Seventy-Sixth Year EDrTED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIvERSTTY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS A Blueprint for a World Federation -I ere Opilo w Are Frwe, 'T'ruth Will ftmil 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Edtorials printed in The h Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers editors. This must be noted in all reprints. or te WEDNESDAY, JUNE 28, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY SDS: History and Appraisal CONGRESSMAN JOE POOLE investi- gated them. Sen. Strom Thurmond condemned them. Chancellor Roger Heyns tolerated them. However, neith- er they nor anyone else really under- stands much about the Students for a Democratic Society. This is not surprising since no sin- gle individual can hope to reveal any- thing more than a reasonable approx- imation of SDS's underlying national :principles. In vague generalities, it is reasonably safe to assume that SDS be- lieves that our capitalistic society has been inherently wicked, that a techno- cratically enforced system of bureauc- racy is contradictory to the human ;spirit, and that a politically democrat- c nation is the most feasible means for bringing about desired changes. Be- ,yond that, there are as many guiding ;principles or political philosophies as there are SDS regional chapters. They xrange in ideology from the militant an- .archists at the University of Texas to the "penny loafer" establishment lib- erals at Stanford. Although this would come as a surprise to the political heirs of Martin Dies and J. Parnell 'Roberts, two HUAC luminaries who vil- lified SDS as a group of "atheistic, communistic, anti-American homosex- uals" with a monolithic creed subsidiz- 'ed from Moscow and Peking, the plan of regional autonomy and a lack of centralized principles was the organi- ?ational plan of SDS. Shortly after the founding of SDS at a ragtag get-together in 1960 known as the Port Huron Conference, the orig- inal' conferees founded Voice at the University and won for it recognition as an officially sanctioned campus or- ganization. As groups like the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee Aand the Young People's Socialist League began moving out -of campuses or out of existence, Voice and similar throw-together societies at Stanford, Berkeley, Chicago and Harvard Jump- ed into the breach in campus-based leftist organizations. Characteristical- ly, no specific date of SDS's formal in- ception as a national organiza- tion could be given. The closest esti- mate gleaned from one of the current Voice coordinators (it seems that no 'one in Voice likes being referred to as an officer. There is apparently a basic aversion to the word "officer." Every- one is either a member, coordinator, director, chairman or convenor). is that "we all got together a couple of years ago." Most likely, it appears that .establishing formal ties and a name for their organization was all the.unanim- ity ever achieved by SDS. HE POLICY-MAKING functions .of the national SDS are vested in two committees. These are the National ;Interim Committee and the National Action Committee-NIC and NAC. NAC is the long range policy formulating body. It plans such things as marches on the Capitol in Washington when HUAC conducts its hearings there. It plans marches in San Francisco to protest the war in Vietnam, marches in Chicago when Martin Luther King is there, and marches in Los Angeles whenever Lyndon Johnson arrives. NIC is the emergency policy formu- lator. It plans things such as marches on local draft boards, marches on lo- cal welfare agencies and marches on boards of education. The committee doeg not take stands on every issue (it failed to elaborate a policy on the Mid- dle East for example). But this is not inconsistent. Indeed, it seems that the ultimate objective of SDS is the long march or the massive demonstration. The formulation of new national poli- cies and specific proposals for action stated as a national organizational platform are rare and are mostly state- ments of general sentiment (get out 1 ,. . A r t t t t 11 of Vietnam) when they do appear. "SDS has neither the resources nor the personnel to research foreign poli- cy or domestic economics," says Gary Rothberger, the University's current Voice chairman. "We're simply not on ented to do the type of research neces- sary to come out with a detailed party platform." Instead, SDS contends it- self with absorbing the teachings of the universities and research institutes (the Center for the Study of Democrat- ic Institutions in Santa Barbara pub- lishes oft-read studies) as well as oth- er activist groups. Political and social conclusions, it is felt, are best determ- ined through individual contemplation. Thus, SDS remains an organization in which members gather in their respec- tive regionals to map out demonstra- tions and protests pursuant to a rath- er abstract goal. One of the principal operations of the national SDS is the publication of a group newsletter. Largely bereft of any great insights into either campus or world problems, the periodical lets the boys at Harvard know of upcom- ing demonstrations against San Fran- cisco draft boards and rehashes some- thing that "I. F. Stone's Weekly" might print about American manipulation of Saigon's constituent assembly. The newsletter and the staffing of the five regional offices are the largest drains upon SDS's $70,000 per year budget (not a bad sum. An organiza- tion as respectable and with as much drag as the left bank Establishment's Americans for Democratic Action had an annual budget of $150,000 as late as 1960). SDS LARGELY refrains