Uf~g Sidygat Batity
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNTVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This moust be noted in all "Pfrints.
TUESDAY, JULY 18, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID KNOKE
Politics and Education:
An Old Story of Infringement
THE ISSUE of University autonomy once
again has been broached with the
state Legislature's directive to the admin-
istration to charge out-of-state students
75 per cent of the cost of their educa-
tion. But we shouldn't really be too sur-
prised, because politicians have been try-
ing to control education-in one way or
another-for a long time now.
Back in the days of the infancy of the
German universities, a university consist-
ed of a few professors, what books they
could afford, and as many students as
were interested in learning what they
hadto -teach. If political pressure in one
place became too intense, the students
simply packed up their books and went
elsewhere. This is rather difficult in mod-
ern times, but there is at least one rele-
vant example of it: in the early fifties
about half of the faculty of East Berlin's
Humboldt University got annoyed at hav-
ing to teach and take compulsory courses
in Communist dogma, so they picked up
their books, walked across the border,
and established the Free University of
Berlin. Unfortunately for today's Ameri-
can multiversity, tied to campus, class-
room and laboratory, such mobility is im-,
possible. And even if it weren't, where
else can one goo
Much as students and faculty protest,
there is no denying the fact that the uni-
versity is no longer the ivy-covered cen-
ter of study and inquiry it once was. Fi-
nancially, the last few decades have wit-
nessed an increasing dependence on the
bounty of government and industry.
THE DAYS of the generous millionaire
alumnus have been supplanted by the
Era of the Big Grant, together with all
the control that this implies. The de-
mands made by industry, or, more im-
portant, government, are often hard to
take: increase the Negro enrollment of
the University or lose federal funds; fire.
professors who refuse to testify before
HUAC, and academic freedom be damn-
ed; participate in research to find more
efficient ways of killing people, or forget
about money for research.
The federal government is by no means
the only villain. The University' must
contend with legislators and taxpayers
who feel that if theyare footing the bill,
they have some say in its administration.
There is no overestimating the power of
the purse; all too often it is not the whim,
of the politician but the quality of edu-
cation which suffers.
The interference of politics into edu-
cation is by no means limited to the uni-
versity. Just last year, a Detroit sociology
teacher was fired for dealing with im-
portant social issues that the enraged
public felt were not proper for a junior
high classroom.
"I} A SLIGHT EXTENT, there are a few
hopeful signs. Supreme Court decisions
with regard to prayer in the schools came
too late for the present generation of col-
lege students, but in time to reintroduce a°
living enforcement of the Bill of Rights
to today's schoolchildren. Governor Rich-
ard J. Hughes of New Jersey staked his
political career on his refusal to submit
to pressure to fire a controversial profes-
sor at the state university-and then
won his 1964 bid for re-election. And
just last year the Regents of the Univer-
sity of Wisconsin reacted to a state sen-
ator's demand for an investigation of the
Daily Cardinal with a firm declaration
of its century-old statement of principle:
'Whatever may be the limitations
which trammel inquiry elsewhere, we
believe that the Great State Univer-
sity of Wisconsin should ever encour-
age that continual and fearless sift-
ing and winnowing by which alone
the truth may be found."
That declaration was first made in
.1860,. Other educational institutions
might do well to adopt it.
-JENNY STILLER
'6 o&t N S N!fi PS DagOr p T (U T~o-T V Ps DF TNE TA R!
L.etters to the Editor
..TRAN VAN DINH -
BOOKS: Buddhism
And- a ModernAia
"The New Face of Buddha" by Jerrold Schecter. Coward
McCann, N.Y., 1967; 300 pages, illustrated, $6.95.
mmgnmiisiimtsa:sisth+i ';;. .'.".: ? ;k;", ,:; +a* ,...'' 'v"' :K: m .. r.°.umusi'isamm
On a hot morning on June 11, 1963, in downtown Saigon, South
Vietnam. an elderly Buddhist monk, Thich Quang Duc, sat on the
pavement of a busy street. He crossed his legs in the lotus posture of
Buddhist meditation. His face was serene and while he prayed, two
younger monks poured gasoline on his head and shoulders. Calmly.
