Aw mregn 43a Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UMIVERSrrY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS A Blueprint for a World Federation -II - -,MR WhereOpn Areons Ae ne 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MicH. Truth Will P1'g*1N NEWs PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed ix The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. I THURSDAY, JUNE 29, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: LUCY KENNEDY With or Without Fiscal Reform, Tuition Hike is Imminent This is the second portion of "Outlines of a World Constitu- tion," an article published in The Daily Californian weekly magazine (Jan. 17,1967). Yester- day, the author discussed the need for a world federation and listed the powers which would be bested in such an organiza- tion. By THOMAS C. BREITNER The World Security Force would be perhaps the most critical com- ponent of any world government. Upon its efficiency, moral integrity and organizational safeguards would surely depend the eventual trust and support of the world's people and thus the future viabil- ity of the World Federation it- self. A great deal of wisdom and careful thought should go, there- fore, into the fashioning of its structural details and operational specifications, as even the re- notest possibility of illegal seizure of it, or gross abuse of power by it, must be properly foreseen and ef- fectively countered. The principle of the diffusion of power might be used to good advantage here. The World Sec- urity Force thus could be divided into separate military and police branches, each with its own com- mand structure and both super- vised by a civilian cabinet min- ister. The men and women com- posing it should be of outstanding caliber, superbly trained in the academies and other facilities of the World Federation. Its equip- ment should be always ample and the most adavanced technological- ly. Recruitment would be on an exclusively individual-volunteer basis, with maximum quotas as- signed to each member country and territory. The force should be deployed widely throughout the human realm, in a comprehensive system of well fortified and self- ,ontained bases. THE ROUTINE regulatory and administrative functions of mod- ern democratic society have, in re- cent years, expanded so much that due consideration should now be given to the creation of an entirely new, fourth branch of the govern- ment: that of a "public admin- istration" branch. This would be a smooth functional continuity of the executive branch in the same general sense as the execu- tive is a functional continuity of the legislature (obviously so, since the former is dutybound by the Constitution to faithfully imple- ment all the laws passed by the latter. But, at the same time, the public administration branch would have many important autonomies and prerogatives. Such novel organization ar- rangement could free the world executive for the more careful con- sideration of the all important, high level decisions and may even- tually reduce its duties to the writing of broad policy outlines and procedural directives for the public administration branch. Both the executive and legislative branches then may become pri- narily deliberative bodies (except in cases of authorizations of major actions by the World Security Force) while the judiciary and public administration branches could increasingly d i s p e r s e throughout the human realm, in more intimate day-to-day contact with the people. The office of an independent advocate general, patterned after the venerable institution of "om- budsman" in Scandinavia, may be another very desirable feature of EVEN IF A STATE income tax package wins final approval this week, a tui- tion hike-at the University should be ex- pected. If fiscal reform passes the Legisla- ture, a rise of about $81 per student will probably be instituted to cover mini- mum expenses. If fiscal reform dies, it would cost $181 per student to provide the same services. Either way, it depends on the final allocation to higher educa- tion from Gov. Romney's budget. The simple truth is that the Univer- sity needs more money than the state can provide. In fact, talk of tuition in- creases and program cuts began as early as February, when Romney's original $62.2 million budget request was released. This amount was based on the contingent ad- dition of $331 million to existing state revenue levels from a proposed income tax package. This amounted to an actual slash of $12 million from University requests of $74.6 million for the coming year, setting back program planning and eliminating many salary increases needed to hold a super- ior faculty. But, the Senate last week reduced the University's allocation to $58.6 million as hopes for the tax faded. This "austerity" amount hurt enough, but a clause at the end provided that tuition hikes be insti- tuted to make up the $3.6 million cut from the request. This appropriations bill rider indicated that the non-resident student should carry 75 per cent of the actual cost to the state -of his education because the University is provided mainly for state residents. Another provision of the amendments intends to freeze out-of- state enrollments at present quotas, a policy already adopted by the University two years ago.' ALTHOUGH ALL THIS was provided as a means of increasing revenues in the most "reasonable manner," and does not bind the University, administrators here have correctly seen a threat to the Uni- versity's autonomy. When they learned that the provision would raise non-resi- dent tuition by $700 a year, almost dou- bling the present $1000, they reacted quickly, calling for the repeal of the amendments. The legislators should fol- low this suggestion when the measure comes to House discussion today. For a rise