Seventy-Sixth Year
EDrTED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIvERSTTY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
A Blueprint for a World Federation
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ere Opilo w Are Frwe,
'T'ruth Will ftmil
420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
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Edtorials printed in The h
Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
or te
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 28, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY
SDS: History and Appraisal
CONGRESSMAN JOE POOLE investi-
gated them. Sen. Strom Thurmond
condemned them. Chancellor Roger
Heyns tolerated them. However, neith-
er they nor anyone else really under-
stands much about the Students for
a Democratic Society.
This is not surprising since no sin-
gle individual can hope to reveal any-
thing more than a reasonable approx-
imation of SDS's underlying national
:principles. In vague generalities, it is
reasonably safe to assume that SDS be-
lieves that our capitalistic society has
been inherently wicked, that a techno-
cratically enforced system of bureauc-
racy is contradictory to the human
;spirit, and that a politically democrat-
c nation is the most feasible means
for bringing about desired changes. Be-
,yond that, there are as many guiding
;principles or political philosophies as
there are SDS regional chapters. They
xrange in ideology from the militant an-
.archists at the University of Texas to
the "penny loafer" establishment lib-
erals at Stanford. Although this would
come as a surprise to the political
heirs of Martin Dies and J. Parnell
'Roberts, two HUAC luminaries who vil-
lified SDS as a group of "atheistic,
communistic, anti-American homosex-
uals" with a monolithic creed subsidiz-
'ed from Moscow and Peking, the plan
of regional autonomy and a lack of
centralized principles was the organi-
?ational plan of SDS.
Shortly after the founding of SDS at
a ragtag get-together in 1960 known as
the Port Huron Conference, the orig-
inal' conferees founded Voice at the
University and won for it recognition
as an officially sanctioned campus or-
ganization. As groups like the Student
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee
Aand the Young People's Socialist
League began moving out -of campuses
or out of existence, Voice and similar
throw-together societies at Stanford,
Berkeley, Chicago and Harvard Jump-
ed into the breach in campus-based
leftist organizations. Characteristical-
ly, no specific date of SDS's formal in-
ception as a national organiza-
tion could be given. The closest esti-
mate gleaned from one of the current
Voice coordinators (it seems that no
'one in Voice likes being referred to as
an officer. There is apparently a basic
aversion to the word "officer." Every-
one is either a member, coordinator,
director, chairman or convenor). is
that "we all got together a couple of
years ago." Most likely, it appears that
.establishing formal ties and a name for
their organization was all the.unanim-
ity ever achieved by SDS.
HE POLICY-MAKING functions .of
the national SDS are vested in two
committees. These are the National
;Interim Committee and the National
Action Committee-NIC and NAC. NAC
is the long range policy formulating
body. It plans such things as marches
on the Capitol in Washington when
HUAC conducts its hearings there. It
plans marches in San Francisco to
protest the war in Vietnam, marches
in Chicago when Martin Luther King is
there, and marches in Los Angeles
whenever Lyndon Johnson arrives.
NIC is the emergency policy formu-
lator. It plans things such as marches
on local draft boards, marches on lo-
cal welfare agencies and marches on
boards of education. The committee
doeg not take stands on every issue (it
failed to elaborate a policy on the Mid-
dle East for example). But this is not
inconsistent. Indeed, it seems that the
ultimate objective of SDS is the long
march or the massive demonstration.
The formulation of new national poli-
cies and specific proposals for action
stated as a national organizational
platform are rare and are mostly state-
ments of general sentiment (get out
1 ,. . A r t t t t 11
of Vietnam) when they do appear.
"SDS has neither the resources nor
the personnel to research foreign poli-
cy or domestic economics," says Gary
Rothberger, the University's current
Voice chairman. "We're simply not on
ented to do the type of research neces-
sary to come out with a detailed party
platform." Instead, SDS contends it-
self with absorbing the teachings of the
universities and research institutes
(the Center for the Study of Democrat-
ic Institutions in Santa Barbara pub-
lishes oft-read studies) as well as oth-
er activist groups. Political and social
conclusions, it is felt, are best determ-
ined through individual contemplation.