Thich Quang Duc stroke a match, soon an orange color flame engulfed
his body.
The self-immolation of the respected monk signaled the downfall
of the 9 year old regime of President I go Dinh Diem who was over-
thrown by a military coup d'etat on November 1, 1963. It shocked the
world, especially the U.S. and the Western countries which had be-
lieved that Buddhism had been always a religion of passivity, inaction
and renuciation. This belief although prevalent, is of course not true.
Buddhism has been the main force of nation building in Asia. The
first fusion of Buddhism and political action took place during the reign
of King Asoka Maurya who lived in India from 264 to 227 B.C. In
Vietnam, Buddhism, which was introduced from China in the second
century of the Christian era, has been so close to the nation that one
can say that the ups and downs of Vietnamese history have coincided
with the rise and decline of Buddhism. As a matter of fact, the founder
of the most glorious and prosperous dynasty in Imperial Vietnam, the
Ly dynasty (1010-12225), was a devout Buddhist and a disciple of the
famed Buddhist monk Van Hanh who gives his name to the Buddhist
University in Saigon. And yet, in May, 1963 when the Buddhists in
Hue, Central Vietnam, openly defied the oppressive power of President
Ngo Dinh Diem, the experts in the U.S. administration were searching
in vain for a file or a book (in English) on Vietnamese Buddhism.
This untolerable lacune is now happily filled by Jerrold Schecter's
"New Face of Buddha."
THE AUTHOR, a 34-year-old journalist of considerable experiences
on Asian affairs, now with the Tokyo Life-Time Bureau, has succeeded
remarkably well in providing "a new and urgent insight into Buddhism,
not only as religion and philosophy, but as nationalism, ideology and
the ultimate source of Asian values." His chapter on Vietnam, the
longest, is also the best, not only by the accuracy of the events he
narrated but more so 'by his perceptive analysis of leaders and situ-
ations. His description' of Thich Tri Quang, the well known Buddhist
monk who had influenced and continues to influence events in South
Vietnam since 1963, reveals the author not only as a shrewd observer
but also as a man who can identify himself with people not of his
background and culture. He depicts Thich Tri Quang in a short
sentence which bears witness to the modern history of Vietnam: "He
is a son of Hue: strong-willed, cunning, brilliant and mysterious." Being
a son of Hue myself, I can see how deeply he understands the people of
Hue, the former Imperial City, the center of Vietnamese culture
and the seat of Buddhist power. Ho Chi Minh and Pham Van Dong.
leaders of the Hanoi government in the North, are also the sons of
Hue, being born in Central Vietnam and educated at the National
College in Hue. The late President Ngo Dinh Diem was also a son
of Hue.
The book is a study of the new interpreters of Buddhism in Asia,
from the leaders of the Japanese Soka Gakkai, to Prince Norodom
Sihanouk of Cambodiato Thich Tri Quang of Vietnam. It is a study of
"engaged" Buddhism reflected in Thich Nhat Hanh's "Lotus in a Sea
of Fire," and materialized in the Buddhist Socialist bloc in Vietnam.
The chapter on China's attempt to build Buddhism as a showcase un-
fortunately stops at the event of the Red Guards. But perhaps it is
better for any China-watcher to wait for some time to know really
what happened in China in the last year.
IN THE PRESENT and future battlefields of politics in Asia, even
in China, the conflict is basically between engaged Buddhism and or-
ganized Marxism. Despite the apparent disadvantages of the Buddhist
when faced with the well structured and methodicl Marxists, it is my
opinion that in the long run, perhaps in 10 or 20 years, engaged
Buddhism will absorb Marxism in a more enlightened nationalism and
a deeper sense of internationalism. For those who wish to understand
the present and the future of Vietnam, of Asia, in depth, The New
Face of Buddha is certainly a must on the reading list.
