
too close, too extensive and too
highly valued by the universities,
the higher functions of the uni-
versity are in danger of being com-
promised. The anger goes far
beyond contractual associations
with the CIA, which, unfortunate
though they are, are so egregious
that, once they are known, there
is a tendency to terminate them
with all possible haste. Nor is there
any danger inherent in govern-
ment sponsored research of and by
itself; on the contrary, govern-
ment contracts bring needed mon-
ey to the universities and needed
intellectual resources to the gov-
ernment.
The danger lies rather in the
extent of these connections: as
long as they are secondary func-
tions for the university, they are

not harmful, but when they be-
come primary areas of activity,
which they become the major
source of the university's revenue
and the major source of the schol-
ar's prestige, then the "teaching
of things in perspective" is likely
to be neglected and the univer-
sality of the university compromis-
ed. The harm, in short, lies less
in what is done in relation to the
government than in what is neg-
lected as a result of it.
NOT HAVING been a professor
for some years, I must make it
clear that I am expressing strong
suspicions rather than firm con-
victions about the effects ofgov-
ernment on the universities. I 'sus-
pect that when a university be-
comes closely oriented to the cur-
rent needs of government, it takes
on some of the atmosphere of a
place of business while losing that
of a place of learning. The sci-
ences, I expect, are emphasized at
the expense of the humanities and,
within the humanities, the behav-
ioral school of social science at the
expense of the more traditional-
and to my mind more humane-
approaches. Generally, I would ex-
pect an interest in salable, in-
formation nertaining to current

Today the DMZ, Tomorrow .

J. William Fulbright
the purpose and not just tech-
nique, is likely to lose a sale.
"Sound" scholars p r o d u c e
"sound" disciplines. In a research-
oriented university, I would expect,
the student who is highly valued
is the one who can contribute to
production. Obviously, the gradu-
ate student is a more valuable re-
search assistant than the under-
graduate and the scientifically-
oriented student is more valuable
than the one who is interested
in history or philosophy.
In lending themselves too much
to the purposes of government, the
universities are failing their high-
er purposes. They are not con-
tributing to the re-examination of
the ideas of our ancestors on
which human survival depends;
they are not dealing with the cen-
tral problems of the first genera-
tion in human history which holds
the power of life and death over
its progeny; they are not, in Arch-
ibald MacLeish's phrase, trying to
produce "an idea that mankind
can hold to."
HOW MIGHT some of these
considerations guide the universi-
ties toward a constructive contri-
bution in the current crises of our
foreign relations?
I most emphatically, do not
think that the universitiesdshould
act like recruits called to the col-
ors. I do not think that the hu-
military science, that civi engi-
neering must give way to military
engineering, or that history and
philosophy must give way to com-
puterized "war games."
Unless it conceives itself as
nothing more than the servant of
the party in power, the univer-
sity has a higher function to per-
form. The university, it is true,
cannot separate itself from the
society of which it is a part, but
the community of scholars must
do more than accept misfortune
and consider how it can be over-
come. It must ask how we came
to misfortune and whether we
need have. It must ask what has
been done wisely and what has
been done foolishly and what the
answers to these questions imply
for the future. It must ask how
it came about that we have had
for so long to devote so great a
part of our resources to war and
its prevention and it must ask
whether we are condemned by
forceshbeyond our control to con-
tinue to do so. It can, like the
secretary of state, ask what is
wrong with the "other sie," but
it must not fail to ask as well what
is wrong with our side, remember-
ing always that the highest devo-
tion we can give is not to our
country as it is but to a concept
of what we would like it to be.
In considering a crisis such as
the war in Vietnam, the politician
is usually preoccupied with tech-
nique rather than long-term needs.
His concern is largely focused on
the tactical questions of the war:
what are the probable effects of
bombing or of not bombing North,
Vietnam? What degree of escala-
tion is likely to bring the Chinese
into war? What concessions, if
any, are likely to induce the ene-
my to negotiate?
THE SCHOLAR, on the other
hand, in considering the war,
must provide the historical and
philosophical foundations on
which wise political decisions can
be based. His proper concern is
with questions of means and ends,
of motive and purpose: To what
extent is the war in Vietnam a
civil war, to what extent a war
of. international aggression, to

what extent a conflict of ideolo-
gies? Does the American military
intervention in Vietnam strength-

