Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNTVERSITY OF MIC-IGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
TodIay and Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann
Soviet Miscalculations in Middle East
here Opinions Are Free
Trutb Will Prevail 420 MAYNARD S., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
NEws Pi-ToNE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staf writers
or the editors. This must be ,noed in all repints.
SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: LUCY KENNEDY
'U' Should Improve
Upon MSU Tuition Plan
GSTAAD, Switzerland-We may
be sure that Moscow did not en-
courage Gamal Adbel Nasser in
order to punish the United
States for what we are doing in
Vietnam. Life is more compli-
cated than that. But there is a
connection between Vietnam and
the Middle East, and I believe
that our preoccupation with Viet-
nam led the Soviet government to
make a giant miscalculation.
Moscow's initial judgment was
correct enough. The United States
was so entangled in an unpopu-
lar war in Vietnam that the John-
son administration would not or
could not move quickly or easily,
if it moved at all, to go to the
aid of Israel. The unwillingness
of Washington to become involved
in another police action was quite
evident, and on this score Soviet
intelligence was sound.
The Soviet error was not about
Washington, but about Cairo. If,
as Nasser thought and Moscow
allowed itself to believe, the Arab
allies could destroy Israel in a
few days, the Soviet policy would
have paid off. The Arabs would
have got rid of Israel, and the
Soviet Union, as the special sup-
porter and friend of the Arabs,
would have become the predomi-
nant power in the Middle East.
It was the Israelis. snd the
Israelis alone, who upset Mos-
cow's calculations, who dashed
Moscow's hopes and spared Wash-
ington the horrid dilemma of en-i
gaging in another and more dan-
gerous Vietnamese war or of
abandoning Israel.
THE , SOVIET miscalulation
was due to a false reading of the
capacity of small nations to wage
war. Moscow's intelligence agents
and diplomats were unable to dis-
tinguish between the military
prowess of Egypt and of Israel.
They made essentially the same
error as we have been making in
Southeast Asia.
Like the Russians in the Middle
East, we have looked down on the
pygmy nations and have assumed
that the one with the most army
would prevail. Moscow and Wash-
ington have been forced to learn
that the pygmies are not.all alike'
and that the ones with the super-
ior morale are the stronger ones.
Moscow tried to impose its will
on the Middle East by arming
and inciting a collection of small
nations. We have been trying to
do a similar thing in Southeast
Asia, first by supplying arms and
aid to the pygmies and then by
taking over the whole burden of
the fighting. The critical fact is
that, the two superpowers have
both been foiled by their failure
to take seriously the power of
small nations fighting, as these
nations believed, for their very
existence.
Neither Moscow nor Washing-
ton has been able to realize that
their enormous superiority in
weapons would not prevent the
small nations from defying their
superior power. Both have as-
sumed that because they possessed
absolute military superiority their
political influence would be cor-
respondingly great. The chief
lesson of the 1960s is the startling
paradox that supreme military
power and political mastery do
not necessarily go together.
TIE ABILITY-TO-PAY plan, as insti-
tuted by Michigan State University,
should not be adopted by the University
Regents when they raise tuition in Au-
gust. But the concept of paying tuition
according to income is meritorious and,
'if handled properly, would be far more
equitable than a flat sum across-the-
board increase.
There are serious flaws in the MSU
plan. Of course it is a bad plan. It will
certainly be a shame that MSU students
fron large families will have to pay a
disproportionate share of their family
income for an MSU education.
It will, however, be much more of a
shame, if University students from low-
income families have to bear the burden
of paying a disproportionate share of
their income for an education. The in-
equity of basing a tuition scale on gross
family 'income without regard for family
size is .obvious. But the road to fairness
does not loop back to across-the-board
hikes-it goes on to a true "ability-to-
pay" system, one which takes all factors
into account.
THE ONLY VALID argument against
adoption of the MSU system is an ar-
gument of expediency., Critics say that
if the Regents were to adopt such a plan,
they would have no definite idea of what
the University's income would total un-
til the fall semester was nearly half over.