MUSIC
Avant-Garde Concert
Shows New Effects
0
U'
Negroes in the Ghetto:
Riots or Economic Power?
REPEATED .38 CALIBER gun blasts de-
livered by state police added two more
to the list of dead in Newark, New Jersey,
Sunday.
After five days, over a thousand black
people are incarcerated and Governor
Richard Hughes of New Jersey offers
clemency, according to the New York
Times report yesterday morning, "to any
of these prisoners who will give evidence
leading to the conviction of a sniper."
In this heavily patrolled and guarded
spread of "America the Beautiful," sev-
eral hundred citizens whose main aim
was to urge restraint among the rioters
even found it impossible to operate be-
cause of state police and National Guard
harassment. As a consequence, their ac-
tivity was limited to distributing infor-
mation concerning food and medicine
sources in the area.
However, banging heads with night-
sticks and slashing wrists with bayonets
didn't satisfy the steel helmeted troops.
Two carloads of state police entered the
ghetto area sometime late at night and
fired into the store windows, reported lo-
cal Negroes. Guardsmen joined in the
destruction, they said, using rifle butts.
The shop destruction unit did not carry
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LAURENCZ MEDOW ..;.............. Co-Editor
out its mission indiscriminately, but chose
as targets only those stores marked with
signs reading "soul brother," which in-
dicated Negro ownership.
THE QUESTION IS NOT why-for either
the riots or the resulting police action.
After what has happened in Watts, Cleve-
land, Buffalo, Chicago, Boston and simi-
lar poverty hot spots over the last two
years, few are so naive to stop here.
The dilemma which is plaguing every-
one from arch white racists to black pow-
er SNCC organizers is-what to do now,
and how militant to become.
* Both sides have made their fundamen-
tal decisions. The National Guard and
the governor have decided what they
will do when the city is hot and people
are pressure-cooked past the boiling
point. They simply destroy the commu-
nity by every systematic and legalized-
by the "because of the situation" ration-
ale-means they can. But when news
photos of Vietnam and Newark become
almost indistinguishable, the comment
made by a National Guardsman in New-
ark, "this is just like two countries fight-
ing," is frightening.
THE BLACKS have made a decision, as
has been shown in the civil rights
movement over the past year. They have
a plan which includes seizing upon the
deep frustration felt by their people and
turning it toward their own ends-in oth-
er words, black control of the millions of
black dollars which flow through their
communities each day.
At present, the blacks do not own
stores, control apartment rents, or hold
political positions. The frustration felt
has not been channeled into construc-
tive efforts. Instead, Negroes have had
to revert to gas bombs, looting and fire-
works.
In the past, this self-destruction has
brought some additional poverty money
Dace Riots
We are writing to protest the
piece of puerile fatuity written by
John Lottier which appeared on
your July 15 editorial page. It is
incredible that a university as
respected as ours should produce
writing identical to Uncle Tom's
Cabin both in the odor of its
cliches and the hypocrisy of its
condescending arrogance.
First, it is not and never has
been a question of black Ameri-
cans having to "prove" or "bet-
ter" themselves. To be sure, the
effects of a century of prejudice,
on the social and attitudinal struc-
tute of black Americans has been
substantial and hardly pleasant.
But, for one thing, they are sure-
ly mirrored in the effects on the
white community; we could match
you riot for riot, death for death
if the reactions of whites towards
blacks moving into "their" com-
munities were taken into consid-
eration. For another, because it
has been the whites who have
createdhthe problem, it is up to
them to accept responsibility for
it; if they do not like what they
see when they look into a black
face, frankly, that's just too bad!