Thus, SDS remains an organization in
which members gather in their respec-
tive regionals to map out demonstra-
tions and protests pursuant to a rath-
er abstract goal.
One of the principal operations of
the national SDS is the publication of
a group newsletter. Largely bereft of
any great insights into either campus
or world problems, the periodical lets
the boys at Harvard know of upcom-
ing demonstrations against San Fran-
cisco draft boards and rehashes some-
thing that "I. F. Stone's Weekly" might
print about American manipulation of
Saigon's constituent assembly. The
newsletter and the staffing of the
five regional offices are the largest
drains upon SDS's $70,000 per year
budget (not a bad sum. An organiza-
tion as respectable and with as much
drag as the left bank Establishment's
Americans for Democratic Action had
an annual budget of $150,000 as late as
1960).
SDS LARGELY refrains from the edu-
cational and vocational training
practiced by CORE and the SCLC.
Two years ago, the national started a
campaign among its members to drop
out of school for a year or two and
work with urban Appalachian whites.
The pressure of the draft and the hes-
itancy of the hillbillies doomed the
drop-out campaign. The two vestiges of
such field work policy are the JOIN
program in Chicago and the ENCUP
program in Newark. Working together
with the bourgeois CORE, these region-
al offices seek to turn the loyalties of
the urban poor away from the big city
machines and toward the formulation
of an independent power base. Since
these offices are staffed in part by
members who have graduated from the
campus activist stage, the Chicago and
Newark regionals house activists with
a bend that is both intellectual and
pragmatic. Some have even stooped to
working with Mayor Daley's Human
Relations Council in Chicago.
At the present time, it appears that
the biggest danger to SDS is the peril
of popularity. Commitment and activ-
ism might become popular hobbies
among middle class college kids. Pop-
ularity brings size, and with size, comes
bureaucracy - specialization, techno-
cratization, fragmentation, alienation,
and disorientation. While such a dan-
ger seems unlikely in the immediate
future, SDS has already found itself
riddled with some internal defections.
Over a year ago, the Radical Education
Project was started in Ann Arbor as a
research and information adjunct to
the national SDS. Run by some of the
early graduates of the Voice, REP soon
became disenchanted with much of the
current Voice's social rejection complex
and has since broken formal ties with
the parent body. The future of REP,
which might 'turn into the first truly
independent think tank, as well as the
future of the national SDS, which has
the whole spectrum of left wing al-
ternatives to choose from, remains
much in doubt.
-DAN HOFFMAN
Summer Editorial Staff
LAURENCE MEDOW ...................... Co-Editor
The following is the first part
of "Outlines of a World Consti-
tution," an article appearing in
The Daily Californian weekly
magazine.
The ensuing discourse pre-
sents the author's own views and
ideas in the matter. It is there-
fore not to be construed as a
distillation of the official posi-
tions of the above mentioned or-
ganizations. The thoughts are
offered here merely in the hope
that considerable serious think-
ing may be stimulated in cap-
able young people regarding this
most urgent and supremely im-
portant field.
By THOMAS C. BREITNER
The overriding issue of our time
is nationalism versus federalism,
to which the much dramatized
confrontation between capitalist
and Communist systems may be
only of secondary importance; it
is racism versus mutual helpful-
ness and the affirmation of the
unity of all life.
The now chronic Sino-Soviet rift
is "prima facie" evidence of the
first part of the thesis, as are
the current policies of France,
Germany, Yugoslavia and many
other countries. One may find ex-
amples easily for the second part
of the thesis in the public mores
and body politics of South Africa,
Rhodesia and the United States.
Overshadowing it all is the awe-
some specter of a nuclear arms
race, when some 20-odd countries
will soon possess multimegaton
lithium - uranium fusion - fission
bombs, along with the large but
still fairly cheap solid fuel rock-
ets necessary for their pinpoint
delivery.
What can be expected of the
United Nations, under such grave
circumstances? Clearly, this orga-
nization was conceived only as a
league and its structural weak-
nesses, so often demonstrated in
the past, will probably prevent it
from ever becoming an effective
world government. Yet, nothing
less can answer the epochal chal-
lenge of this atomic age and, in
turn, without such supranational
government there will be surely
no long term survival for modern
industrial societies.