of almost $700 would be to- tally unacceptable, forcing droves of out- of-state students to other, less expensive universities. Tuition at most private col- leges averages $1400 and the price tag at most state universities is comparable to the present level here. WHAT THEN ARE realistic 'expectations for tuition under each of the two al- ternatives of passage or defeat of fiscal reform? O If a tax plan is adopted, a tuition hike of about $81 will be necessary. A caucus with Romney yesterday morning worked out a compromise with a 2.6 per cent personal, and a 5.6 per cent corpor- ate income tax, both figures being lower than the 3 and 6 per cent levies in the initial budget computation. This would indicate that even the passage of a tax bill will bring the University no more than the $62.2 million. Furthermore, working on its original al- location, Michigan State University has announced it will have to institute a tui- tion hike of about $81 to make ends meet. Its budget request has been trimmed less than the University's, and they have a larger student body. Eighty-one dollars would therefore be the minimum in- crease to expect here if a fiscal package is adopted. " But, if fiscal reform fails in the Leg- islature, the University would then have to charge an extra $181 per student to make up the $3.6 million differential. Either way, a tuition hike is at this point the only practical means of gain- ing the large amount of revenues need- ed to operate the University for the com- ing year. The University must not back down on its commitments if it is to main- tain its reputation for academic excel- lence. A --WALLACE IMMEN the coming World Federation. The task of this office would be to monitor and ascertain that the practical operation of otherwise proper laws, ordinances and ad- ministrative procedures (in any of the four branches of the gov- ernment) do not give rise' to in- justices or inequities in particlar cases. The advocate general's pre- rogatves should include the initia- tion of arbitration and court pro- ceedings (upon complaints of af- fected parties of otherwise) and the privilege of subpoena for the gathering of pertinent informa- tion. IT MAY also be necessary, of course, to have a suitable land site for the world federal district. This home base and governmental seat of the World Federation should have obviously a pleasant and stimulating climate, a varied, in- spring geography and, most im- portantly, easy accessibility to the main urban centers of the world by air, space, sea and land tran- sport. A DETAILED discussion of worldwide political parties is well indicated, too, this being a rela- tively recent, quite original and highly promising development in modern federalist thought. The main significance of world polit- ical parties would be that major conflicts, the resolution of which hitherto were almost always sought by military or paramilitary means, may thereafter be trans- ferred entirely into the political arena. On the basis of historical experi- ence with the dynamics of dem- ocracy, the emergence of an essen- tially two-party system should be encouraged-while making due al- lowances at the same time for the existence and growth of additional, minor parties. On the other hand, absolutely foolproof safeguards should be installed, so that the party organizations may not be used for illegal acts or the overt subversion of the World Federa- tion. Both of these conditions could be, to a very large extent, effect- uated by the: (a) strict constitu- tional qualifications of the paries to the world ballot, such as evi- dence of the existence of substan- tial popular support in each of the member countries (b) mandatory primary elections in accordance with uniform worldwide rules of procedure (c) continued and de- tailed public accounting of the origin and disbursement of party finances. ANY ACCEPTABLE World Con- stitution must also contain a bill of fundamental human rights. While strong demarcation between the authority of the central and member governments is the chief characteristic of the federal framework, this one vital aspect should cut across all intermediate levels and must be absolutely en- forced, everywhere, in behalf of the individual. The World Constitution, further, should provide for: an appropriate process of succession in the event of death or disability of the chief executive, a worldwide career civil service second to none in quality and judicial review (in the higher civilian courts) for court-martial cases arising within the World Security Force. n In quite general terms, a World Constitution should cover the fol- lowing areas: Preamble. Principles. 1. The legislature. 2. The executive. 3. The judiciary. 4. Public administration. 5. Rights and responsibilities of the countries, world federal domains and free territories. 6. Bill of rights. 7. Space law. 8. World Security Force. 9. Political parties. 10. Amendments. Here, then, is the plan for man- kind's enduring future. It is spe- cific, concise and workable. Its early realization depends upon the calling of a World Constitutional Convention by the big powers, at least; and now, let us proceed to turn it into a proud and shining reality. The task for humanity, just * ahead, is indeed formidable in magniture and bewildering is com- plexity. It both merits and de- mands, therefore, the deepest com- mitment, most abiding faith, self- less sacrifice and unceasing labor of intelligent men and women everywhere; but its eventual ful- * fillment beckons radiant horizons of fresh hope and exhilarating'op- portunity, a truly immense and sustained flight of human progress wondrous beyond all dreams. } 1 W ' 7111 P M^ ..e NWY ry~'y N e to y =g; A } t i ,'Sq.,[ H ^2Y 11 Yrc NJ - - al p m' ii t OIL, ScAkVOIL'& L Simmering Ghettos WO YEARS AGO, someone predicted