Aw mregn 43a
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UMIVERSrrY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
A Blueprint for a World Federation
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WhereOpn Areons Ae ne 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MicH.
Truth Will P1'g*1N
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Editorials printed ix The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
I THURSDAY, JUNE 29, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: LUCY KENNEDY
With or Without Fiscal Reform,
Tuition Hike is Imminent
This is the second portion of
"Outlines of a World Constitu-
tion," an article published in
The Daily Californian weekly
magazine (Jan. 17,1967). Yester-
day, the author discussed the
need for a world federation and
listed the powers which would
be bested in such an organiza-
tion.
By THOMAS C. BREITNER
The World Security Force would
be perhaps the most critical com-
ponent of any world government.
Upon its efficiency, moral integrity
and organizational safeguards
would surely depend the eventual
trust and support of the world's
people and thus the future viabil-
ity of the World Federation it-
self. A great deal of wisdom and
careful thought should go, there-
fore, into the fashioning of its
structural details and operational
specifications, as even the re-
notest possibility of illegal seizure
of it, or gross abuse of power by it,
must be properly foreseen and ef-
fectively countered.
The principle of the diffusion
of power might be used to good
advantage here. The World Sec-
urity Force thus could be divided
into separate military and police
branches, each with its own com-
mand structure and both super-
vised by a civilian cabinet min-
ister. The men and women com-
posing it should be of outstanding
caliber, superbly trained in the
academies and other facilities of
the World Federation. Its equip-
ment should be always ample and
the most adavanced technological-
ly. Recruitment would be on an
exclusively individual-volunteer
basis, with maximum quotas as-
signed to each member country
and territory. The force should be
deployed widely throughout the
human realm, in a comprehensive
system of well fortified and self-
,ontained bases.
THE ROUTINE regulatory and
administrative functions of mod-
ern democratic society have, in re-
cent years, expanded so much that
due consideration should now be
given to the creation of an entirely
new, fourth branch of the govern-
ment: that of a "public admin-
istration" branch. This would be
a smooth functional continuity
of the executive branch in the
same general sense as the execu-
tive is a functional continuity of
the legislature (obviously so, since
the former is dutybound by the
Constitution to faithfully imple-
ment all the laws passed by the
latter. But, at the same time, the
public administration branch would
have many important autonomies
and prerogatives.
Such novel organization ar-
rangement could free the world
executive for the more careful con-
sideration of the all important,
high level decisions and may even-
tually reduce its duties to the
writing of broad policy outlines
and procedural directives for the
public administration branch. Both
the executive and legislative
branches then may become pri-
narily deliberative bodies (except
in cases of authorizations of major
actions by the World Security
Force) while the judiciary and
public administration branches
could increasingly d i s p e r s e
throughout the human realm, in
more intimate day-to-day contact
with the people.
The office of an independent
advocate general, patterned after
the venerable institution of "om-
budsman" in Scandinavia, may be
another very desirable feature of
EVEN IF A STATE income tax package
wins final approval this week, a tui-
tion hike-at the University should be ex-
pected.
If fiscal reform passes the Legisla-
ture, a rise of about $81 per student will
probably be instituted to cover mini-
mum expenses. If fiscal reform dies, it
would cost $181 per student to provide
the same services. Either way, it depends
on the final allocation to higher educa-
tion from Gov. Romney's budget.
The simple truth is that the Univer-
sity needs more money than the state
can provide. In fact, talk of tuition in-
creases and program cuts began as early
as February, when Romney's original $62.2
million budget request was released. This
amount was based on the contingent ad-
dition of $331 million to existing state
revenue levels from a proposed income
tax package.
This amounted to an actual slash of $12
million from University requests of $74.6
million for the coming year, setting back
program planning and eliminating many
salary increases needed to hold a super-
ior faculty.
But, the Senate last week reduced the
University's allocation to $58.6 million as
hopes for the tax faded. This "austerity"
amount hurt enough, but a clause at the
end provided that tuition hikes be insti-
tuted to make up the $3.6 million cut from
the request.