AN INTERESTING parallel
comes to mind in the history of
our own country. The 13 colonies
originally were loosely bound to-
gether by the Articles of Confed-
eration; but once the need for
"a more perfect union" was gen-
erally recognized (by at least the
more perceptive leaders of the
community) the Articles of Con-
federation were quickly scrapped
for the present federal Constitu-
tion. This, indeed, was a radical
departure and not a gradual evo-
lutionary process.
The political organization of the
planet earth should be henceforth
a democratic World Federation,
with important areas of sovereign-
ty reserved for the member coun-
tries and localities: of this there
can be little doubt. No heterogen-
eous aggregate of cultures, lan-
guages and ethnic stocks can be
governed effectively for long on a
purely monolithic basis. But what
specific details may be discerned
about such a vast body politic at
the present juncture of world his-
tory? What definite features and
functions can we envision with
reasonable certainty?
Let us, first of all, meet head-
on and squarely the central, sen-
sitive and basic question of na-
tional sovereignty:
These rights and sovereign priv-
ileges may well remain (believe
it or not) with the member coun-
tries and their people under a
World Federation; in fact, they
should not only be allowed but
strongly affirmed and fully guar-
anteed by the World Constitution:
(1) the regulation of immigration
and importation of goods, (2)
the granting of citizenship, (3)
free choice of economic system,
(4) all other community and civic
rights not specifically embodied
in, or implied by, the code of
world law.
The countries, on the other
hand, would no longer have the
right to wage aggressive war (in
any form whatever) or manufac-
ture and possess nuclear explosives
without world federal license.
THE PHYSICAL jurisdiction of
the member countries would ex-
tend to: (A) a distance of eight
miles from the shorelines on
oceans and seas, (B) a uniform al-
titude and depth of 180 and 10
miles, respectively, from sea level
on land and along the shore-
lines, (C) recognized and estab-
lished political boundaries with
other countries or sovereignties.
There would be three main cat-
egories, or grades of sovereignties,
under the World Federation:
I. Member countries.
II. World federal domains.
III. Free territories.
The first category is sufficient-
ly described above. The second
would consist of large land areas
under separate, central govern-
ments, each republican in form
and thoroughly democratic in sub-
stance; while each of these sizable
lands would enjoy a high degree
of autonomy, their laws and ordi-
nances nevertheless would be sub-
ject to review by the world leg-
islature and liable to the veto of
the world executive; for they
would be the creations of the
World Federation in the first
place. The Antarctic continent
may be made into such a prime
world federal domain with, or
shortly after, the adoption of the
World Constitution.
The boundaries of the free ter-
ritories would be clearly outlined
in the charters issued for them
by the world legislature; these
would be the frontiers of the
World Federation and would con-
sist exclusively of land areas upon
other celestial bodies. A territorial
charter would establish for a coun-
try, sovereignty or group of peo-
ple sole legal title to the habi-
tation and use of a specific cos-
mis territory, describing at the
same time the broad, general ways
in which these new lands may be
settled, organized and developed.
All other regions then outside of
these sovereignties would be pre-
sumed "ipso facto" potential world
federal domains, until such time
as the world legislature, by law,
has further specified or otherwise
changed their status. Cosmic space
itself, and its general use for
communications and transport,
would be and should forever re-
main under the direct jurisdiction
and control of the World Federa-
tion.
THE MODE of organization
consisting of separate executive
and legislative branches seess
preferable to the one used in
many otherwise well governed
countries, where the executive is
a close adjunct of the legislature.
In those lands where the latter
is applied (Great Britain, Switzer-
land, the Scandinavian countries)
the population is culturally or
ethnically very homogenous, thus
direct democracy is more readily
feasible. On the world scale, how-
ever, and for a long time to
come, only indirect devices of de-
mocracy may be practical. For
this reason the popular ref eren-
dum process, too, should be large-
ly avoided.
The term of the chief executive
should be limited to four-six years.
He should not serve more than
two terms consecutively, nor more
than three terms altogether. Sim-
ilarly the number of terms that
the members of the legislature
may serve should be limited. The
justices and judges of the world
judiciary should have also definite,
but much longer terms, in order
to keep the government up to
date in interest and attitudes.
