Illiii l- N. I r irl Ugttn Bally v Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNiERSr OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD INC ONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS -IS Where Opiulmons Are Free. Truth Will Prevai 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. SATURDAY, MAY 20, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: JENNIFER RHEA i Dirksen's Old Antics: Fair Housing Doomed Again SENATE MINORITY LEADER Everett McKinley Dirksen has, in his limited wisdom, threatened to block space proj- ects in both Texas and Florida if Weston, Illinois, is denied the atomic particle ac- celerator because his state has no open housing law. The decision to award the accelerator to Weston was reached last December after several years of deliberation by the Atomic Energy Commission. Ann Arbor was one of the six finalists for the $375 million project, but lost out in the end. However, Glenn Seaborg, AEC chair- man, recently informed Illinois officials that unless an open housing law is en- acted "we'll be under a lot of pressure to hold up the project." All of the other five sites are located within states which have fair-housing laws. Dirksen contends that the AEC'c ac- tions are arbitrary. Previously unconcern- ed with open occupancy, the commission took note of Weston's lack of fair hous- ing laws only after pressure was applied. He accuses the AEC of knuckling under to civil rights groups in their drive to extend the rule to all of Illinois. SEN. JOHN PASTORE (D-RI), chairman of the Joint Atomic Energy Committee, asserts, however, that "it would be a dep- recation of the civil rights law" to award the project if the fair housing bill is not resolved. As manager of the pending AEC authorization bill, Pastore can deny the initial $10 million sought in the current budget. Dirksen on the other hand can wield his extensive power to blackmail other senators if he is thwarted by Pas- tore. Dirksen, who led the successful fight against last year's civil rights bill con- taining sections concerning open occu- pancy, has now given hope to the real- tors and racial bigots of Illinois. The pres- sure on the Illinois legislature to pass a fair housing ordinance which would re- sult from the threat of losing the accel- erator will probably be relieved. In the good old unprincipled Dirksen tradition, his threats will probably work. 4 At II >~~ c : : / Y/ ArM "Ty hK.n . . UNDER .TH INFLUENCE..F... . EREDIT.EIKER -- - - - - --..-- - - - - --.M .. .........: UNDERTHE INFLUENCE OF ... MEREDITH EIKER Tidbits in the Wall Universities And Foreign Policy -- I -MARK LEVIN In Peking's Shadow HONG KONG has long been a thorn in the side of China. First under the presently exiled Nationalist government and now under Communist control, the crowded port city has represented the thrust of the Western lance to the sprawl- ing, hungry nation. Hong Kong and its Portuguese neighbor Macao 40 miles away now symbolize to the Peking regime everything their ideol- ogy is adverse to. That China had not taken definite steps to expel the British is surprising. The new uprisings in Hong Kong, however, could represent the first step in that direction. No tangible evidence has yet been un- covered by Hong Kong correspondents to support this, but the striking workers pre- sent such a lucrative opportunity to Pe- king that the wheels of infiltration have certainly become firmly entrenched. HE MOVEMENT to boot out the Brit- ish is appealing to Mao Tst-tung be- cause it is a widely popular cause in China, fitting nicely into the predominant ideology. The Red Guard, according to most news reports, seems bent on taking the initiative in publicizing British "fas- cist atrocities," and the movement will enhance the dwindling prestige of the "Cultural Revolution." The mobilization of public opinion against an enemy always unites a coun- try, and unless Mao plays his hand cor- rectly, he may bring on internal troubles. Specifically, if he buoys the hopes of the Chinese on the expulsion of the British, and then fails to bring it about. But this is unlikely because Mao, the astute politician, will not imperil his po- sition. Instead he will continue his self- righteous diatribes against London with- out resorting to ultimatums that will fall flat. -MICHAEL DOVER CHICAGO--And it seems Ann Arbor hasn't really got a monopoly on lease - your - life - away high- rise cubby-holes and insufficient parking facilities ... But the list of what the big city has that Ann Arbor hasn't is endless, including a conductor on the 8:15 a.m. Illinois Central elec- tric train who yells "CHARGE" through the train as passengers arrive downtown on Monday mornings. Kind of gets you into the proper psychic state for the week to come. On my way to the "office" every morning I walk past two of Chi- cago's big newspaper buildings- the Chicago Tribune and the Chi- cago American-a morning and an evening paper, both of which are owned by the same people. I sort of look up at them enviously, knowing in my heart of hearts that a circulation of 800,000 is impossible in Ann Arbor. THE OTHER DAY, however, I began to get my cool back and decided to