SECOND, on the matter of tac-
tics, the writer mixes up two is-
sues. We agree that undirected,
blind violence solves little. But the
real issue is-shall black America
"work within the rules" or press
to change them? The entire his-
tory of the civil rights movement
documents the futility of the first
approach. The cause of the pres-
ent wave of violence has been the
decision taken by the white com-
munity that the rules have been
changed enough.
The pathos of the situation lies
in . the fact that it is precisely
this violence which has brought
All letters must be typed,
double-spaced and should be no
longer than 300 words. All let-
ters are subject to editing;
those over 300 words will gen-
erally be shortened. No unsign-
ed letters will be printed.
a new dignity to the black Amer-
ican 'male by allowing him to
conceive of his traditional depend-
ence on whites as mutual. If he
still needs white cooperation for
his advancement, this is now par-
alleled by the white man's need
for his cooperation in the achieve-
ment of social stability. The fact
that whites in the main consider
stability as "non - negotiable"
bodes ill for American society.
-Eileen A. Retka, Grad
-Michael D. Wallace, Grad
The editorial was meant to
be facetious. In previous editor-
ials, writer Lottier has defend-
ed black power and pointed out
the injustice of fighting a war
in Vietnam while ignoring the
plight of the slums. His most
recent article was an interview
with Muhammad Ali which was
partially reprinted in several
papers, including The Detroit
Free Press.-Ed.
Sharing the Burden
The Legislature has thrown the
University into financial crisis.
The only proposal I've heard so
far for ending the crisis is rais-
ing student fees. I have no ob-
jection to raising student fees if
that's necessary: Students have
a stake in the University. If the
University needs money, students
should be willing to do their part
to get it.
However, it does seem to me that
our part should not be the whole.
If, as so often claimed, the Re-
gents and their administrators
have a more permanent and ex-
tensive stake in the University,
then it seems reasonable to ex-
pect the Regents and their ad-
ministrators to take a more-than-
comparable contribution to end-
ing the crisis.
I HAVE NOT yet heard of, one
administrator having his salary
cut or of one Regent giving a
special gift to the University just
to help out in the crisis. The Re-
gents and their administrators
seem to be acting as though only
students had any stake in the Uni-
versity.
We should not forget hoy. they
acted, when we and they again
debate student power.
-Michael Davis, Grad
Administrative Vice-President
Student Government Council
Temporary Hike?
Now let's be realistic. You
know as well as I do that tem-
porary measures tend to remain
in use indefinitely until they are
virtually permanent. Any assur-
ances from the Regents that "tui-
tion hikes will be temporary
pending the acquisition of addi-
tional operating monies" will, I'm
afraid, hardly reassure the par-
ents who will have to pay real
money "temporarily," or the stu-
dents who will have to increase
their loans or conduct a frantic
last minute search for $650! Hav-
ing paid out-of-state tuition at
its current rate I can assure the
Regents that a - $650 increase
would spell my financial doom;
not to mention my physical and
mental demiseaas well. I could
not even have afforded to live in
that infamous attic with plastic
for windows, and rafters for clos-
ets that your papier recently de-
scribed during a housing probe.
A modest raise in tuition coupled
with a less modest (i.e., drastic)
reduction in building projects
which, it seems to me, in a crisis,
should drop to the bottom of the
priority list-when your children
are starving, you don't build them
a new house-would be a more
reassuring suggestion from your
paper!-not a temporarily perma-
nent increase in out-of-state tui-
tion which, I predict, would only
be the starting point for 1967 in
a new escalation schedule.
-Gail Lois Broder, Grad
OPINION
The Daily has begun accept-
ing articles from faculty, ad-
ministration, and students on
subjects of their choice. They
are to be 600-900 words in
length and should be submitted
to the Editorial Director.
4
.tiiwBA RR Y GOLDWA TER..:.........
Arrogance of Executive Power
By A. C. FELIX
Saturday night the School of
Music presented the first of a
series of four concerts of avant-
garde music under the title "Con-
temporary Directions." These con-
certs are being presented under
the aegis of Professor George Wil-
son as part of a study of the ef-
fectiveness of recent innovations
in notation.