A good point, but like the other criti-
cisms of MSU, a bit one-sided. If the pre-
dominantly Republican Board of Regents
chooses to adopt an across-the-board
hike, as it almost certainly will do, and
if it also makes good onan earlier pledge
that it will increase scholarship funds
accordingly, it will be in much the same
position. Not the same position, per-
haps, but much the same.
In any case, expediency is no excuse.
for inequity. If the Regents find it ab-
solutely necessary to know exactly what
their operating budget will be, they will
have an alibi for adopting a temporary
across-the-board increase for the fall se-
mester.
But as of December, their alibi will
have run out.
For December, then, if not for now, the
Regents must consider the equity of their
distribution of the added tuition burden.
The MSU plan should not be disregarded,
but rather improved upon. A good start
might be to extend it to cover out-of-
state students as well as in-state stu-
dents.
-JOHN GRAY
THIS IS A CARDINAL fact
the modern age. The failure
to
Letters to the Editor
Our Own House
"THE SPECIAL HORROR of Detroit's
mass violence, added to that in New-
ark and 35 other cities this year, carries
with it a special warning of social disin-
tegration which needs to be taken very
seriously indeed.
"These riots, with their senseless prop-
erty destruction and widespread looting,
pose a frontal challenge to the very bas-
is of urban social order that cannot easily
be comprehended. They are like a revolu-
tion without revolutionary purpose. They
must, of course, be met by the applica-
tion of superior force, and if that re-
quires federal troops in addition to state
and local forces, then regrettably so be
it. To live, an urb'an community must
first of all establish civil order and peace.
"This being done, however, there is an
even greater responsibility to see the com-
munity whole, and dispassionately search
out the sources of. social infection which
permit so tragic a breakdown of law.
When men become pillagers by the hun-
dreds, we face an altogether different sit-
uation from the normal one in which the
law-abiding majority has to cope only
with individual criminals. Crime on such
a scale becomes more than. crime. It is
a clean warning of the gravest social dis-
order.
The Daily Is a member of the Associated Press and
Colegiate Press Service.
Summer subscription.rate: $2.00 per term by carrier
($2.50 by mail); $4.00 for entire summer ($4.50 by
mall).
Daily except Monday during regular academic school
year.,
Daily except Sunday and- Monday during regular
summer session.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan.
420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104.
"MORE IS INVOLVED here than a
sense of grievance over racial dis-
crimination. It implies a feeling of to-
tal alienation from the community, to-
tal irresponsibility for lawful behavior,
total indifference to the interests of the
social structure as a whole. And-this, we
submit, is a social problem, to be solved
by social action on the broadest scale.
'"That does not mean merely a few
more civil rights laws, a few more crumbs
from the table, a grudging reform or two.
What is required is a basic orientation of
American, society, as drastic and as revo-
lutionary as the infection which chal-
lenges it.
"We need to face up at last to the in-
iquity of draining off our resources in a
senseless Southeast Asian war while we
accept social disintegration at home. The
time has come to put our own house in
order before undertaking to reform the
world. The funds we lavish on war and
arms must be turned to the rescue of
our cities from breakdown and despair;
the energies devoted to death in the
jungles expended on massively improving
the education, the housing, the job oppor-
tunities and the social cohesion of our
own people.
"For unless those who now acknowl-
edge no identity with American society
can be brought into it as fully participat-
ing members, all having more to gain
from law and order than from violence,
the very institution of democracy will be
seriously challenged.
--ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH
July 25, 1967
" rN M4
'Unfortunate Aspect'
In analyzing the structure of
the Detroit riot (Daily editorial,
July 26), Mr. John Lottier refers
to the "unfortunate aspect" of the
riot-that is to the death of in-
nocent persons resulting from the
indiscriminate violence which ac-
companies such mob action.
The terminology of both psy-
chology and sociology aims to de-
scribe such phenomena in a neu-
tral manner. (Perhaps the best
example is the psychological sub-
stitution of the word "super-ego"
for "conscience," the prior term
having little of the accumulated
emotional content of the latter.)
