Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
- UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Where Opinn reFee, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEws PHONE: 764-0552
Truth Will Prevail
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDA'5, AUGUST 8, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID KNOKE
U h I: Master of Practicality
LT±L. 1
THE LEGITIMAC
over the Univei
riouncement of a
n rent for marr
unquestionable. T
however, may be j'
The students liv
housing are signir
ng not to pay the
weren't warned it,
By waiting unt
the rent hike, tl
Office gave resid
for married studer
to accept the high
give the . Univers
:reak a housing cc
lents were willing'
at .the end of Sep
doubtful that they
ng arrangements
time.
Still, maintena
sharply recently,A
ive to continue
Building and gro
nany cases, been
can be put off no l
But the Univers
had knowledge of.
since last semester
The late, date of
ion cannot be use
ng Office's tardy
ncreases since U:
are required by M
self supporting.
Many married st
ers have objecte
[hey suspect thet
o lay aside mone:
er to be built it
they want faciliti
and a nursery, b
ley don't want
hey will not be a
ion't want it ba
ents. The commu
uspect, was foist(
esidents with litti
[HE IDEA THA
for a low priori
ype is a bit of a
lent Advisory Con
,ided three or fo
community center
io suggestions to t
ap so it has rema
consideration.
This year's Inc
962, will probably
else. If there is a
ommitted- to a co
other specific re
Money above the
WVI nl1KV I
P us Married
Students on the Spot'
"Y of student complaint and interest on bonds will be put into a
rsity's poorly-timed an- pool to be used for unspecified residence
$10 per month increase hall expansion.
ied-student housing is Married students' suspicion that the
he rent increase itself, community center was developed with
ustified. little consultation with the people con-
ving in married student cerned is justified, however. The student
ng a petition threaten- voice in the rent hike was the Student
e increase because they Advisory Committee on Housing which
was coming. was largely unaware of the decreased in-
M1 Aug. 1 to announce terest in a community center over the
he University Housing last few years. The committee to a large
ents of the apartments extent approved the rent increase with-
its almost no choice but out considering possible alternatives, such
er rent. Residents must as checking out the efficiency of present
ity 30 days notice to maintenance on North Campus.
ontract and even if stu- Lack of communication between stu-
to break their contracts dents in North Campus apartments for
tember, it is extremely married students and the Student Hous-
y could make other liv- ing Advisory Committee has not been en-
in Ann Arbor at that tirely the fault of the committee.
Participation of the married students
nce costs have risen in housing office decisions has generally
making it more expen- not been good. The Student Advisory
the present upkeep. Committee on Housing has also been
unds repairs have, in hampered by the fact that the decision
postponed until they to raise rents was made during the sum-
onger. mer when attendance was at best spor-
sity Housing Office has adic-frequently no graduate students
these growing expenses were present.
r.
f the state's appropria- THE FEEBLENESS of the official stu-
ed to explain the Hous- dent voice leaves little choice for the
announcement of rent married students but to threaten. The
niversity housing units prognosis for a successful rent strike is
ichigan state law to be not good, however.
Ludent.apartment dwrel- aAttempts to threaten the Regents with
a public scandal have failed in the past
d to the rent increase. largely because of the Regents' uncanny
extra rent is being used capacity in finding a way to avoid any
y for a community cen- clear-cut yes or no decisions.
n three or four years.
eS for more study areas Residents of Northwood and University
ut for the most par Terrace have been quick to sign a peti-
tpa forhemsthpa tion circulated by Graduate Assembly
to pay for something saying they are "prepared" to withhold'
dY enough to increase the difference between the old rent and
nity center idea, many the new rent. When it comes to facing
ed upon North Campus legal squabbles and possible eviction, it is
d uonNorthnCamp doubtful that all 900 residents of married
.e consultation, student apartments will be willing to
T the rent increase is risk withholding rent.
ty capital outlay of this Married students have a difficult fi-
red herring. The stu- nancial situation and any rent increase
nmittee on Housing de- is a hardship. But paying $125 per month
ur years ago that the -the new rate-for a two bedroom apart-
r was a good idea and ment, is still inexpensive by Ann Arbor
the contrary have come standards.. The University's late an-
ined an area of prime nouncement of the increase, however,
compounds the financial strain. A stu-
rease, the first since dent rental strike,.even if it is futile, is
cover repairs and little the only response students can make in
ny money left it is not the face of the University's traditional
mmunity center or any summer announcement policy and inflex-
sidence hall projects. ible contracts structure.