a "long, hot summer" in race relations. The ensuing Watts riot proved the pre- diction valid, but the expression might have been expanded to "long, hot sum- mers." For these past few weeks mark the beginning of another series of confla- grations in the big cities. So far Cin- cinnati, Boston, and even Tampa, deep in the Old South, have been plagued. To everyone, save perhaps a hard-core segregationist, the causes of such riots are fairly obvious-despair and anger born of living forgottenlives in the cities of an otherwise-prosperous country. Ra- cial tensions alone do not cause riots, but lack of educational, vocational, do- mestic and recreational opportunities do. It has been repeatedly stressed that what the ghettos need is not more police but more attention to critical problems. Yet for some reason the public-or the poli- ticians who speak for it-has been more willing to pay for riot squads than hous- ing, schools, vocational training and oth- er vital needs. For example, after repeat- ed pleas for swimming pools for slum children in one climatically Southern city, Washington, money - was finally appro- priated for six pools. The whole inci- dent left a bitter aftertaste, however, inasmuch as the funds were not appro- priated until June, and even then were taken not from the huge federal budget but the pitiful D.C. one. The money had originally been earmarked for textbooks, of course. O A GREAT MANY middle-class white liberals who read of ghetto riots in their commuter trains and buses, the violence and despair engendered by slum conditions are incomprehensible. "We worked our way up from the slums," many third-generation Americans say. "Why can't they?" "They" can't for many reasons. Immi- grant groups of the Nineteenth Century had a way of blending in with the coun- Newer immigrant groups were constant- ly replacing the old; when the slums fill- ed up with East European Jews, the "No Irish Need Apply" signs began to disap- pear. Now, of course, immigration has been largely cut off, and the slum Ne- groes as a group have been where they are for almost 50 years. The outward signs of a foreigner may lessen in time; skin color cannot. BUT THERE IS a more important factor keeping Negroes in the ghetto than race prejudice. Other minority groups brought with them the values and cus- toms of their native lands. This last, positive prejudice, a conviction that they as a group were, or had something bet- ter, than everyone else-is what Stokely Carmichael is trying to give the Negro. Perhaps the worst trick that white Amer- ica has played on its Negro minority is that it has given them its own values, its own predisposition that to be dark- skinned is to be somehow inferior. And to this is added all the values of Ameri- can "culture" perpetrated by the mass media and Madison Avenue. Many ghet- to Negroes want more than anything else an American success-conspicuous con- sumption of goods that will not help them to escape the ghetto. -JENNY STILLER Opti-mism WASHINGTON (R) - Communist China has a "very large capacity for nuclear weapon development" but cannot over- take the United States or the Soviet Union for some time, - a congressional study committee concluded yesterday. The report concluded, "it will take time before China can hope, if ever, to approach a position of parity with the United States or the Soviet Union, eith- er in numbers or sophistication of nuclear weapons." -DAILY, June 6, 1967 Today and Tomorrow... By Walter Lippmann Slow Progress in Latin America The American presidents of "the Americas" are making a brave at- tempt at doing something about the poverty and the comparative. backwardness of so much of Latin America. One of the great phenomena of the recent past is that the indus- trialized countries, in North Amer- ica, in Europe, in the Soviet Un- ion and Japan have made spec- tacular progress toward becoming affluent societies. But there has' been no such progress, except spottily here and there, in South America. Thus, the annual rate of growth in the industrially advanced coun- tries has been 4 per cent. But in the Latin American countries it has been less than 2 per cent. While the richerhcountries are growing richer, the poorer ones continue to remain very poor. It is not surprising that this stubborn poverty has created an underlying revolutionary condi- tion. While Castro's example is rather generally discredited, the squalor and misery in Latin Amer- ica are not thereby made accept- able. There has been some improve- ment. But while the Latin Ameri- can poor are not being ground deeper into their poverty, the spectacle of what is going on in the richer countries is generating all over Latin America what is CORRECTION The Daily regrets the inclu- sion of several errors in yes- terday's feature, "SDS: History and Appraisal." known as the revolution of ris- ing expectations. Our Latin American neighbors feel that they have a right to par- ticipate in the improvements which are taking place elsewhere, and no government can tell them that they cannot and should not participate. WHEN IT COMES to doing any- thing substantial 'to satisfy the rising expectations, it is soon evi- dent that the industrialized coun- tries have a head start which can- not easily be overcome. Consider North America on the one hand and the European Com- mon Market on the other. Both comprise geographically and tech- nologically integrated industrial systems. Latin America as a whole consists, one might say, of the separated and disintegrated re- mainders of the Spanish and Por- tuguese empires. Europe and North America are integrated by highly developed networks of roads, railroads, rivers and canals. The South American countries are closer to North America and Europe than they are to one another. In Europe and North America, in Japan and