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August 09, 1967 - Image 4

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Michigan Daily, 1967-08-09

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.r

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truthl Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 9,1967

NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY

Regents Delayed Too Long
In Announcing Tuition Hike

EVEN WITH YESTERDAY'S substantial
tuition increase the University is still
a long way from solving its budget prob-
lems. Because of the lack of efficient ad-
ministrative contingency planning, the
individual departments will be forced to
make major cutbacks in their programs.
The total amount of new revenues from
increased student fees will be only $4.6
million, which is just equal to the amount
necessary to operate University depart-
ments at minimal levels. The lack of
planning on the part of the administra-
tion will force the University to operate
on an austerity program in which funds
expected by the various departments will
not be available.
The department chairmen here are at
a distinct and defenseless disadvantage.
They will find out only three weeks be-
fore classes for the fall term begin how
much their programs have been cut; they
have little choice but to accept the deci-
sions of the Regents.
Much of the problem stems from the
long four-week delay between the time
the $59.1 million state appropriation was
finalized and yesterday's unanimous de-
cision. If a tentative budget had been sub-
mitted to the departments in July, there
would have been a chance to bring in al-
ternative sources of revenue such as
sending letters to alumni stating the

problem and requesting funds for the in-
dividual departments. The astronomy de-
partment did exactly that to raise mon-
ey for a new and costly telescope. But
with only two weeks remaining before
fall registration, department chairmen
are left with the choice of either plan-
ning a complete program with insuffi-
cient funds, or eliminating courses, sec-
tions and teaching fellows'
THE REGENTS certainly had the best
of intentions when they decided to de-
lay their action pending a more cautious
examination of the alternatives. How-
ever, the four-week delay to ascertain
only the amount of the tuition hike il-
lustrates at least some inefficiency. For
example, Wayne State University's Board
of Governors were able to come to a de-
cision three weeks ago after only one day
of discussion. Their tuition increase was
in no way radically different from the one
instituted yesterday at the University.
University officials have placed an im-
possible burden on the individual depart-
ments by delaying so long in the an-
nouncement of the actual tuition hike.
In the future the Regents should place
more emphasis on speed in their decision-
making.
--WALLACE IMMEN
-JOHN LOTTIER

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15 tV tAEFIRST ONE I'VE 6AC'KFAD INTc'.l

I Stopped Worrying
And Love the Bomb

By JENNY STILLER
Hiroshima. How many people
knew of that name 30 years ago?
But today, 22 years and three
days after the first atomic bomb
ever used in "legal" warfare ex-
ploded, Hiroshima has become
more than a city-it is a symbol
of our age.
At that time politicians were
quick to declare that this devel-
opment would surely mean an end
to war-for war had, at last, be-
come too horrible for consideration
as a means of settling internation-
al disputes. It was all so much
wishful thinking.
Far from becoming a force to
end war, the bomb itself became
important as a policy instrument.
It became so that no country
could consider itself a "first-rate"
power if it didn't possess a key to
the nuclear club. The very nature
of war was changed, as the ad-
vent of the atomic bomb made di-
rect confrontation by the major
powers more difficult. So instead
of an old-fashioned all-out war by
which the people of the United
States, or the Soviet Union, or
Britain, or France would suffer,
"dirty little wars" broke out all
over the globe. This had the "ad-
vantage" of bringing the benefits
of civilization-such as napalm -
to such exotic places as Vietnam,
Thailand, Peru and Bolivia. It
also allowed the good people of the
world's major powers-with the
minor exception of those of draft
age-applaud from the safety of.
the sidelines.
BUT THE SIDELINES have
suddenly ceased to be safe as
everyone has realized during the
few moments of awareness that
came with every major interna-
tional crisis. Where throughout
history there had been the fear
of war, now there appears the
possibility of planetary annihila-
tion; where once the uninvolved
stood a chance of being left alone,
now there is the possibility -
nay, likelihood-that, sooner or la-
ter, the future will bring universal
death.
So there were the Fail-Safes
and the Dr. Strangeloves, the shel-
ter crazes, and the air raid-drills.
There were the horrifying crises-
like the 1962 Cuban confrontation
-when people stored water and
food in their cellars, and went
about their everyday business with
fear in their hearts and the Eter-

