.r Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truthl Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 9,1967 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY Regents Delayed Too Long In Announcing Tuition Hike EVEN WITH YESTERDAY'S substantial tuition increase the University is still a long way from solving its budget prob- lems. Because of the lack of efficient ad- ministrative contingency planning, the individual departments will be forced to make major cutbacks in their programs. The total amount of new revenues from increased student fees will be only $4.6 million, which is just equal to the amount necessary to operate University depart- ments at minimal levels. The lack of planning on the part of the administra- tion will force the University to operate on an austerity program in which funds expected by the various departments will not be available. The department chairmen here are at a distinct and defenseless disadvantage. They will find out only three weeks be- fore classes for the fall term begin how much their programs have been cut; they have little choice but to accept the deci- sions of the Regents. Much of the problem stems from the long four-week delay between the time the $59.1 million state appropriation was finalized and yesterday's unanimous de- cision. If a tentative budget had been sub- mitted to the departments in July, there would have been a chance to bring in al- ternative sources of revenue such as sending letters to alumni stating the problem and requesting funds for the in- dividual departments. The astronomy de- partment did exactly that to raise mon- ey for a new and costly telescope. But with only two weeks remaining before fall registration, department chairmen are left with the choice of either plan- ning a complete program with insuffi- cient funds, or eliminating courses, sec- tions and teaching fellows' THE REGENTS certainly had the best of intentions when they decided to de- lay their action pending a more cautious examination of the alternatives. How- ever, the four-week delay to ascertain only the amount of the tuition hike il- lustrates at least some inefficiency. For example, Wayne State University's Board of Governors were able to come to a de- cision three weeks ago after only one day of discussion. Their tuition increase was in no way radically different from the one instituted yesterday at the University. University officials have placed an im- possible burden on the individual depart- ments by delaying so long in the an- nouncement of the actual tuition hike. In the future the Regents should place more emphasis on speed in their decision- making. --WALLACE IMMEN -JOHN LOTTIER .. 4w % t r ',: 1. G: .. x..."_>}E. < .t .. g , " -S.'.h t t, s s ' 4 ~ a r .x ila9 7 ;/l/A4j C :' N 15 tV tAEFIRST ONE I'VE 6AC'KFAD INTc'.l I Stopped Worrying And Love the Bomb By JENNY STILLER Hiroshima. How many people knew of that name 30 years ago? But today, 22 years and three days after the first atomic bomb ever used in "legal" warfare ex- ploded, Hiroshima has become more than a city-it is a symbol of our age. At that time politicians were quick to declare that this devel- opment would surely mean an end to war-for war had, at last, be- come too horrible for consideration as a means of settling internation- al disputes. It was all so much wishful thinking. Far from becoming a force to end war, the bomb itself became important as a policy instrument. It became so that no country could consider itself a "first-rate" power if it didn't possess a key to the nuclear club. The very nature of war was changed, as the ad- vent of the atomic bomb made di- rect confrontation by the major powers more difficult. So instead of an old-fashioned all-out war by which the people of the United States, or the Soviet Union, or Britain, or France would suffer, "dirty little wars" broke out all over the globe. This had the "ad- vantage" of bringing the benefits of civilization-such as napalm - to such exotic places as Vietnam, Thailand, Peru and Bolivia. It also allowed the good people of the world's major powers-with the minor exception of those of draft age-applaud from the safety of. the sidelines. BUT THE SIDELINES have suddenly ceased to be safe as everyone has realized during the few moments of awareness that came with every major interna- tional crisis. Where throughout history there had been the fear of war, now there appears the possibility of planetary annihila- tion; where once the uninvolved stood a chance of being left alone, now there is the possibility - nay, likelihood-that, sooner or la- ter, the future will bring universal death. So there were the Fail-Safes and the Dr. Strangeloves, the shel- ter crazes, and the air raid-drills. There were the horrifying crises- like the 1962 Cuban confrontation -when people stored water and food in their cellars, and went about their everyday business with fear in their hearts and the Eter- nal Footman snickering at them over their shoulders. But it is