Bicameral legislature is a de-
cided necessity. In the lower cham-
ber proportional representation,
but with a population floor and
ceiling attached, may be used. To
wit even the least populous coun-
try would have at least one rep-
resentative while even the most
populous shall not have more than
a certain maximum percentage
(say 16 per cent) of the total rep-
resentation. Representation in the
upper chamber could be weighted
in consideration of such basic so-
cial parameters as economic pro-
ductivity and educational levels.
(Determination and assignment of
representation on such basis could
be made by the World Court, at
least eight months before each
general election.)
Among the powers vested in
the world legislature would be:
-To formulate the laws of the
World Federation that are nec-
essary for the collective safety of
mankind and the maintenance of
world peace; and to enact legis-
lation which will stimulate har-
monious cooperation among the
member countries, world federal
domains and free territories.
-To create, add to and modify
an expanding code of world law.
-To lay taxes, duties and ex-
cises and to collect the same
with the assistance of the execu-
tive branch) from the member
governments and corporate or
other residents of world federal
domains; but all taxes, duties
and excises shall be uniform
throughout the World Federation.
-TO set the conditions, stand-
ards and terms under which the
land tracts and natural resources
within the world federal domains
may be utilized and developed; but
all conditions set, and terms,
standards and revenues imposed,
shall be uniform throughout the
World Federation with respect to
all participating parties.
-To provide funds for the gov-
ernmental operations of the World
Federation and to approve, disap-
prove, modify or limit specific
projects suggested by the execu-
tive branch....
-To issue the money, coins and
securities of the World Federa-
tion, regulatethe value thereof
(both generally and in relation
to local currencies) and to pro-
vide for the punishment of those
counterfeiting the currency and
securities of the World Federa-
tion....
-To regulate the flow of com-
merce across the boundaries and
to facilitate the exchange of goods
and services among the member
countries, world federal domains
and free territorities....
-To stimulate further the ad-
vancement of the sciences, arts
and all other creative pursuits,
throughout the human realm, by
securing in behalf of scientists, au-
thors, inventors and artists prop-
er credit, recognition and title
(and also, for limited period of
time, the rights of personal own-
ership) to their respective discov-
eries, writings, art works, inven-
tions, designs and composition....
-To bestow upon the world
federal domains and free terri-
tories increasingly greater degrees
of autonomy, and representation
in world councils during the de-
velopmental stages, and eventual-
ly the full status of member coun-
try....
-To provide for the establish-
ment, maintenance and continu-
ed improvement of a World Se-
curity Force; and to keep the
same under constant surveillance
in order to insure that it is al-
ways operated in accord with the
provisions and guarantees of this
Constitution... .
The judiciary is to have the
principal power to invalidate acts
of the world legislature, if these
are found to be in conflict with
the provisions of the World Con-
stitution. The legislature, addi-
tionally, should have the power
of impeachment of high govern-
ment officials; and the executive
would be in charge of the World
Security Force.
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" 0 . arms for the love of Nasser . . . I"
BARRY GOLDWATER
The Big Cover-Up
oq
Letters to the Editor
Fiscal Reform?
Your June 27 editorial on Mich-
igan's fiscal crisis contains some
serious errors regarding the na-
ture of the tax reformand related
problems faced by the Governor.
You state that the number of
state employes "will in all prob-
ability be drastically reduced."
Having worked with the director
of Michigan's Budget Division and
with each Budget Division exam-
iner this summer, I can categor-
ically state that even if Michigan
is forced to adopt an austerity
budget, the reduction in personnel
will be very small. If you read the
Governor's budget recommenda-
tions, you will see that salaries
and fringe benefits are really a
very small percentage of the total
recommended expenditures. What
will suffer, however, will be in-
creased or expanded services, par-
ticularly in the fields of education,
welfare, public and mental health.
SECOND, to call the income tax
plan as "regressive as the four
per cent sales tax" indicates that
you do not understand the effect
of exemptions, nor have you con-
sidered the entire package. The
Budget Division has prepared
more than 15 different packages
for consideration by the Legisla-
ture. In all cases the criteria for
these proposals have been:
1. To make the overall tax
der study are very nearly what
the Democrats in the House have
been advocating all the time. To
blame the Governor for not get-
ting a tax reform is to ignore the
fact that six intransigent Republi-
cans and 100 per cent of the Dem-
ocrats have steadfastly placed
personal interests ahead of the
rest of the State.