nal Footman snickering at them
over their shoulders.
But it is impossible to remain
sane with death as a next-door
neighbor. When that crisis end-
ed, it was easy to repress the
terror and relegate the bomb to
the background of one's mind.
BUT FEAR strikes back. People
could read in the newspapers that
Communist China would have an
effective nuclear striking force by
1970 with some degree of equan-
imity. The majority of the popula-
tion could notice the increasing
proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Politicians now propose using
"small" atomic bombs to "defoli-
ate" the Ho Chi Minh Trail or
"bomb North Vietnam back to
the Stone Age" without arousing a
great deal of indignation.
We seem, indeed, to have "learn-
ed to stop worrying and love the
bomb" only 20 years after the en-
trance of the atomic age. Why
should a person worry about forces
over which one has no control?
Mankind never has, and it seems
unlikely that people will start
now.
Our own generation, born, as
it were, under the nuclear shadow,
has practiced all its life ignoring
the possibility of imminent death.
Indeed, it even seems almost in-
conceivable that the nuclear Sword
of Damocles has not always been
hanging over humanity's head.
And in a way it has. For if the
holocaust does come, it will not
just be living human beings that
die, but all the minute bits of
nobility in all that humanity ever
was or did, or aspired to be or do;
within the illiterate peasant who
couldn't comprehend the instru-
ment of his death, with the child
who may never have a chance to
grow up, that last harvest will
take back Shakespeare, Beethoven
and Michelangelo.
IF HUMANITY continues, as it
always has, to run gleefully em-
bracing the Grim Reaper in his
most violent form, the only re-
maining question will be not if,
but when. For if man himself
does not change-an exceedingly
likely proposition-there must in-
evitably come a time when the
stars will look down on a black-
ened planet and hear the dirge
of over three billion people, and
of humanity itself. It will be the
loud silence.

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ROTC: A Bright Spot
H ere at the University

THROUGHOUT this somewhat unset-
tling summer there does appear to be
some bright spots left here in Ann Ar-
bor. Perhaps the most obvious of these
is the ever-continuing Reserve Officers
Training Corps (ROTC) program.
ROTC at the University and other col-
lege campuses across the nation offers the
incoming freshman a shot at becoming an
officer in the United States Armed Serv-
ices upon his graduation. The program is
not easy. If he completes his ROTC re-
quirements successfully, the cadet will
have the satisfaction of knowing he has
accomplished what only a select few of
the university student body has been
able to do. He has passed the most rigor-
ously demanding of physical and mental
requirements.
There are courses here at the Univer-
sity which require the student to think
under pressure. ROTC requires not only
this but also demands that its cadets re-
act well under pressure. The two are not
necessarily synonomous and it is for this
reason that ROTC is potentially the most
valuable program offered.
As a training ground for responsible
leadership later on in life, the University
has no course or program which can
even approach the benefits that may, be
derived from ROTC.
Upon entering the armed forces as a
second lieutenant, the ROTC graduate
will be asked to assume a great deal of
responsibility. In fact, there is no com-
parable job in either private industry
or government where so much will be
expected of so young a person. The ROTC
graduate's responsibility will be that of
command and the task of command re-
sponsibility is an awesome one. When
lives hang in the balance and pivot on
instant decision there can be no margin
for error-for mistakes made at this level
are often intractable. The mortality of
human beings is more than just a poign-
ant reminder of this.
ANY FRESHMAN entering the Univer-
sity is capable of passing the written
exam for ROTC. What makes ROTC dif-
ficult are its strict physical and emotion-
al demands. Hour after hour of physical
training molds the cadet into a tough,
precise individual. From an emotional
standpoint the cadet learns a kind of dis-
cipline that too few students experience:
the ability to pick yourself from an im-
pending disaster and make the best out
of any given situation. ROTC teaches the
cadet a "never say die" attitude and it's
the kind of lesson which, later in life,
proves itself to be of the utmost import.