impossible to remain sane with death as a next-door neighbor. When that crisis end- ed, it was easy to repress the terror and relegate the bomb to the background of one's mind. BUT FEAR strikes back. People could read in the newspapers that Communist China would have an effective nuclear striking force by 1970 with some degree of equan- imity. The majority of the popula- tion could notice the increasing proliferation of nuclear weapons. Politicians now propose using "small" atomic bombs to "defoli- ate" the Ho Chi Minh Trail or "bomb North Vietnam back to the Stone Age" without arousing a great deal of indignation. We seem, indeed, to have "learn- ed to stop worrying and love the bomb" only 20 years after the en- trance of the atomic age. Why should a person worry about forces over which one has no control? Mankind never has, and it seems unlikely that people will start now. Our own generation, born, as it were, under the nuclear shadow, has practiced all its life ignoring the possibility of imminent death. Indeed, it even seems almost in- conceivable that the nuclear Sword of Damocles has not always been hanging over humanity's head. And in a way it has. For if the holocaust does come, it will not just be living human beings that die, but all the minute bits of nobility in all that humanity ever was or did, or aspired to be or do; within the illiterate peasant who couldn't comprehend the instru- ment of his death, with the child who may never have a chance to grow up, that last harvest will take back Shakespeare, Beethoven and Michelangelo. IF HUMANITY continues, as it always has, to run gleefully em- bracing the Grim Reaper in his most violent form, the only re- maining question will be not if, but when. For if man himself does not change-an exceedingly likely proposition-there must in- evitably come a time when the stars will look down on a black- ened planet and hear the dirge of over three billion people, and of humanity itself. It will be the loud silence. 4' - . , :: T :,.":: 44.4":: : ":::::." ":::::::::::::. ": "4444"X: J" "" 44:4 R~gggg /4^::':::.::4"::::.Y:r ::i:::.4:..444V':.":::4":::::": 4 .'.:.:X .44: r":::::":.YL .4:ry:::::.4.L::'::::4".':::::. 1:: """""""":: . ..N"4. t :"::. .Ae. l:tvt:'::: :1. ." .....4.S ...v... ..y." :':.:.:..4 . ... y.. ":i ROTC: A Bright Spot H ere at the University THROUGHOUT this somewhat unset- tling summer there does appear to be some bright spots left here in Ann Ar- bor. Perhaps the most obvious of these is the ever-continuing Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) program. ROTC at the University and other col- lege campuses across the nation offers the incoming freshman a shot at becoming an officer in the United States Armed Serv- ices upon his graduation. The program is not easy. If he completes his ROTC re- quirements successfully, the cadet will have the satisfaction of knowing he has accomplished what only a select few of the university student body has been able to do. He has passed the most rigor- ously demanding of physical and mental requirements. There are courses here at the Univer- sity which require the student to think under pressure. ROTC requires not only this but also demands that its cadets re- act well under pressure. The two are not necessarily synonomous and it is for this reason that ROTC is potentially the most valuable program offered. As a training ground for responsible leadership later on in life, the University has no course or program which can even approach the benefits that may, be derived from ROTC. Upon entering the armed forces as a second lieutenant, the ROTC graduate will be asked to assume a great deal of responsibility. In fact, there is no com- parable job in either private industry or government where so much will be expected of so young a person. The ROTC graduate's responsibility will be that of command and the task of command re- sponsibility is an awesome one. When lives hang in the balance and pivot on instant decision there can be no margin for error-for mistakes made at this level are often intractable. The mortality of human beings is more than just a poign- ant reminder of this. ANY FRESHMAN entering the Univer- sity is capable of passing the written exam for ROTC. What makes ROTC dif- ficult are its strict physical and emotion- al demands. Hour after hour of physical training molds the cadet into a tough, precise individual. From an emotional standpoint the cadet learns a kind of dis- cipline that too few students experience: the ability to pick yourself from an im- pending disaster and make the best out of any given situation. ROTC teaches the cadet a "never say die" attitude and it's the kind of lesson which, later in life, proves itself to be of the utmost import. If a University student, though, is de- termined to dodge the draft, he can prob- ably find a way. Military service is not, as the brochure says, "a fact of life": there are too many loopholes. Thus, the inevitability of the draft should not be the determining and