Certainly such terminology repre-
sents an intellectual contribution
which permits us to discuss per-
sonal processes in an objective
way, but the converse and dele-
terious effect is that actions or
feelings are so objectified that
their personal element is lost. It
is one thing to describe the organ-
izatioinal aspects of rioting, and
another to see the devastation and
the anguish caused by it. In this
respect the editorial page of The
Daily strongly conflicts, with the
set of photographs on page 6 in
the same issue.
THE CRITICISM point then is
not any fault in Mr. Lottier's
analysis per se but the fact that
his distance causes an unfortu-
nate lack of sympathy with the
destruction in Detroit. My critic-
ism leads to a non-objective view
not in the sense of bias but in that
of an emotional sympathy, that
is of understanding emotionally
rather than of coloring through
this understanding. To understand
mob violence is needed more than
to make observations on such con-
crete facts as status and occupa-
tion. Fuller play - must given.
rather, to a complete sphere -of
human interaction. This can pre-
vent us from making facile and
jejune analyses which forget to
consider that entire life's savings
were losttand that people were
killed. This would contribute more
to the understanding of what
happened in Detroit and to its
solution.
-Michael Sage, Grad.
Canada
A few points of correction to
Dan Hoffman's editorial in Thurs-
day's Daily
The divided Canada of Mr.
Hoffman's article, rapidly becom-
ing a fifty-first state and a colony
of the Great Society, is rather
less than a half truth. The his-,
toric gap between French and
English Canada is gradually be-
coming a thing of the past. The
French-Canadian dream of the
"revenge of the cradle," of becom-
ing a majority of outbreeding the
English, faded with the large
post-war immigration which was
largely neither E n g li s h nor
French. Canada is a nation of
minorities. No group amounts to
fifty per cent of the population.
There was a- time of increasing
separatist sentiment. This made
enough impression to affect the
large, English-controlled, corpor-
ations. French Canadians began
to rise on merit to ranks previous-
ly closed to them. It was made
clear to junior executives that
they must be fluent in French as
well as English. Canada is more
bilingualnow than in my child-
hood.
All letters must be typed,
double-spaced and should be no
longer than300words. All let-
ters are subject to editing;
those over 300 words will gen-
erally be shortened. No unsign-
ed letters will be printed.
IN 1948 the government ap-
pointed a royal commission to
study the question of a distinc-
tively Canadian culture. While
Canada cannot avoid being af-
fected by the nearness of the
United States any more than
France can ignore the influence
of Germany and England, there
are some parts of Canadian cul-
ture which do not duplicate
American models. Canadian tele-
vision has some unmatched tri-
umphs of its own. The Stratford
Festival makes American produc-
tions of Shakespeare seem full
of sound and fury, signifying
nothing. There are Canadian
schools of painters and sculptors
with much to say in their own
idiom. And all because the royal
commission decided it was pos-
sible to have a Canadian culture
and the government provided sup-
port.
It was De Gaulle who tried to
export American ways to Canada.
His intention was to make Mon-
treal the scene of another Detroit
riot. Unfortunately, Charles the
Senile was five years too late,
-Ivan Aron
Eastern Michigan
University
appreciate it is why both Wash-
ington and Moscow have been
the victims of such great miscal-
culations. Because of these mis-
calculations they have committed
themselves to policies that they
have been and probably will con-
tinue to be unable to carry out.
Accompanying this demonstra-
tion of the political limitations of
the superpowers there has been
an almost embarrassi'g demon-
stration of the ineffectiveness,
indeed the irrelevance, of the in-
tervention of the great powers
of the second grade.
China is unable to protect
North Vietnam. Great Britain is
disregarded not only by the
pygmies, but by the superpowers.
France is unable to make a move
of any political consequence
either in Indochina or in the
Middle East. We are faced with
the fact that there is a radical
disconnection between little na
tions which have emerged since
World War II and the great
powers which once ruled them
and gave a certain order to the
world.