If a University student, though, is de-
termined to dodge the draft, he can prob-
ably find a way. Military service is not,
as the brochure says, "a fact of life":
there are too many loopholes. Thus, the
inevitability of the draft should not be
the determining and motivating factor
that would cause a student to enter the
ROTC program. Rather, the person who
will make the best officer is the student
who feels he honestly has a responsibility
to his country and that, as a college stu-
dent, he is especially qualified to be a
leader in the armed services.
The greatest problem the ROTC pro-
gram faces in its recruitment of men is,
unfortunately, its image. Instead of being
considered a privilege, the army all too
often is thought of as a penalty. More
often than not, status goes to the person
who evades service rather than he who
honors his obligation.
Two years ago University students who
staged a sit-in at the Anp Arbor draft
board were reclassified 1-A and threat-
ened with immediate induction into the
armed forces for disrupting draft board
procedure. But why should the Army have
to threaten a person with the opportuni-
ty to defend, represent and work for his
country? Those on the outside can laugh
all they want but those who have served
know that there is no greater feeling in -
the world, in terms of pride and dignity,
than to wear the American uniform.
F COURSE the United States has its
problems like any other nation, but
there are few people from other countries
who would not gladly exchange places if
they were presented with the opportunity.
ROTC provides the opportunity for in-
dividual advancement and personal grati-
fication. There are many exercises in life
that are a matter of conscience and of
these, ROTC is one of the greatest.
-ROB SALTZSTEIN
SPeak Up!
IF YOU WANT to watch a Regents'
meeting, you're welcome to go right
ahead. If, one the other hand, you're
also interested in hearing what's going
on, you're out of luck.
The traffic noise coming in through
the windows and the excellent sound-
proofing built into the Regents' room
combine to make it impossible to hear
anything anyone but Vice-President Cut-
ler is saying.
As long as the Regents are going to
continue to be so gracious as to hold pub-
lic meetinrs thev should take stens to as-

ON MAY 13, when he announced
that he was running for the Pres-
idency of South Vietnam, General
Nguyen Cao Ky warned that "he
might respond militarily if a civil-
ian whose policies he disagreed
with won the post. In any dem-
ocratic country you have the right
to disagree with the views of
others." His view of democracy by
bullets reflects his admiration for
a deceased German, Adolf Hitler,
whom he regards as a hero.
On June 29, Ky was forced by
his fellow generals and the press-
ures of U.S. Ambassador Bunker
to accept the No. 2 spot on a tick-
et headed by chief of state Nguyen
Van Thieu. It was only a tactical
retreat on his part.
On July 27, Ky again threatened
that if any opposition ticket in
South Vietnam's presidential elec-
tions should win "by trickery" he
would seek to overthrow it. It ap-
pears obvious that the only can-
didates who could win by "trick-
ery" are the people who know
how to use it and have the means
to use it: the government candi-
dates themselves, the Thieu-Ky
ticket.
But why should Ky cry wolf
when almost everyone realizes
that the September 3 elections will
be just a formality to legitimize
the military junta in South Viet-
nam. The reasoning is simple :
General Ky, like all dictators is
insecure. He is afraid of his own
people. Having used threats and
even force, to compel the National
Constituent Assembly to bar Gen-
eral Duong Van Minh and, Pro-
fessor Au Truong Thanh from the
race, General Ky has discovered
that his most formidable com-
petitor is Mr. Tran Van Huong.
Huong hal all the qualities of at-
traction that Generals Ky and
Thieu obviously lack.
TRAN VAN HUONG is a Bud-
dhist and his running mate, Mai
Tho Truyen is one of the most
outstanding 1 a y m a n Buddhist

scholars. Buddhism is of course
the majority religion in Vietnam
(80 per cent of the population).
General Ky has the reputation of
being the enemy of that religion
having suppressed the Buddhists
ruthlessly in May-June, 1966. Gen-
eral Thieu is a Catholic. Converted
to Catholicism, not out of faith,
but out of his ambition to remain
in favor with the late President
Ngo Dinh Diem.
Tran Van Huong has long par-
ticipated in the nationalist move-
ment. In the first days of the
Augus 1945 Revolution, Mr. Huong
was elected President of the Ad-
ministrative Committee of the Tay
Ninh province. He joined the ma-
quis when the British troops ar-
rived in Sopth Vietnam to disarm
the Japanese and to help the
French restore their colonial pow-
er. He persistently refused to co-
operate with all French sponsored
governments during the first In-
dochinese War.
During that same war, General
Thieu and Ky served with the
French army against Vietnamese
people. In 1954, under President
Ngo Dinh Diem, Huong became
Mayor of Saigon Cholon (greater
Saigon) but resigned on March
1955 after having been in office
only five months. His resignation
was motivated by his disagreement
with President Diem's policy. Af-
ter the abortive November 11, 1960
rebellion by South Vietnamese
paratroopers led by General Ngu-
yen Chanh Thi now in exile in
Washington D.C., Huong was ar-
rested by President Diem's police,
while during Diem's regime, both
Generals Thieu and Ky served
him and his family faithfully.
Both were trusted by Diem and his
brother Ngo Dinh Nhu. Both were
members of the regime's "Can
Lao" party.
EARLY IN 1964, Tran Van
Huong became Prime Minister of
South Vietnam. His civilian regime