-Arthur Buhhoefer, Grad '67
Progressive Regents
We recently received a letter
from Tom S. Lee, a delegate to
the current "Wolverine Boy's
State," a camp sponsored and
run by the American Legion.
Approximately 1300 high school
seniors from all over the state
are selected to attend the con-
ference and set up their own
government on the state, county
and local levels. Lee was elected
to the board of "U-M Regents,"
which met, discussed and passed
the following four resolutions.
(We doubt the Legion knew
what it was up against):
"We, the Regents of the Uni-
versity of Michigan:
"a) will provide for the es-
tablishment of special book-
stores on the campus of the
University of Michigan. The
stores will sell material to stu-
dents at wholesale price only,
thus being non-profit. The
University will control the
and pay salaries according to
"b) hereby refuse to submit
grades, class standings, or test
scores of students of University
of Michigan to the Selective
Service Commission for the
purpose of draft classification.
Students, who, voluntarily or
involuntarily have withdrawn
from the University will no
longer be considered students of
the University of Michigan and
shall, therefore, not be subject
to the above.
"c) do hereby refuse to allow
lists of administrative member-
ship to be submitted to non-
University organizations, unless
those organizations so request.
To maintain the academic free-
dom of students of the Univer-
sity of Michigan, lists shall re-
main private. Federal or State
Commissions shall have no ac-
cess to them. The commissions
to which this ruling is specifi-
cally directed are the House on
Un-American Activities, the
Federal Bureau of Investigation
and the Selective Service Com-
mission.
hd) do hereby refuse to allow
the Armed Forces or any other
organization to provide financial
or material support in order to
establish Weapon Research or
Biological Warfare Research de-
partments at this University of
Michigan. These departments
shall be established only at the
discretion of the University of
Justice Department attorneys
are now meeting with government
information officers to explain the
new "freedom of information law"
which goes into effect on the
Fourth of July. Under this new set
of government guidelines, it is not
supposed to be possible for offi-
cials to suppress government rec-
ords without special security rea-
sons.
THE NEW LAW is to stop
bureaucrats at every level from
sweeping their mistakes under a
rug of secrecy.
I'll make two bets about the
new rules.
1 - By next Independence
Day, virtually every official in-
volved will have found some new
way to cover up - with the
White House and the Depart-
ment of Defense setting the
pace, as usual.
2 - Whatever teeth exist in
the new law will end up snag-
gled and blunt if they try to
bite into the toughest, most
scandalous cover-ups of all,
those concerning the Secretary
of Non-Defense Robert Strange
McNamara.
There are no bets I would
rather lose than those.
Experts over the years have
tried to pry the truth out of Mc-
Namara. About all they get is
name, rank, serial number and
strings of statistics that dance to
McNamara's tune.
Nevertheless, I will continue to
do my bit to cut through McNa-
mara's red tape curtain. If there
our combat troops. Charges of
shortages that I made during the
1964 Presidential campaign were
ignored or denied. Virtually every
one of those charges has now been
confirmed, and there are persis-
tent reports of even more exten-
sive shortages, some of which may
still be affecting the fighting in
Vietnam.
TFX. The latest crash of a TFX
airplane was attributed to a filure
of the air intake system. I have
charged weaknesses in that area,
specifically, many times. Members
of tle Senate Preparedness Sub-
committee have had evidence of
TFX problems for several years,
but McNamara has censored
statements on the matter through
his almost unlimited power to cry
"secret" whenever anything
threatens his public image.
Under any decent respect for
freedom of information, the'full,
folly-filled story of TFX should
be exposed. It represents perhaps
the most costly purchasing error
in the history of military plan-
ning, an error which goes straight
to McNamara's office where the
advice of every competent mili-
tary adviser was ignored in his
decision to buy the TFX from the
highest bidder with the least sat-
isfactory design.
COST SAVINGS. McNamara
has built his reputation as being
the world's highest-paid book-
keeper. His public relations men
have said time and again that he
ha hr,.. al,.co,. in.aving
p
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