This appropriations bill rider indicated
that the non-resident student should
carry 75 per cent of the actual cost to
the state -of his education because the
University is provided mainly for state
residents. Another provision of the
amendments intends to freeze out-of-
state enrollments at present quotas, a
policy already adopted by the University
two years ago.'
ALTHOUGH ALL THIS was provided as
a means of increasing revenues in the
most "reasonable manner," and does not
bind the University, administrators here
have correctly seen a threat to the Uni-
versity's autonomy. When they learned
that the provision would raise non-resi-
dent tuition by $700 a year, almost dou-
bling the present $1000, they reacted
quickly, calling for the repeal of the
amendments. The legislators should fol-
low this suggestion when the measure
comes to House discussion today.
For a rise of almost $700 would be to-
tally unacceptable, forcing droves of out-
of-state students to other, less expensive
universities. Tuition at most private col-
leges averages $1400 and the price tag at
most state universities is comparable to
the present level here.
WHAT THEN ARE realistic 'expectations
for tuition under each of the two al-
ternatives of passage or defeat of fiscal
reform?
O If a tax plan is adopted, a tuition
hike of about $81 will be necessary. A
caucus with Romney yesterday morning
worked out a compromise with a 2.6 per
cent personal, and a 5.6 per cent corpor-
ate income tax, both figures being lower
than the 3 and 6 per cent levies in the
initial budget computation. This would
indicate that even the passage of a tax
bill will bring the University no more
than the $62.2 million.
Furthermore, working on its original al-
location, Michigan State University has
announced it will have to institute a tui-
tion hike of about $81 to make ends meet.
Its budget request has been trimmed less
than the University's, and they have a
larger student body. Eighty-one dollars
would therefore be the minimum in-
crease to expect here if a fiscal package
is adopted.
" But, if fiscal reform fails in the Leg-
islature, the University would then have
to charge an extra $181 per student to
make up the $3.6 million differential.
Either way, a tuition hike is at this
point the only practical means of gain-
ing the large amount of revenues need-
ed to operate the University for the com-
ing year. The University must not back
down on its commitments if it is to main-
tain its reputation for academic excel-
lence.
A --WALLACE IMMEN
the coming World Federation. The
task of this office would be to
monitor and ascertain that the
practical operation of otherwise
proper laws, ordinances and ad-
ministrative procedures (in any
of the four branches of the gov-
ernment) do not give rise' to in-
justices or inequities in particlar
cases. The advocate general's pre-
rogatves should include the initia-
tion of arbitration and court pro-
ceedings (upon complaints of af-
fected parties of otherwise) and
the privilege of subpoena for the
gathering of pertinent informa-
tion.
IT MAY also be necessary, of
course, to have a suitable land site
for the world federal district. This
home base and governmental seat
of the World Federation should
have obviously a pleasant and
stimulating climate, a varied, in-
spring geography and, most im-
portantly, easy accessibility to the
main urban centers of the world
by air, space, sea and land tran-
sport.
A DETAILED discussion of
worldwide political parties is well
indicated, too, this being a rela-
tively recent, quite original and
highly promising development in
modern federalist thought. The
main significance of world polit-
ical parties would be that major
conflicts, the resolution of which
hitherto were almost always
sought by military or paramilitary
means, may thereafter be trans-
ferred entirely into the political
arena.
On the basis of historical experi-
ence with the dynamics of dem-
ocracy, the emergence of an essen-
tially two-party system should be
encouraged-while making due al-
lowances at the same time for the
existence and growth of additional,
minor parties. On the other hand,
absolutely foolproof safeguards
should be installed, so that the
party organizations may not be
used for illegal acts or the overt
subversion of the World Federa-
tion. Both of these conditions could
be, to a very large extent, effect-
uated by the: (a) strict constitu-
tional qualifications of the paries
to the world ballot, such as evi-
dence of the existence of substan-
tial popular support in each of the
member countries (b) mandatory
primary elections in accordance
with uniform worldwide rules of
procedure (c) continued and de-
tailed public accounting of the
origin and disbursement of party
finances.