cost of maintenance --LUCY KENNEDY
By PAUL WINSTON
Daily Guest Writer
MANY CONTEND that U
Thant's decision. preceding the
recent Middle East crisis, to with-
draw the United Nations conting-
ent from the area was weak and
unwise - because: first, Thant
bowed to Nasser's demand that
UNEF be removed, without con-
sulting the General Assembly, the
body which, formally at least, cre-
ated that emergency force; and
second, the withdrawal allowed
and encouraged active hostilities
to occur. In other words, people
argue that it would have been
desirable that UNEF had remain-
ed, and therefore that Thant's ac-
tion was weak and unwise. (And
the weakness evidenced by Thant
in this example is but a single
manifestation of a general tend-
ency toward timidity which char-
acterizes all of his actions and
attitudes.)
I would accuse those who so
condemn the secretary-general, for
they are obviously ignorant of the
limitations international political
relations place upon the ability
of the secretary-general to do
what he might deem desirable or,
good. I suggest that Thant, in the
present difficulty and in previous
crises, has acted wisely and has
learned much from the experi-
ences of his two predecessors: in
essence, he has done what he
could do-and to do more would
certainly have been destructive of
his effectiveness as an interna-
tional civil servant, of his own of-
fice, and, in an important sense,
of the United Nations itself.
REFERENCE has already been
made to the notion of capability-
specifically to'the fact that Thant
is able to do only certain things,
given the nature of international
realities. The UN too, and related-
ly, is limited in its ability to un-
dertake programsinu rthe peace-
keeping area particularly. The UN
is simply not a collective security
organization. Its framers realized
that the conditions essential to
the formation of such an orga-
nization were lacking in the world
-that is, a world of nations able
and willing to ally against an ag-
gressor state did not exist; con-
sequently, the preponderance nec-
essary to deter or suppress ag-
gression also did not exist - as
nations, for many reasons, did
not see it to be in their best in-
terests to promise to forget alli-
ances and other commitments
(and hatreds), and to join with
their brother states to smash ag-
gression (which might be commit-
ted by a friend, or perhaps even
themselves).
Hence the adoption of the veto,
provision by the framers. This
charter clause provides that no
actions shall be taken by the UN
without approval by (or the ac-
quiesence) of the great powers-
for, as the framers felt, were UN
machinery allowed to proceed
against the interests of a major
power in a particular area, wars
would be made not less, but more
likely.
Collective security measures,
then, against great powers were
seen in 1946 to be undesirable.
With the failure, in 1946-49, of the
Security Council's Military Staff
Committee to agree upon troop
and armament assessments among
the member states, collective se-
curity against minor states was
made impossible also. Despite the
Uniting for Peace Resolution in
the early fifties, whereby the Gen-
eral Assembly, in which the veto
could not be used, would initiate
security operations, as well as
the Korean affair, able to be un-
dertaken only because the Soviet
Union had absented itself from
the Council, it was apparent that
new security procedures w e r e
needed.
THE QUESTION asked by Sec-
retary-General Dag Hammarskjold
in the middle-fifties was: what is
the UN able to do?rThe relevant
considerations were apparent:
nothing can be accomplished in
the peacekeeping sphere without
great power unanimity, so agree-
ment among, the powerful states
must, in all crises-, be sought. But
even if agreement is achieved, the
distrust East and West have for
each other destroys the willing-
ness of one to allow the other to
enter'a troubled area as part of a
peace-keeping body.
Hammarskjold felt that the pres-
ence of American and Soviet
troops in the Middle East in 1956
might have precipitated a con-
frontation between the cold war
combatants, which would have ex-
panded the Suez crisis into a ma-
jor conflict. He then proposed that
the major powers remain out of
At that same time, however, the
Hungarian revolts occurred. The
Soviet Union refused tb allow the
United Nations to intervene. The
UN subsequently, did not involve
itself in this crisis.
THE LESSON hopefully gained
from the experience of UNEF
U Thant at the Honors Convocation
this area until the disputants had
been calmed, principally through
the interposition of UN troops. The
Soviet Union and the United
States, fearing confrontation and
desiring to end the hostilities,
acquiesced to Hammarskjold's
plan, which he called "preventive
diplomacy."
Letters to the Editor
True Blue-Print
Isn't it time for a bit of honesty
concerning our yearly street ex-
travaganzas?