try walking past them without worshipping-just casual- ly walking by with just a passing glance at whatever was at eye level on the facade. As a matter of fact, I almost got completely past the Chicago American Building without so much as a blink, but as I neared the corner of the edifice I no- ticed a piece of rock imbedded in the wall. It stuck out about three inches and was maybe a foot long and half a foot high. The inscription underneath it stated, "Great Pyramid, Egypt, 3700 B.C." Sure. So I backstepped a foot or two and looked again. This time I noticed two more pieces of rock-one named "Great Wall of China" and the other called "St. Peter's, Rome." Then Ig looked down the side of the building and saw another 20 or 30 protrusions. In awe I gazed upon pieces of Yale and Prince- ton Universities, a bit of Antarcti- ca gained during a Navy expedi- tion in 1947, some of John Brown's Cabin from Kansas, a brick from Independence Hall, a rock from North Dakota's International Peace Garden, and imports from the Walls of Londonderry in Northern Ireland (held against James II in 1689) and the Santa Maria Island in the Azores (where Columbus landed). THE CITY EDITOR at The American explained that Col. Rob- ert McCormick, late owner of both the Tribune and the Ameri- can, had collected them and had them cast into the building for the public to view. Apparently I had missed a small piece of Christ's birthplace in the Tribune Building during my efforts to pass the place nonchalantly. Actually, McCormick's idea was ingenious and I've decided that when The Daily gets a new build- ing in Ann Arbor there are cer- tain tidbits which should be im- mortalized in its facade. For example, a piece of the University's Architecture Auditor- ium, notorious for its Cinema Guild productions, is worthy of preservation. And of course a 40 cent can of soup from Ralph's Market (by the time we get a new building that should be the going price for chicken noodle). And the plug from the Union pool, the corner stone from West Physics, the supporting brick from U Towers, a column from Angell Hall, a book legally checked out of the UGLI, the first wheel to fall off one of the University's mini-buses, Rapoport's typewriter, ,an import from Fleming's office in Madison, and Hatcher's chair from the Regents' room in the Ad- ministration Building. The possibilities are endless, par- ticularly if University students are willing to carry around a pick and a hack-saw with them this sum- mer. After all, it's probably the best way to shake a few foundations.. . The following selection, first of a two-part series, is from the text of a speech given by Sen. 3. William Fulbright be- fore a meeting of the Center for the Study of Democratic Insti- tutions. Sen. Fulbright, a for- mer Rhodes Scholar and presi- dent of the University of Arkan- sas, is chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The author's topic is "The Uni- versity and American Foreign Policy." I am not convinced that either the government or the universities are making the best possible use of their intellectual resources to deal with the problems of war and peace in the nuclear age. Both seem by and large to have accepted the idea that the avoid- ance of nuclear war is agmatter of skillful "crisis management," as though the techniques of di- plomacy and deterrence which have gotten us through the last 20 years have only to be Improv- ed upon to get us through the next 20 or a hundred or a thou- sand years.... What we must do, says Brock Chisholm, a distinguished psychia- trist and former director-general of the World Health Organiza- tion, is nothing less than "to re-examine all of the attitudes of our ancestors and to select from those things which we, on our own authority in these present circumstances, with our knowl- edge, recognize as still valid in this new kind of world." I regret that I do not have a definite plan for the execution of so considerable a project, but I have an idea as to who must accept the principal responsibility for it: clearly, the universities. I agree with Dr. Chisholm, who writes: "I think every university has an obligation to consider whether its teaching is in fact uni- versal. Does it open all possible channels of knowledge to its stu- dents? Does it teach things in true perspective to each other? Does it take the same attitudes about other cultures as it does about the one in which it hap- pens to be working?" WHATEVER the circumstances of the moment, whatever the de- mands of government and indus- try on the universities - what- ever the rewards for meeting these demands-the highest function of higher education is the "teach- ing of things in perspective," to- ward the purpose of enriching the life of the individual and advanc- ing the eternal effort to bring reason and justice .and humanity into the relations of men and na- tions. Toward these ends, the uni- versity has a responsibility to an- alyze existing public policies with a view to determining whether they advance or retard the reali- zation of basic human objectives and how they should be changed. Obviously, there are great mu- tual benefits in relations between the universities