ANY ACCEPTABLE World Con-
stitution must also contain a bill
of fundamental human rights.
While strong demarcation between
the authority of the central and
member governments is the chief
characteristic of the federal
framework, this one vital aspect
should cut across all intermediate
levels and must be absolutely en-
forced, everywhere, in behalf of
the individual.
The World Constitution, further,
should provide for: an appropriate
process of succession in the event
of death or disability of the chief
executive, a worldwide career civil
service second to none in quality
and judicial review (in the higher
civilian courts) for court-martial
cases arising within the World
Security Force. n
In quite general terms, a World
Constitution should cover the fol-
lowing areas:
Preamble.
Principles.
1. The legislature.
2. The executive.
3. The judiciary.
4. Public administration.
5. Rights and responsibilities of
the countries, world federal
domains and free territories.
6. Bill of rights.
7. Space law.
8. World Security Force.
9. Political parties.
10. Amendments.
Here, then, is the plan for man-
kind's enduring future. It is spe-
cific, concise and workable. Its
early realization depends upon the
calling of a World Constitutional
Convention by the big powers, at
least; and now, let us proceed to
turn it into a proud and shining
reality.
The task for humanity, just *
ahead, is indeed formidable in
magniture and bewildering is com-
plexity. It both merits and de-
mands, therefore, the deepest com-
mitment, most abiding faith, self-
less sacrifice and unceasing labor
of intelligent men and women
everywhere; but its eventual ful- *
fillment beckons radiant horizons
of fresh hope and exhilarating'op-
portunity, a truly immense and
sustained flight of human progress
wondrous beyond all dreams.
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Simmering Ghettos
WO YEARS AGO, someone predicted a
"long, hot summer" in race relations.
The ensuing Watts riot proved the pre-
diction valid, but the expression might
have been expanded to "long, hot sum-
mers." For these past few weeks mark the
beginning of another series of confla-
grations in the big cities. So far Cin-
cinnati, Boston, and even Tampa, deep
in the Old South, have been plagued.
To everyone, save perhaps a hard-core
segregationist, the causes of such riots
are fairly obvious-despair and anger
born of living forgottenlives in the cities
of an otherwise-prosperous country. Ra-
cial tensions alone do not cause riots,
but lack of educational, vocational, do-
mestic and recreational opportunities do.
It has been repeatedly stressed that what
the ghettos need is not more police but
more attention to critical problems. Yet
for some reason the public-or the poli-
ticians who speak for it-has been more
willing to pay for riot squads than hous-
ing, schools, vocational training and oth-
er vital needs. For example, after repeat-
ed pleas for swimming pools for slum
children in one climatically Southern city,
Washington, money - was finally appro-
priated for six pools. The whole inci-
dent left a bitter aftertaste, however,
inasmuch as the funds were not appro-
priated until June, and even then were
taken not from the huge federal budget
but the pitiful D.C. one. The money had
originally been earmarked for textbooks,
of course.
O A GREAT MANY middle-class white
liberals who read of ghetto riots in
their commuter trains and buses, the
violence and despair engendered by slum
conditions are incomprehensible. "We
worked our way up from the slums,"
many third-generation Americans say.
"Why can't they?"
"They" can't for many reasons. Immi-
grant groups of the Nineteenth Century
had a way of blending in with the coun-
Newer immigrant groups were constant-
ly replacing the old; when the slums fill-
ed up with East European Jews, the "No
Irish Need Apply" signs began to disap-
pear. Now, of course, immigration has
been largely cut off, and the slum Ne-
groes as a group have been where they
are for almost 50 years. The outward
signs of a foreigner may lessen in time;
skin color cannot.
BUT THERE IS a more important factor
keeping Negroes in the ghetto than
race prejudice. Other minority groups
brought with them the values and cus-
toms of their native lands. This last,
positive prejudice, a conviction that they
as a group were, or had something bet-
ter, than everyone else-is what Stokely
Carmichael is trying to give the Negro.