motivating factor that would cause a student to enter the ROTC program. Rather, the person who will make the best officer is the student who feels he honestly has a responsibility to his country and that, as a college stu- dent, he is especially qualified to be a leader in the armed services. The greatest problem the ROTC pro- gram faces in its recruitment of men is, unfortunately, its image. Instead of being considered a privilege, the army all too often is thought of as a penalty. More often than not, status goes to the person who evades service rather than he who honors his obligation. Two years ago University students who staged a sit-in at the Anp Arbor draft board were reclassified 1-A and threat- ened with immediate induction into the armed forces for disrupting draft board procedure. But why should the Army have to threaten a person with the opportuni- ty to defend, represent and work for his country? Those on the outside can laugh all they want but those who have served know that there is no greater feeling in - the world, in terms of pride and dignity, than to wear the American uniform. F COURSE the United States has its problems like any other nation, but there are few people from other countries who would not gladly exchange places if they were presented with the opportunity. ROTC provides the opportunity for in- dividual advancement and personal grati- fication. There are many exercises in life that are a matter of conscience and of these, ROTC is one of the greatest. -ROB SALTZSTEIN SPeak Up! IF YOU WANT to watch a Regents' meeting, you're welcome to go right ahead. If, one the other hand, you're also interested in hearing what's going on, you're out of luck. The traffic noise coming in through the windows and the excellent sound- proofing built into the Regents' room combine to make it impossible to hear anything anyone but Vice-President Cut- ler is saying. As long as the Regents are going to continue to be so gracious as to hold pub- lic meetinrs thev should take stens to as- ON MAY 13, when he announced that he was running for the Pres- idency of South Vietnam, General Nguyen Cao Ky warned that "he might respond militarily if a civil- ian whose policies he disagreed with won the post. In any dem- ocratic country you have the right to disagree with the views of others." His view of democracy by bullets reflects his admiration for a deceased German, Adolf Hitler, whom he regards as a hero. On June 29, Ky was forced by his fellow generals and the press- ures of U.S. Ambassador Bunker to accept the No. 2 spot on a tick- et headed by chief of state Nguyen Van Thieu. It was only a tactical retreat on his part. On July 27, Ky again threatened that if any opposition ticket in South Vietnam's presidential elec- tions should win "by trickery" he would seek to overthrow it. It ap- pears obvious that the only can- didates who could win by "trick- ery" are the people who know how to use it and have the means to use it: the government candi- dates themselves, the Thieu-Ky ticket. But why should Ky cry wolf when almost everyone realizes that the September 3 elections will be just a formality to legitimize the military junta in South Viet- nam. The reasoning is simple : General Ky, like all dictators is insecure. He is afraid of his own people. Having used threats and even force, to compel the National Constituent Assembly to bar Gen- eral Duong Van Minh and, Pro- fessor Au Truong Thanh from the race, General Ky has discovered that his most formidable com- petitor is Mr. Tran Van Huong. Huong hal all the qualities of at- traction that Generals Ky and Thieu obviously lack. TRAN VAN HUONG is a Bud- dhist and his running mate, Mai Tho Truyen is one of the most outstanding 1 a y m a n Buddhist scholars. Buddhism is of course the majority religion in Vietnam (80 per cent of the population). General Ky has the reputation of being the enemy of that religion having suppressed the Buddhists ruthlessly in May-June, 1966. Gen- eral Thieu is a Catholic. Converted to Catholicism, not out of faith, but out of his ambition to remain in favor with the late President Ngo Dinh Diem. Tran Van Huong has long par- ticipated in the nationalist move- ment. In the first days of the Augus 1945 Revolution, Mr. Huong was elected President of the Ad- ministrative Committee of the Tay Ninh province. He joined the ma- quis when the British troops ar- rived in Sopth Vietnam to disarm the Japanese and to help the French restore their colonial pow- er. He persistently refused to co- operate with all French sponsored governments during the first In- dochinese War. During that same war, General Thieu and Ky served with the French army against Vietnamese people. In 1954, under President Ngo Dinh Diem, Huong became Mayor of Saigon Cholon (greater Saigon) but resigned on March 1955 after having been in office only five months. His resignation was motivated by his disagreement with President Diem's policy. Af- ter the abortive November 11, 1960 rebellion by South