and government, but when the relationship becomes too close, too extensive and too highly valued by the universities, the higher functions of the uni- versity are in danger of being com- promised. The anger goes far beyond contractual associations with the CIA, which, unfortunate though they are, are so egregious that, once they are known, there is a tendency to terminate them with all possible haste. Nor is there any danger inherent in govern- ment sponsored research of and by itself; on the contrary, govern- ment contracts bring needed mon- ey to the universities and needed intellectual resources to the gov- ernment. The danger lies rather in the extent of these connections: as long as they are secondary func- tions for the university, they are not harmful, but when they be- come primary areas of activity, which they become the major source of the university's revenue and the major source of the schol- ar's prestige, then the "teaching of things in perspective" is likely to be neglected and the univer- sality of the university compromis- ed. The harm, in short, lies less in what is done in relation to the government than in what is neg- lected as a result of it. NOT HAVING been a professor for some years, I must make it clear that I am expressing strong suspicions rather than firm con- victions about the effects ofgov- ernment on the universities. I 'sus- pect that when a university be- comes closely oriented to the cur- rent needs of government, it takes on some of the atmosphere of a place of business while losing that of a place of learning. The sci- ences, I expect, are emphasized at the expense of the humanities and, within the humanities, the behav- ioral school of social science at the expense of the more traditional- and to my mind more humane- approaches. Generally, I would ex- pect an interest in salable, in- formation nertaining to current Today the DMZ, Tomorrow . J. William Fulbright the purpose and not just tech- nique, is likely to lose a sale. "Sound" scholars p r o d u c e "sound" disciplines. In a research- oriented university, I would expect, the student who is highly valued is the one who can contribute to production. Obviously, the gradu- ate student is a more valuable re- search assistant than the under- graduate and the scientifically- oriented student is more valuable than the one who is interested in history or philosophy. In lending themselves too much to the purposes of government, the universities are failing their high- er purposes. They are not con- tributing to the re-examination of the ideas of our ancestors on which human survival depends; they are not dealing with the cen- tral problems of the first genera- tion in human history which holds the power of life and death over its progeny; they are not, in Arch- ibald MacLeish's phrase, trying to produce "an idea that mankind can hold to." HOW MIGHT some of these considerations guide the universi- ties toward a constructive contri- bution in the current crises of our foreign relations? I most emphatically, do not think that the universitiesdshould act like recruits called to the col- ors. I do not think that the hu- military science, that civi engi- neering must give way to military engineering, or that history and philosophy must give way to com- puterized "war games." Unless it conceives itself as nothing more than the servant of the party in power, the univer- sity has a higher function to per- form. The university, it is true, cannot separate itself from the society of which it is a part, but the community of scholars must do more than accept misfortune and consider how it can be over- come. It must ask how we came to misfortune and whether we need have. It must ask what has been done wisely and what has been done foolishly and what the answers to these questions imply for the future. It must ask how it came about that we have had for so long to devote so great a part of our resources to war and its prevention and it must ask whether we are condemned by forceshbeyond our control to con- tinue to do so. It can, like the secretary of state, ask what is wrong with the "other sie," but it must not fail to ask as well what is wrong with our side, remember- ing always that the highest devo- tion we can give is not to our country as it is but to a concept of what we would like it to be. In considering a crisis such as the war in Vietnam, the politician is usually preoccupied with tech- nique rather than long-term needs. His concern is largely focused on the tactical questions of the war: what are the probable effects of bombing or of not bombing North, Vietnam? What degree of escala- tion is likely to bring the Chinese into war? What concessions, if any, are likely to induce the ene- my to negotiate? THE SCHOLAR, on the other hand, in considering the war, must provide the historical and philosophical foundations on which wise political decisions can be based. His proper concern is with questions of means and ends, of motive and purpose: To what extent is the war in Vietnam a civil war, to what extent a war of. international aggression, to what extent a conflict of ideolo- gies? Does the American military intervention in