Perhaps the worst trick that white Amer-
ica has played on its Negro minority is
that it has given them its own values,
its own predisposition that to be dark-
skinned is to be somehow inferior. And
to this is added all the values of Ameri-
can "culture" perpetrated by the mass
media and Madison Avenue. Many ghet-
to Negroes want more than anything else
an American success-conspicuous con-
sumption of goods that will not help
them to escape the ghetto.
-JENNY STILLER
Opti-mism
WASHINGTON (R) - Communist China
has a "very large capacity for nuclear
weapon development" but cannot over-
take the United States or the Soviet
Union for some time, - a congressional
study committee concluded yesterday.
The report concluded, "it will take
time before China can hope, if ever, to
approach a position of parity with the
United States or the Soviet Union, eith-
er in numbers or sophistication of nuclear
weapons." -DAILY, June 6, 1967
Today and
Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann
Slow Progress in Latin America
The American presidents of "the
Americas" are making a brave at-
tempt at doing something about
the poverty and the comparative.
backwardness of so much of Latin
America.
One of the great phenomena of
the recent past is that the indus-
trialized countries, in North Amer-
ica, in Europe, in the Soviet Un-
ion and Japan have made spec-
tacular progress toward becoming
affluent societies. But there has'
been no such progress, except
spottily here and there, in South
America.
Thus, the annual rate of growth
in the industrially advanced coun-
tries has been 4 per cent. But
in the Latin American countries
it has been less than 2 per cent.
While the richerhcountries are
growing richer, the poorer ones
continue to remain very poor.
It is not surprising that this
stubborn poverty has created an
underlying revolutionary condi-
tion. While Castro's example is
rather generally discredited, the
squalor and misery in Latin Amer-
ica are not thereby made accept-
able.
There has been some improve-
ment. But while the Latin Ameri-
can poor are not being ground
deeper into their poverty, the
spectacle of what is going on in
the richer countries is generating
all over Latin America what is
CORRECTION
The Daily regrets the inclu-
sion of several errors in yes-
terday's feature, "SDS: History
and Appraisal."
known as the revolution of ris-
ing expectations.
Our Latin American neighbors
feel that they have a right to par-
ticipate in the improvements
which are taking place elsewhere,
and no government can tell them
that they cannot and should not
participate.
WHEN IT COMES to doing any-
thing substantial 'to satisfy the
rising expectations, it is soon evi-
dent that the industrialized coun-
tries have a head start which can-
not easily be overcome.
Consider North America on the
one hand and the European Com-
mon Market on the other. Both
comprise geographically and tech-
nologically integrated industrial
systems. Latin America as a whole
consists, one might say, of the
separated and disintegrated re-
mainders of the Spanish and Por-
tuguese empires.
Europe and North America are
integrated by highly developed
networks of roads, railroads, rivers
and canals. The South American
countries are closer to North
America and Europe than they
are to one another.
In Europe and North America,
in Japan and even in Russia there
have been assembled in the course
of generations workmen and man-
agers who possess the know-how
of industrial development. In Lat-
in America all of this is at best
embryonic.
PRESIDENT HERRERA of the
Inter-American Development Bank
offers this explanation of the poor
conditions of Latin American
The problem at the Punta del
Este meeting in April and before
the people of this hemisphere is
how to cure this basic economic
weakness. At Punta del Este the
governments discussed the forma-
tion, on a continental scale, over
a long period of years, of a Com-
mon Market.
The governments discussed al-
so, the improvement in the terms
of trade between the producers of
raw materials and the industrial-
ists. They no doubt discussed,
though discreetly, a reduction of
the birth rate. These should not
be looked upon as alternative rem-
edies. They are complementary,
they are necessary and they are
good.
BUT WITH the best of luck they
will not produce substantial ef-
fects for the better part of a
generation. In the meantime the
revolution of rising expectations
will proceed.
If the improvement is not vis-
ible, if the rate is too slow to
make much difference, we must, I
fear, expect spreading disorder as
the men who want to try radical
reforms clash with those who are
resolved to block such reforms.