As a scientific experiment Sat-
urday's concert came complete
with a control, in the form of
"Octandre" by Edgar Varese,
which presents its eight perform-
ers with few or no problems of.
notation. As a musical events, the
concert's success was at least par-
tially assured by the same piece;
since "Octandre" is an acknowl-
edged masterpiece. The perform-
ance was excellent, sticking closer
to the composer's dynamic and
tempo markings than any other
this reviewer has heard.
A composer who would write an
unaccompanied solo for the in-
flexible, refractory oboe has his
work cut out for him. Unfortu-
nately Niccolo Castiglioni's "Alef"
manages to sustain only mild in-
terest despite its extreme technical
difficulty, the use of several un-
usual effects, and a very good per-
formance by John Bentley,
"Eleven Echoes of Autumn.
1965," by George Crumb; was the
surprise success of the evening. It
is scored for alto flute, clarinet,
violin and piano; and the percus-
sive tendencies of the piano are
minimized by the use of harmon-
the first performance, was retitled
"Room 1304" after the location of
the present performance. It is dif-
ficult to say anything about Cage's
music. He is liketa man who makes
a career of excavating holes in
which other people erect buildings
-his enterprise is certainlyvalu-
able, but how can one criticize his
architecture? All that can be said
is that noisemakers, prepared
pianos, musical theatrics and so
forth are all valid musiscal de-
vices. To demand anything of
"Room 1340" in the way of
"musicality" is to ask more of the
work than it is prepared to give.
Raymond Wilding-White's "Ecce
Homo" is an electronic work de-
signed to accompany slides of a
collection of drawings by George
Grosz. The tape consists of crowd
noises, street noises, garbled frag-
ments of popular songs repeated
over and over. As such it is quite
effective as far as it -goes. The
problem with message-art, how-
ever, is that the scathing indict-
ment of today is merely quaint in
twenty years and downright boring
after a century. Grosz's drawings
will survive because their depic-
tions of universal human types
transcend the time in which they
were written. Wilding-White's
music, alas, does not and will not.
"Play! No. 1" by Morton Subot-
nick is a sen-comic commentary
on performers and performances.
The initial tune-up is written out,
depriving the work of clear-cut
beginning. Throughout the per-
formance the plavers are moving.
4
Since some of us are always
accused of living in the past, I
figure we might as well, from
time to time, have the game as
well as the name. So the other
day I began reading backward
in the files of my state's great-
history.
Under the date of Sept. 6, 1906,
I found a speech made by Henry
Ashurst, one of our first sena-
tors, as he addressed the Demo-
cratic Territorial Convention in
Bisbee, Ariz.
Here are some quotations from
the speech, with only the names
deleted. The deletions show you
that things don't change quite as
much as you might think, at least
of stupendous extravagance with
public monies. Since he has been
the chief magistrate, a reckless
buffoonery has characterized every
Cabinet department of govern-
ment; graft, corruption and, as a
very distinguished phrase maker
once said, 'the unwholesome prog-
eny of paternalism have hovered
over his regime.'
"Indeed, our philosophy takes
a painful and gloomy form when
we see that the people of this na-
tion, particularly the young men,
are drawing from the administra-
tion's rule a system of ethics com-
pounded of misanthropy and graft,
a system in which two great and
cardinal principles are grab l all
that you see and hold all that you
That abuse of executive power
and a lowering standard of ethics
in the executive branch of gov-
ernment was just as great a con-
cern,, and just as legitimate a
one, 60 years ago as it is this
very day.
I will not even suggest to you
which names might today be
meaningfully and legitimately sub-
stituted for the ones Ashurst used.
The arrogance of executive
power everywhere is evident, from
the smallest details of press agen-
try to the most sweeping outlines
of public policy.
The administration is said to
give all that is good and smite all
that is evil and, in the course of it.
40