Vietnam strength- 4 4 0 0 YESTERDAY, over 5000 American troops, advanced into the demilitarized zone separating North and South Vietnam in what appears to be ground-breaking steps for an eventual invasion of the North. The justification from Defense Depart- ment spokesmen followed a now-familiar tack: the thrust was a "purely defensive" gesture to thwart a big buildup of North Vietnamese forces. "It is not in any sense an invasion of North Vietnam," an offi- cial quickly added, perhaps hinting at things to come. The invasion of the DMZ roughly coin- cides with a declaration by 16 Senate doves which warns Hanoi that they "will steadfastly oppose" any American pullout The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and Collegiate Press Servtce Summer subscription rate: $2.00 per term by car- rier; ($2.50 by mail) $4.00 for entire summer ($4.50 by mail). Daily except Monday during regular academic school year. Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular summer session. Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan. 125 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104. Summer Business Staff SAMUEL OFFEN................Business Manager ED NEUBAUER..............Advertising Manager STEVE ELMAN ................. Circulation Manager ASSOCIATE ADVERTISING MANAGERS: Erica Keeps, Marilyn Parker, Naomi Goldberg. Summer Sports Staff in Vietnam short of an honorable peace. The letter, approved by Dean Rusk in advance, had the earmarks of a last- ditch effort to warn Hanoi of the future course of the war. At present, with the pacification program bogged down, with the campaign in the Mekong delta a com- plete fiasco, and with rising and more shrill opposition here at home, the time is ripe for a dramatic stepup. t-HE SENATE DOVES, hitherto concen- trating their attention on the Johnson "policy"-to loosely define the term -- have come to a sad realization: all their protests and carefully worded letters to the White House have not fazed Johnson in the least bit. For whether or not we are less deeply involved than we would be without the public outcry is at this point a completely pointless question. The one chance for peace will come next Tuesday, on May 23. The 24-48 hour truce for Buddha's birthday might be par- layed by the U.S. into an extended mora- torium on the bombing, which has been widened to include major cities (in fact yesterday, Hanoi was attacked once more). U Thant wants a bombing halt; the Pope wants a bombing halt; the leaders of the major religions in South Vietnam want a bombing halt. THE DECISION, as always, is Lyndon Johnson's. And judging from the past, their pleas will fall on deaf ears. -STEPHEN FIRSHEIN !11 1UTL r( pi Today and Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann - Britain and the New Europe We can save ourselves a good deal of confusion if we make up our minds that both the tariff re- ductions in the Kennedy round and Britain's application for mem- bership in the Common Market are stages in processes which are bound to take a long time. The negotiations at Geneva, which have indeed been success- ful, are not a ball game about which one can know at the end of the afternoon who won and just what the score is. The same is true of the British application and Gen. Charles de Gaulle's press conference dealing with it. Britain has not been rejected, and she has not been admitted. She is at the beginning of a long process of negotiation which will in the end, so Gen. de Gaulle as- sumes, result in Britain's admis- sion to the European community. THE NEGOTIATIONS at Gene- va were a round of tight and tough bargaining among very skillful negotiators. The results are not yet known in detail, and there is still much to be worked out to fill in the various items. In that process there is bound to be a considerable amount of nit-picking. But the success of the Kennedy round is hearten- ing because it demonstrates that in the advanced industrial coun- closing statement at Geneva. There is much work to be done in fashioning a trading system in which the developing countries, particularly those which depend on the export of tropical products and simple manufactures like tex- tiles, can hope to earn enough international money to pay for their own developments. AS FOR THE British bid for admission into the Common Mar- ket, is it not time to chuck the notion that it all depends on the whims of a cranky old man? The fact of the matter is that the British decision to become a Eu- ropean power and to cease being a world imperial power is one of the greatest historic events of this century. The historic process cannot be consummated suddenly. The real fact is that the Brit- ish know it must be consummat- ed and that Gen. de Gaulle, speak- ing for France, believes it will be consummated and hopes to see it done. Liquidating an empire and transforming a network of world-, wide connections is a process which is bound to engage the Brit- ish and the Europeans for some years to come. What we can hold on to is the fact that they are prepared to do it and that there are no vital in- terests opposed. (c), 1967, The Washington Post Co. s' ~ e., '7."~w - S_____ ___ 4 I I I