If we are frank with ourselves
we shall recognize that this hem-
isphere does not have unlimited
time to carry out long programs
of little improvements.
Last year in studying the prob-
lem in South America I became
convinced that the best hopes of
Latin America could not be vest-
ed fully in measures modeled on
the welfare state and the modern
management of the economy. Lat-
in America requires a central proj-
-TRAN VAN DINH
U.S.-China Duo poly
Needed in Vietnam
The respected Washington columnist Joseph Kraft recently coined
the word "duopoly" to describe the balance of powers in the world
today. This is also to indicate that the U.S. no longer holds the
monopoly of the power in the world and that no major crisis can be
solved without the acquiescence of both the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.
When President Johnson went half-way between Washington and
New York and met Premier Kosygin at Glassboro to "explore areas of
agreement," he recognized the existence of world duopoly. Nothing
precise has yet been revealed of the discussions between Johnson and
Kosygin, but one thing is sure: the areas they explored for agreement
were the uneasy truce in the Middle East and the war in Vietnam.
In the Middle East, the U.S.S.R backed the Arabs, discovering
too late that militarily the Arab bloc was a paper sphinx. But instead
of pursuing the military road, at least for the time being, the Russians
turned to the arena of international diplomacy to salvage what they
could from the debacle of their allies. The U.S. should have done the
same thing in South Vietnam in November 1963 when the nine-year
old regime of President Ngo Dinh Diem was overthrown. The U.S.
instead complicated the situation by escalating its military commit-
ments and backing several unrepresentative, corrupt juntas. Further-
more, as in the case of Israel, a military victory in South Vietnam, even
if possible, would be futile.
THE ISRAELI ARMY has defeated the armed forces of the Arabs
but it cannot change the geo-political realities of the area. Likewise,
the U.S. may defeat the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam
but will not be able to change the geography of Vietnam. Of course
this defeat is very unlikely even with 600,000 U.S. troops on Viet-
namese soil. Sooner or later, the U.S. will have to find a working
duopoly system to disengage itself from the military quagmire. Very
likely, President Johnson explored this possibility with Premier Kosygin.
But the Vietnam situation at presentis not the same as that of
the Middle East. In Vietnam, a U.S.-U.S.S.R. duopoly might have
worked before 1965-before the U.S. bombed North Vietnam. It could
have worked before China exploded the A-bomb and the H-bomb.
At the present moment, the best the U.S. could hope for is a tripoly
(U.S.S.R.-U.S.-China). China, despite the present Red Guards turmoil
is a bona fide world power, a power which the U.S. has refused to
recognize, preferring to cast its lot with a mini-satellite, Formosa,
rather than acknowledge the existence of 700 million human beings.
No agreement on Vietnam in the long run could be valid without
Chinese participation, despite the fact that North Vietnam has pre-
served its independence from both the U.S.S.R. and China. And China
is not going to take part in any agreement unless and until the U.S.
recognizes the Peking government as the representative of the Chinese
people. Thus the U.S.-U.S.S.R. duopoly may prove to be almost useless
in the case of Vietnam at the present time.
THE OTHER alternative for the U.S.-to disengage itself-from the
military commitment in South Vietnam-is to recognize a secondary,
local and real duopoly. In the cities, the jungles, the ricefields of South
Vietnam this duopoly exists: the military power of the NLF and the
potential political, psychological, spiritual strength of the "non-NLF."
The non-NLF elements referred to here are not the Ky military junta,
which is a by-product of U.S. military might. The non-NLF elements
include the Buddhists, the progressive Catholics, the students and
the anti-Ky intellectuals and peasants. If and when the U.S. disengages
itself or shows signs of disengaging its military presence, this non-NLF
strength would emerge to start the direct negotiations with the NLF
to end the war. This negotiation would gradually provide a buffer
state for the major powers of the area with the formation of a neces-
sary U.S.-China duopoly. In other words, the best policy for the U.S.
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