Back in 1928, the Sheriff's De-
partment raided a secret meeting
of top level American Communists
at Bridgman, Michigan. What we
are witnessing today is the frui-
tion of the Communist blue-print
which was confiscated bypthe
sheriff's men in 1928.
A program of racial strife for
the United States, as written by a
Moscow representative named Jo-
seph Pogany (alias John Pepper,
John Schwartz, John Swift, etc.)
providese a few interesting quotes:
"Within the Negro population of
the United States, the Negro work-
ing class is destined to be the
vanguard of all liberation move-
ments and may become the van-
guard of the liberation movement
of the Negro peasant masses on
an international scale . . . . The
Workers (Communist) Party of
America, in its fight against im-
perialism, must recognize clearly
the tremendous revolutionary pos-
sibilities of the liberation move-
ment of the Negro people. First
of all, we must consider the com-
pact Negro farming masses of the
'black belt' as the potential basis
for a national liberation move-
ment has tremendous revolution-'
ary potentialities -. -
THE COMMUNIST must parti-
cipate in all national liberation
movements of the Negroes which
have a real mass character . . .
The next and most important task
of the party in this respect is the
selection and education or a cadre
of Negro Communist workers ...
One aim and purpose of the work
among the Negroes in the U.S.A.
should be to organize them as the
champions of the Negroes all over
the world, against imperialism. A
strong Negro movement in the
U.S.A. will be able to influence
and direct the Negro movement in
all those parts of the world where
the Negroes are oppressed by the
imperialist powers."
Isn't it clear what is really
meant by those so-called civil
rights leaders who demand a com-
plete "restructuring" of ourna-
tion, socially, politically (!) and
economically, or they will burn
this country to the ground?
-John Cole
Communist Threat
On July 12, 1967, President
Johnsonresponded to the con-
tinuing request of Congress, in ef-
fect since 1959, for a proclamation
designating the third week in July
as "Captive Nations Week."
In his proclamation, Mr. John-
son stated that "Whereas freedom
and justice are basic human rights
to which all men are entitled ...
Whereas these inalienable rights
have been circumscribed or denied
in many areas of the world, and
Whereas the U.S. . .. has had an
abiding commitment to the prin-
ciples of national independence
and human freedom," . . . etc.,
etc., and on and on into an in-
finity of mundane mediocrity.
Rep. John M. Ashbrook (R-
Ohio) has remarked that a com-
parison of the Public Law and Mr.
Johnson's proclamation reflects
"the deterioration of our foreign
A Man for all Treasons
;IR THOMAS ALI sits in court facing
the Draft Board, with Public Opinion
ehind him and the Boxing Board in the
ings.
Draft Board: -We ask you merely to
bey the draft and serve your country.
Sir Thomas: I will serve my country
'here it does not conflict with my duty
> Allah.
Public Opinion: He's a bloody boxer,
rnd now he's trying to pass himself off as
minister.
Draft Board: You must obey the law.
Sir Thomas: You cannot ask me to kill.
'here is a higher law....
Draft Board: You must not break our
*W.
Sir Thomas: Who made the law?
Draft Board: Your elected representa-
ves.
Sir Thomas: I didn't elect them. Where'
come from my people are only just get-
ing the vote.
Draft Board: You are bringing in red
errings. The issue is simply whether
ou are breaking the law pertaining to.
illitary service or not.
Public Opinion: My boy had to go. It's
hose Black Muslims that have affected
is mind.
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
olegiate Press Service.
Sir Thomas: If I had say in the law
then I would obey it provided it did not
ask me to go against the will of Allah.
Draft Board: Then you will allow your-
self to be inducted into the armed serv-
ices?
Sir Thomas: I must repeat: my first
allegiance is to my God. You ask me to
go far away to fight against men with
whom I have no quarrel. But my life be-
longs to my God and, I cannot throw it
away for human beings who wish to play
political games with it.
Public Opinion: He's a dirty traitor. He
won't fight for his country. Did you hear
what he said about the enemy? He's a
coward. He's made his millions out of
this country and now he wants to get out
of fighting for it.
Boxing Board: We strip him of his
world heavyweight boxing crown. Boxers
may be gangsters sometimes, or thugs, or
killers, but they are never unpatriotic.
Sir Thomas: It is said what doth it
profit a man if he gain the whole world
and suffer the loss of his own soul, and
you do it merely for the world heavy-
weight crown.
Draft Board: Take him away.