We have not yet understood
and learned how to come to terms
with the new power relations of
the p o s t w a r, postimperialistic
modern age. In Washington and
Moscow, in Paris and London the
basic assumption of the leading
men has been and remains that
the world can be and ought to be
governed by the great powers: by
the United States in the pursuit
of freedom and democracy, or by
the Soviet Union in the expansion
of the peoples' democracies or by
Paris and Moscow together or by
London and Washington together.
The assumption is wrong. The
great powers cannot combine to
govern the world. Separate and
competitive, the world is not gov-
ernable.
THERE HAS occurred in the
postwar era a military revolution
which includes, of course, the in-
vention of nuclear weapons. But
it does not stop with that inven-
tion. The consequence of the
nuclear weapons and the policy
of deterrence has made it impos-
sible or almost inpossible for
statesmen in their right mind to
use nuclear weapons except to
deter others from using them.
In this stalemate the small na-
tions have found that they can
defy the great powers and can
make war among themselves with
relative immunity from serious
intervention by the great powers.
As the pygmies have plenty' of
things to quarrel about, they are
fighting their wars, and the great
powers can do little more than
wring their hands.
Those who believe or feel com-
pelled to believe that there must
be a "solution" instinctively turn
to the assumption that the great
powers, if only they were united,
or one or two great powers pos-
sessing the will, could put the
world in order again. In the last
analysis each of the great powers
believes in thefparamountpoli-
tical influence of material power.
THE UNITED NATIONS was
formed by men who thought that
the wartime alliance of Great
Britain, the Soviet Union and the
United States and, by courtesy, of
France and China would police
the world in the future. This hope
was d a s h e d because Britain,
France and China were not really
great powers and because the
Soviet Union and the United
States became engaged in the cold
war.
The original United Nations
wa sinspired by the belief then
held in the Western world that
the United States, plus Winston
Churchill's Great Britain, could
compel the Soviet Union to co-
operate in the government of the
world. But Great Britain lost
control of her empire, which be-
came the theater of great disor-
ders. The Soviet Union lost effec-
tive control over its satellites.
The United States found itself
unable to rule the world in Asia,
Africa or South America.
Yet always the dream of world
government by the great powers
has haunted the foreign offices
much as the ghost of the Roman
Empire haunted the Middle Ages.
The critical problem of the con-
temporary world is that we have
not found any substitute for that
ghost-for the memory of the im-
perial order in which the great
powers once governed the world.
The practical problem of our time
is how, since the great powers
cannot govern the world, they can
coexist with each other and with
the anarchy of the small nations
which have emerged from the an-
cient imperial order of the world.
That exceedingly discerning
military thinker, Gen. Beaufre,
wrote some time ago that the
great powers with their nuclear
weapons and their enormous eco-
nomic resources no longer dare to
make war against one another,
and yet they are unable to make
peace with one another.
NOT ONLY THE Middle East
and Vietnam, but Cuba and Ni-
geria, the Sudan and Cyprus
testify both to the political im-
potence of the great powers and
to the anarchy among the smaller
nations. I do not think there Is
any instant solution for this pre-
dicament. After all, there was no
"solution" for the disorders of
the Middle Ages.
In such a time of troubles as
this one, the supreme virtue of
statesmen is prudence. Which
means the art of navigating along
a rocky coast in a stormy sea
For this they must forswear,
grandiose policies, such as fight-
ing for universal peace or fight-
ing to remake the civilization of
Asia and Africa,
They must recognize the lim-
itations of their powers, and
while they cannot and will not
withdraw into isolation, they must
avoid ideological interventions,
even when these interventions
contain or mask some pseudoim-
perialist objective such as making
a miiltary lodging on the shores
of distant continents.
For good or evil, the modern
world cannot be conquered or
converted or governed by anyone.
The world is not one, but many.
(c), 1967, The Washington Post Co.
a
The Looting Fever
_____BARRY GOLDWATER
Putting Pinch On
~Stars and Stripes'
I
4
Tampa: Negroes and, Bigness'
By PAT WILLIAMS
Daily Guest Writer
First of a Series
The Tampa three day mid-June
riot erupted for reasons common
to every urban area: the little
man feels caught in the dilemma
of bigness and out of despera-
tion, destroys. The specific Negro
problem lies within the larger
problem of mass non-involvement.