Vietnamese paratroopers led by General Ngu- yen Chanh Thi now in exile in Washington D.C., Huong was ar- rested by President Diem's police, while during Diem's regime, both Generals Thieu and Ky served him and his family faithfully. Both were trusted by Diem and his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu. Both were members of the regime's "Can Lao" party. EARLY IN 1964, Tran Van Huong became Prime Minister of South Vietnam. His civilian regime was overthrown by the military junta on January 27, 1965. When he left his office, Huong returned to the national treasury all the secret funds at his disposal, an unheard of act of honesty in a country where stealing money from the government has become a normal procedure. Huong's hon- esty and integrity are known by all the people. There should be no need here to mention that both General Thieu and Ky are of course corrupt. Tran Van Huong has been a teacher, a poet and a playwright. In Vietnam a literary man is most respected. General Ky and Thieu are professional soldiers, and sol- diers who served the enemy against the national cause are most de- spised by the Vietnamese. Since he was overthrown by the Army, Tran Van Huong has lived in Vung Tau, as an "honored guest' of the military junta and, was a virtual prisoner. THE GENERAL concensus in Saigon and especially in the South Vietnam countryside where Huong is a familiar figure (both General Ky and General Thieu are virtual- ly unknown among the peasants) is that given only 50 per cent of freedom of election, the Huong- Truyen ticket will win. The intellectual nationalists who are now actively campaigning for him seem to be optimistic. Person- aly I do not share their optimism as I know the answer to free and fair elections depends on Wash- ington rather than on the people of South Vietnam. There is no in- dication that Washington will de- cide to abandon the status quo, the military junta, for a freely elected government. But such a government is the only govern- ment that could bring about an "honorable settlement" of the war in Vietnam and a much longer for peace to the Vietnamese people. Letters: On Rights' Let me hasten to assure this letter is not intended to criticize any of the citizens of Michigan for the recent riot in Detroit. Sim- ilar riots occurred in Newark, N.J., Cambridge, Md., New York City and Rochester, N.Y., and oth- er cities as well. They are not volcanoes, cleansing our system of government, or our way of life. The President acted wisely in ordering troops to protect life and property in Detroit. The creation of an 11-man commission to study the cause of riots, is also the right approach to the problem of civil disorderin our cities and towns. At the same time the commission should study the structure of the various unions, associations and organizations w h i c h represent themselves as promoting racial and civil justice or equality. THIS IS NOT the age when an immigrant landingaon our shores has to pay the local political boss a couple of hundred dollars to take or pass the -citizenship com- mittee . .. This is an age, where there is no reason why two men have to stand on a street corner and argue over who has more rights under the Constitution. The rules governing these unions, as- sociations and organizations ad- vocating racial and civil justice, are not the laws of this country; and neither are the rules of any other organization, whether they be Spartacist, with a Schutzstaffe or Sabine with the intent of es- tablishing a fascist movement. One hundred years after the abolition of slavery is not an age to extort money or passion from any race in order to secure rights granted to them in our form of government. It is like a client go- ing from one law office to another trying to find a lawyer who will tell him he has found in the Con- stitution a word or a phrase which will give the client more liberty and more justice than the previ- ous lawyer could .find in it. Our democratic security is not organized against people. It is peo- ple who are 'organized to extort profit in the same manner from our democratic security. IT IS NOT an age where one must subscribe to the local call racket much as he would subscribe to cable TV or an answering serv- ice. It is not an age when we expect to call the war department every morning to find out where the war is, or where the riot is taking place. The spectacle of some frustrat- ed politician, spawned in the slum of neighborhood saloons, setting himself up as the guardian of people's rights is a ridiculous nightmare, which requires no med- ical cure, and should not be left as a cancer on the minds of the decent citizens of this land. -Arthur X. Shea All letters must be typed, double-spaced and should be no longer than 300 words. All let- ters are subject to editing; those over 300 words will gen- erally be shortened. No unsign- ed letters will be printed. 1 MOWAY I R iCT-MC U SfE 5Y, ALL (HT WW W5MU TOLW ME 3? 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