Public Opinion 1: How would we raise
an army if everybody acted that way?
Public Opinion 2: He suffered for his
beliefs.
Public Opinion 1: Now you're talking
Mr^ n's-iiats WAVY^V.^ V k a 4 +% ^ - 13
policy regarding the Communist
worldwide threat and the con-
tinuing success of the policy of
coexistence with the greatest evil
yet visited upon mankind."
THE CONGRESS, in 1959, talk-
ed of such things as: "The en-
slavement of a substantial part of
the world's population by Com-
munist imperialism . . . aggressive
policies of Russian communism...
which poses a direct threat to the
security of the U.S., and of all
free peoples of the-,world," . . . etc.
In his address, of course, Mr.
Johnson neither mentions Rus-
sian imperialism nor any threat
to the security of the U.S. Any
mention of those unmentionable
items -might sabotage Mr. John-
son's political bridge-building to
the very ones who were the cause
of the, initiation of "Captive Na-
tions Week." This year's procla-
mation is a direct affront to those
nations which are still captive as
well as all freedom-loving persons
across the world."
-Donald E. Van Curler
Old Age
Recently some letter writers
have brought both historians and
legal statutes, with a judicial deci-
sion, to support the corporate ac-
tuality of the existence of the
University since 1817. It is now
appropriate to dissent on two
counts in behalf of the Muse of
History. ,
One well known historianof
this State, in differing from the
official position on the Sesqui-
centennial foundation, points out
that the conception of the Univer-
sity of Michigan (Catholepiste-
miad) was one of central control
under two "didactors" administra-
tor-teachers). This was similar to
the University established by the
French Emperor Napoleon, and
embraced the entire field of ed-
ucation in Michigan Territory, al-
though a primary school and
academy were the immediate re-
sult.
ALSO A WIDELY distinguished
author of books on Detroit and
Michigan informs us that for more
than a century after its presumed
"rebirth" in Ann Arbor (by the
1837 statute) thetUniversityde-
nied any identity with Judge
Woodward's 1817 Catholepiste-
miad.
Professor Slosson once remarked
that the Weimar (German) Re-
public had experienced all the
diseases children are subjected to.
In the same vein the critics of the
Univrsitc an accuse it of evel-
and Hungary in 1956 is that great
power agreement is possible in a
limited sense (it is not, of course,
in the sense that collective security
requires), and that without it the
UN is necessarily powerless, and
essentially inoperative.
Given this fact, the secretary-
general has as his major task the
creation of agreement among the
major powers. The success of this
task is fundamental to an influ-
ential UN.
Trygve Lie, the organization's
first secretary-general, failed en-
tirely in attaining accord between
East and West, and his han-
dling of the Korean crisis alien-
ated the Soviet Union to such an
extent that his influence in the
UN, and that body's effectiveness
in other areas, became negligible.
Lie was forced to retire, and the
Soviet Union determined that nev-
er again would a Westward-lean-
ing diplomat become secretary-
general.
HAMMARSKJOLD succeeded to
the office. His Suez campaign
and his agreement to refrain from
intervening in Hungary in 1956
pleased the Soviets as well as the
United States. But in 1960 the
Congo crisis developed, andHam-
marskfold was faced with a ma-
jor dilemma.
Apparently he had no intention
of separating his resolve to ex-
pedite the expulsion of the Belgian
mercenaries and former' colonial
officials from the area from his
resolve to establish domestic or-
der there, feeling that chaos and
violence would result if the poli-
tical vacuum in the Congo was
left unfilled by the UN. But he
knew the Soviet Union would veto
any such domestic tampering in
the newly-independent state, fear-
ing the establishment of an or-
der not benevolently disposed to
the Communist power.
Hence, Hammarskjold, in his
resolution to the Security Council,
mentioned only his intention to
expel the Belgians, and the So-
viet Union voted in favor. UNOC,
the UN peacekeeping contingent,
was installed, the Belgians remov-
ed, and Hammarskjold began to
play with the Congo's distraught
domestic political situation.
Of course the Soviets felt de-
ceived and demanded what
amounted to a retroactive veto,
particularly in its proposal for
three secretaries-general, repre-
senting the three blocs (East, West
and Neutral), each withea veto
over day-to-day affairs: the so-
called troika proposal. This failed,
so the Soviets then refused to pay
their peacekeeping assessments,
and refused further support to any
of Hammarskjold's programs. His
effectiveness was gone, and his
office stood in peril of destruc-
tion; the UN had come to a halt
over the financial crisis caused by
the Soviets' refusal to pay their
share, and the secretary-general's
death at about this time was the
only way to dispel the bitterness
and to allow the UN to resume
functioning.