even in Russia there have been assembled in the course of generations workmen and man- agers who possess the know-how of industrial development. In Lat- in America all of this is at best embryonic. PRESIDENT HERRERA of the Inter-American Development Bank offers this explanation of the poor conditions of Latin American The problem at the Punta del Este meeting in April and before the people of this hemisphere is how to cure this basic economic weakness. At Punta del Este the governments discussed the forma- tion, on a continental scale, over a long period of years, of a Com- mon Market. The governments discussed al- so, the improvement in the terms of trade between the producers of raw materials and the industrial- ists. They no doubt discussed, though discreetly, a reduction of the birth rate. These should not be looked upon as alternative rem- edies. They are complementary, they are necessary and they are good. BUT WITH the best of luck they will not produce substantial ef- fects for the better part of a generation. In the meantime the revolution of rising expectations will proceed. If the improvement is not vis- ible, if the rate is too slow to make much difference, we must, I fear, expect spreading disorder as the men who want to try radical reforms clash with those who are resolved to block such reforms. If we are frank with ourselves we shall recognize that this hem- isphere does not have unlimited time to carry out long programs of little improvements. Last year in studying the prob- lem in South America I became convinced that the best hopes of Latin America could not be vest- ed fully in measures modeled on the welfare state and the modern management of the economy. Lat- in America requires a central proj- -TRAN VAN DINH U.S.-China Duo poly Needed in Vietnam The respected Washington columnist Joseph Kraft recently coined the word "duopoly" to describe the balance of powers in the world today. This is also to indicate that the U.S. no longer holds the monopoly of the power in the world and that no major crisis can be solved without the acquiescence of both the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. When President Johnson went half-way between Washington and New York and met Premier Kosygin at Glassboro to "explore areas of agreement," he recognized the existence of world duopoly. Nothing precise has yet been revealed of the discussions between Johnson and Kosygin, but one thing is sure: the areas they explored for agreement were the uneasy truce in the Middle East and the war in Vietnam. In the Middle East, the U.S.S.R backed the Arabs, discovering too late that militarily the Arab bloc was a paper sphinx. But instead of pursuing the military road, at least for the time being, the Russians turned to the arena of international diplomacy to salvage what they could from the debacle of their allies. The U.S. should have done the same thing in South Vietnam in November 1963 when the nine-year old regime of President Ngo Dinh Diem was overthrown. The U.S. instead complicated the situation by escalating its military commit- ments and backing several unrepresentative, corrupt juntas. Further- more, as in the case of Israel, a military victory in South Vietnam, even if possible, would be futile. THE ISRAELI ARMY has defeated the armed forces of the Arabs but it cannot change the geo-political realities of the area. Likewise, the U.S. may defeat the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam but will not be able to change the geography of Vietnam. Of course this defeat is very unlikely even with 600,000 U.S. troops on Viet- namese soil. Sooner or later, the U.S. will have to find a working duopoly system to disengage itself from the military quagmire. Very likely, President Johnson explored this possibility with Premier Kosygin. But the Vietnam situation at presentis not the same as that of the Middle East. In Vietnam, a U.S.-U.S.S.R. duopoly might have worked before 1965-before the U.S. bombed North Vietnam. It could have worked before China exploded the A-bomb and the H-bomb. At the present moment, the best the U.S. could hope for is a tripoly (U.S.S.R.-U.S.-China). China, despite the present Red Guards turmoil is a bona fide world power, a power which the U.S. has refused to recognize, preferring to cast its lot with a mini-satellite, Formosa, rather than acknowledge the existence of 700 million human beings. No agreement on Vietnam in the long run could be valid without Chinese participation, despite the fact that North Vietnam has pre- served its independence from both the U.S.S.R. and China. And China is not going to take part in any agreement unless and until the U.S. recognizes the Peking government as the representative of the Chinese people. Thus the U.S.-U.S.S.R. duopoly may prove to be almost useless in the case of Vietnam at the present time. THE OTHER alternative for the U.S.-to disengage itself-from the military commitment in South Vietnam-is to recognize a secondary, local and real duopoly. In the cities, the jungles, the ricefields of South Vietnam this duopoly exists: the military power of the NLF and the potential political, psychological, spiritual strength of the "non-NLF." The non-NLF elements referred to here are not the Ky military junta, which is a by-product of U.S. military might. The non-NLF elements include the Buddhists, the progressive Catholics, the students and the anti-Ky intellectuals and peasants. If and when the U.S. disengages itself or shows signs of disengaging its military presence, this non-NLF strength would emerge to start the direct negotiations with the NLF to end the war. This negotiation would gradually provide a buffer state for the major powers of the area with the formation of a neces- sary U.S.-China duopoly. In other words, the best policy for the U.S. -i 4' t, 4