was overthrown by the military
junta on January 27, 1965. When
he left his office, Huong returned
to the national treasury all the
secret funds at his disposal, an
unheard of act of honesty in a
country where stealing money
from the government has become
a normal procedure. Huong's hon-
esty and integrity are known by
all the people. There should be no
need here to mention that both
General Thieu and Ky are of
course corrupt.
Tran Van Huong has been a
teacher, a poet and a playwright.
In Vietnam a literary man is most
respected. General Ky and Thieu
are professional soldiers, and sol-
diers who served the enemy against
the national cause are most de-
spised by the Vietnamese.
Since he was overthrown by the
Army, Tran Van Huong has lived
in Vung Tau, as an "honored
guest' of the military junta and,
was a virtual prisoner.
THE GENERAL concensus in
Saigon and especially in the South
Vietnam countryside where Huong
is a familiar figure (both General
Ky and General Thieu are virtual-
ly unknown among the peasants)
is that given only 50 per cent of
freedom of election, the Huong-
Truyen ticket will win.
The intellectual nationalists who
are now actively campaigning for
him seem to be optimistic. Person-
aly I do not share their optimism
as I know the answer to free and
fair elections depends on Wash-
ington rather than on the people
of South Vietnam. There is no in-
dication that Washington will de-
cide to abandon the status quo,
the military junta, for a freely
elected government. But such a
government is the only govern-
ment that could bring about an
"honorable settlement" of the war
in Vietnam and a much longer
for peace to the Vietnamese
people.

Letters: On Rights'

Let me hasten to assure this
letter is not intended to criticize
any of the citizens of Michigan
for the recent riot in Detroit. Sim-
ilar riots occurred in Newark,
N.J., Cambridge, Md., New York
City and Rochester, N.Y., and oth-
er cities as well. They are not
volcanoes, cleansing our system of
government, or our way of life.
The President acted wisely in
ordering troops to protect life and
property in Detroit. The creation
of an 11-man commission to study
the cause of riots, is also the right
approach to the problem of civil
disorderin our cities and towns.
At the same time the commission
should study the structure of the
various unions, associations and
organizations w h i c h represent
themselves as promoting racial and
civil justice or equality.
THIS IS NOT the age when an
immigrant landingaon our shores
has to pay the local political boss
a couple of hundred dollars to
take or pass the -citizenship com-
mittee . .. This is an age, where
there is no reason why two men
have to stand on a street corner
and argue over who has more
rights under the Constitution. The
rules governing these unions, as-
sociations and organizations ad-
vocating racial and civil justice,
are not the laws of this country;
and neither are the rules of any
other organization, whether they
be Spartacist, with a Schutzstaffe
or Sabine with the intent of es-
tablishing a fascist movement.
One hundred years after the
abolition of slavery is not an age

to extort money or passion from
any race in order to secure rights
granted to them in our form of
government. It is like a client go-
ing from one law office to another
trying to find a lawyer who will
tell him he has found in the Con-
stitution a word or a phrase which
will give the client more liberty
and more justice than the previ-
ous lawyer could .find in it.
Our democratic security is not
organized against people. It is peo-
ple who are 'organized to extort
profit in the same manner from
our democratic security.
IT IS NOT an age where one
must subscribe to the local call
racket much as he would subscribe
to cable TV or an answering serv-
ice. It is not an age when we
expect to call the war department
every morning to find out where
the war is, or where the riot is
taking place.
The spectacle of some frustrat-
ed politician, spawned in the slum
of neighborhood saloons, setting
himself up as the guardian of
people's rights is a ridiculous
nightmare, which requires no med-
ical cure, and should not be left
as a cancer on the minds of the
decent citizens of this land.
-Arthur X. Shea
All letters must be typed,
double-spaced and should be no
longer than 300 words. All let-
ters are subject to editing;
those over 300 words will gen-
erally be shortened. No unsign-
ed letters will be printed.

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