4

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YESTERDAY, over 5000 American troops,
advanced into the demilitarized zone
separating North and South Vietnam in
what appears to be ground-breaking steps
for an eventual invasion of the North.
The justification from Defense Depart-
ment spokesmen followed a now-familiar
tack: the thrust was a "purely defensive"
gesture to thwart a big buildup of North
Vietnamese forces. "It is not in any sense
an invasion of North Vietnam," an offi-
cial quickly added, perhaps hinting at
things to come.
The invasion of the DMZ roughly coin-
cides with a declaration by 16 Senate
doves which warns Hanoi that they "will
steadfastly oppose" any American pullout
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in Vietnam short of an honorable peace.
The letter, approved by Dean Rusk in
advance, had the earmarks of a last-
ditch effort to warn Hanoi of the future
course of the war. At present, with the
pacification program bogged down, with
the campaign in the Mekong delta a com-
plete fiasco, and with rising and more
shrill opposition here at home, the time is
ripe for a dramatic stepup.
t-HE SENATE DOVES, hitherto concen-
trating their attention on the Johnson
"policy"-to loosely define the term --
have come to a sad realization: all their
protests and carefully worded letters to
the White House have not fazed Johnson
in the least bit. For whether or not we
are less deeply involved than we would
be without the public outcry is at this
point a completely pointless question.
The one chance for peace will come
next Tuesday, on May 23. The 24-48 hour
truce for Buddha's birthday might be par-
layed by the U.S. into an extended mora-
torium on the bombing, which has been
widened to include major cities (in fact
yesterday, Hanoi was attacked once
more).
U Thant wants a bombing halt; the
Pope wants a bombing halt; the leaders
of the major religions in South Vietnam
want a bombing halt.
THE DECISION, as always, is Lyndon
Johnson's. And judging from the past,
their pleas will fall on deaf ears.
-STEPHEN FIRSHEIN
!11 1UTL r( pi

Today and Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann -
Britain and the New Europe

We can save ourselves a good
deal of confusion if we make up
our minds that both the tariff re-
ductions in the Kennedy round
and Britain's application for mem-
bership in the Common Market are
stages in processes which are
bound to take a long time.
The negotiations at Geneva,
which have indeed been success-
ful, are not a ball game about
which one can know at the end
of the afternoon who won and
just what the score is. The same
is true of the British application
and Gen. Charles de Gaulle's press
conference dealing with it.
Britain has not been rejected,
and she has not been admitted.
She is at the beginning of a long
process of negotiation which will
in the end, so Gen. de Gaulle as-
sumes, result in Britain's admis-
sion to the European community.
THE NEGOTIATIONS at Gene-
va were a round of tight and
tough bargaining among very
skillful negotiators. The results
are not yet known in detail, and
there is still much to be worked
out to fill in the various items.
In that process there is bound
to be a considerable amount of
nit-picking. But the success of
the Kennedy round is hearten-
ing because it demonstrates that
in the advanced industrial coun-

closing statement at Geneva.
There is much work to be done in
fashioning a trading system in
which the developing countries,
particularly those which depend
on the export of tropical products
and simple manufactures like tex-
tiles, can hope to earn enough
international money to pay for
their own developments.
AS FOR THE British bid for
admission into the Common Mar-
ket, is it not time to chuck the
notion that it all depends on the
whims of a cranky old man? The
fact of the matter is that the
British decision to become a Eu-
ropean power and to cease being

a world imperial power is one of
the greatest historic events of
this century. The historic process
cannot be consummated suddenly.
The real fact is that the Brit-
ish know it must be consummat-
ed and that Gen. de Gaulle, speak-
ing for France, believes it will be
consummated and hopes to see it
done. Liquidating an empire and
transforming a network of world-,
wide connections is a process
which is bound to engage the Brit-
ish and the Europeans for some
years to come.
What we can hold on to is the
fact that they are prepared to do
it and that there are no vital in-
terests opposed.
(c), 1967, The Washington Post Co.

s' ~ e.,
'7."~w -
S_____ ___

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