INCREDIBLY, a successor, U
Thant, was agreed upon and it
was clear to him that to antag-
onize the Soviet Union would be
involved in the persons of Indo-
nesia, which wanted the area, the
Netherlands, which wished to keep
it as a final reminder of her once
powerful colonial empire, and al-
so in the persons of the Soviet
Union and the United States,
which backed different sides, was
solved through compromise.
But the Vietnamese war has
been left alone by Thant, at least
directly. His intervention would
surely antagonize one great pow-
er or the other so Thant has at-
tempted to work behind the scenes
- hoping, thereby, to achieve
agreement between America and
the Soviet Union-and agreement.
here, is essential to peace in that
area. Active UN participation in
Southeast Asia would destroy that
organization, the war in Vietnam
being tloe very major crisis that
it is: a direct confrontation be-
tween East and West.
Finally, let us turn to the re-
cent Middle East battle. From
the onset of the tension, some
days before Thant's decision to
withdraw UNEF, it was apparent
that the Soviet Union was strong-
ly aligned with; the Arab, states,
by supplying arms and other aid
to them, and in publicly announc-
ing her support of most Arab de-
mands.
Thant was convinced that to re-
sist Nasser's order that the UN
force be removed would antagon-
ize the Soviet Union, and that this
hostility thus generated would
make it impossible for the UN to
work for a pacific resolution o
the several points of contention
arhong the parties to the dispute.
WAR ERUPTED first, though,
and halted the attempts at peace-
ful settlement being conducted by
the UN. But, as wars never re-
solve anything, settlement at-
tempts have resumed, and con-
tinue today, and these attempts
are the only observable avenue to
a resolution of the hatreds in the
Middle East. Such resolution will
certainly be impossible without
the participation of the Soviets.
Had the UN antagonized the
Soviets seriously during the' last
two months it is questionable
whether they would have been
willing to so :participate. They
were antagonized during the Con-
go affair and have refused to help
resolve the problem there that is
still simmering. Without their help
there can be no resolution. U
Thant, in all cases, has been not
weak but wise.
WEAKNESS and wisdom here
are not equivalent terms and
should not be confused. Each has
a relatively closed set of defining
criteria, and when one assigns
to any particular bit of behavior
the label weak or unwise, if he
has observed and interpreted the
context within which thebehavior
occurred accurately and objective-
ly, then he is certain he means
weak, not strong, and unwise, not
wise. It also follows that the be-
havior is, in fact, weak and un-
wise-if, and this is essential, the
second requirement has been ful-
filled: not only must he know
the meaningshof weakness and
wsdom; but he must also have
a knowledge of the circumstances
of that behavior-again, the con-
text within which it takes place.
Without this knowledge, and it
must be thorough and objectively
gained, his affixation of labels is
senseless.
For example, Falstaff, in Shake-
speare's Henry IV, Part I, declares:
"discretion is the better part of
valor." He has termed his reluc-
tance (refusal) to arm himself
and wage war for his king against
certain domestic insurgents as dis-
crete or wise. Agreement or dis-
agreement with Falstaff based
upon only the above information
with which to formulate a judg-
ment would be nonsensical and
useless. Yet some would say: it
is good that one help the king
against those who preach disor-
der and actively attempt to in-
stitute it, and therefore, Falstaff's
refusal to lend aid to his king is
weak-the result of cowardice.
Those who would so contend are
half-wits, for they know only half
the relevant information, namely,
the meanings of the words, weak-
ness and strength. They are ig-
norant of the context of Fal-
staff's words-which, if studied,
suggests that his "discretion"
might be seen to be wisdom after
all, or at least to be cowardly.
OF COURSE, there is the prob-
lem of determining in precise
terms the meanings of accurate
and objective-with reference to
the observations made of certain
actions. Might not two reasonable,
intelligent, and objective men, who
are capable of accurate physical
observations, reach different judg-
ments about the same act? Yes-
though the fault, or the explana-
tion, lies with the men involved.
Perhaps one is less objective than
the other; or one has less knowl-
edge of the context than the oth-
er. Complete knowledge of, any
situation is obviously impossible.
Complete separation of one's pre-
dispositions and prejudices from
his nhervntinn and interpretation
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