Few people. in our culture have
any real control over their lives
and the Negroes the least of all.
Rioting stopped within three
days for a number of reasons.
Tampa had sufficient bi-racial
communication established before
the riot to allow manipulation of
the Negro youth's top thugs. Four
of the "White Hats" had long
police records before the riot and
are now on the payroll of the
city of Tampa "to keep the peace"
stoppage. But the deepest :eason
the riots stopped lies in the hearts
of the people who began it: too
few were sufficiently angry to
keep it up.
THE LITTLE MAN sees life as
it is. Unlike the educated who
see our culture from a felt sys-
tem of universal values, the little
man creates his frame of refer-
ence from the hard realities
around him. To compound the
problem, he cannot articulate
what he sees and often appears
obtuse. Not only does he have a
lack of information but he also
lives in a plethora of mis-infor-
mation. Only 28 of the 3,000 Ne-
gro high school June graduates
passed the college entrance exam
this year. Feeling emasculated
and hating himself for it, the
Negro can easily project this onto
all wites- nrinvaothe riot the
have a different cxplanation of
why the furniture is late. When it
finally arrives he signs the proof
of delivery held by still another
person.
By the time the first payment
is made on a credit plan vJinch
overcharges him, he has faced a
series of complete strangers who
mean nothing to him. Add to this
common frustration the highly-
keyed Negro proolem of poor
housing, limited job oppor uni-
ties, the pervasive feeling of being
"put down" and either resigna-
tion or rebellion result.
THE RIOTS ARE an indication
of the struggle for ascendency
shifting from the collegiate de-
mand for equality to the grass
roots poor demand for enough to
eat, for enough extra money to
go to the show. In the words of
Twenty or so million Americans
have a particularly good reason
to get up in arms over the-latest
attempt by the Pentagon bureau-
crats to manage the news and
whittle away the morale of our
fighting men. Those 20 million
are the past and present mem-
bers of the armed forces who
have read and respected the serv-
ice newspaper Stars and Stripes
over 25 years of war and peace.
All of us can remember or now
know Stars and Stripes as strict-
ly a serviceman's paper, not brass
bound, often irreverent, always
edited with the soldier, sailor and
airman firmly in mind and won-
derfully aware of doing for him
what the best sort of crusading
journal would do for its town in
civilian life.
Another interesting fact about
Stars and Stripes is that it pays
its own way with funds earned
through sales of the paper, job
printing for military clubs and
the sale of magazines and books
on S & S newsstands at military
posts around the world.
ALTOGETHER, the European
and Pacific editions of Stars and
Stripes reach about 1.5 million
Americans overseas with news that
is as unbiased and perhaps more
so than most civilian papers.
So what do the bureaucrats now
want to do with this institution
of our armed forces? They want,
in effect, to make it a partisan,
quire about $100,000 a year in tax
money.
The real objection, however, 1I
not to be found in the funny
ledgers of the Pentagon book-
keepers. It is to be found in an
obscure section of the Pentagon
directive setting up the Armed
Forces News Bureau, the section
into which Stars and Stripes would
be pitched.
The key section says that un-
der the news bureau "sensitivity
could be handled more expediti-
ously. In general ASD (assistant
secretary of defense for manpow-
er) guidance could be more ef-
fective and responsive..."
IT' DOES NOT take a very sus-
picious mind to read the clear
message of that little gem: that
the news bureau is set up ex-
plicitly to take orders regarding
"touchy" news. Now that might
be all right for routine opera-
tions. But when you apply it to a
newspaper which for a quarter-
century has been calling the shots
objectively and fairly then it is
quite proper to complain of a
clear and objectionable case of
news management.
The bureaucrats already have
tried to turn servicemen into sec-
ond-class citizens in virtually
every other way. Now they want
to make them second-class news-
paper readers as well.
Here is one Stars and Stripes
reader who strenuously objects.
t rb-