from the edu- cational and vocational training practiced by CORE and the SCLC. Two years ago, the national started a campaign among its members to drop out of school for a year or two and work with urban Appalachian whites. The pressure of the draft and the hes- itancy of the hillbillies doomed the drop-out campaign. The two vestiges of such field work policy are the JOIN program in Chicago and the ENCUP program in Newark. Working together with the bourgeois CORE, these region- al offices seek to turn the loyalties of the urban poor away from the big city machines and toward the formulation of an independent power base. Since these offices are staffed in part by members who have graduated from the campus activist stage, the Chicago and Newark regionals house activists with a bend that is both intellectual and pragmatic. Some have even stooped to working with Mayor Daley's Human Relations Council in Chicago. At the present time, it appears that the biggest danger to SDS is the peril of popularity. Commitment and activ- ism might become popular hobbies among middle class college kids. Pop- ularity brings size, and with size, comes bureaucracy - specialization, techno- cratization, fragmentation, alienation, and disorientation. While such a dan- ger seems unlikely in the immediate future, SDS has already found itself riddled with some internal defections. Over a year ago, the Radical Education Project was started in Ann Arbor as a research and information adjunct to the national SDS. Run by some of the early graduates of the Voice, REP soon became disenchanted with much of the current Voice's social rejection complex and has since broken formal ties with the parent body. The future of REP, which might 'turn into the first truly independent think tank, as well as the future of the national SDS, which has the whole spectrum of left wing al- ternatives to choose from, remains much in doubt. -DAN HOFFMAN Summer Editorial Staff LAURENCE MEDOW ...................... Co-Editor The following is the first part of "Outlines of a World Consti- tution," an article appearing in The Daily Californian weekly magazine. The ensuing discourse pre- sents the author's own views and ideas in the matter. It is there- fore not to be construed as a distillation of the official posi- tions of the above mentioned or- ganizations. The thoughts are offered here merely in the hope that considerable serious think- ing may be stimulated in cap- able young people regarding this most urgent and supremely im- portant field. By THOMAS C. BREITNER The overriding issue of our time is nationalism versus federalism, to which the much dramatized confrontation between capitalist and Communist systems may be only of secondary importance; it is racism versus mutual helpful- ness and the affirmation of the unity of all life. The now chronic Sino-Soviet rift is "prima facie" evidence of the first part of the thesis, as are the current policies of France, Germany, Yugoslavia and many other countries. One may find ex- amples easily for the second part of the thesis in the public mores and body politics of South Africa, Rhodesia and the United States. Overshadowing it all is the awe- some specter of a nuclear arms race, when some 20-odd countries will soon possess multimegaton lithium - uranium fusion - fission bombs, along with the large but still fairly cheap solid fuel rock- ets necessary for their pinpoint delivery. What can be expected of the United Nations, under such grave circumstances? Clearly, this orga- nization was conceived only as a league and its structural weak- nesses, so often demonstrated in the past, will probably prevent it from ever becoming an effective world government. Yet, nothing less can answer the epochal chal- lenge of this atomic age and, in turn, without such supranational government there will be surely no long term survival for modern industrial societies. AN INTERESTING parallel comes to mind in the history of our own country. The 13 colonies originally were loosely bound to- gether by the Articles of Confed- eration; but once the need for "a more perfect union" was gen- erally recognized (by at least the more perceptive leaders of the community) the Articles of Con- federation were quickly scrapped for the present federal Constitu- tion. This, indeed, was a radical departure and not a gradual evo- lutionary process. The political organization of the planet earth should be henceforth a democratic World Federation, with important areas of sovereign- ty reserved for the member coun- tries and localities: of this there can be little doubt. No heterogen- eous aggregate of cultures, lan- guages and ethnic stocks can be governed effectively for long on a purely monolithic basis. But what specific details may be discerned about such a vast body politic at the present juncture of world his- tory? What definite features and functions can we envision with reasonable certainty? Let us, first of all, meet head- on and squarely the central, sen- sitive and basic question of na- tional sovereignty: These rights and sovereign priv- ileges may well remain (believe it or not) with the member coun- tries and their people under a World Federation; in fact, they should not only be allowed but strongly affirmed and fully guar- anteed by the World Constitution: (1) the regulation of immigration and importation of goods, (2) the granting of citizenship, (3) free choice of economic system, (4) all other community and civic rights not specifically embodied in, or implied by, the code of world law. The countries, on the other hand, would no longer have the right to wage aggressive war (in any form whatever) or manufac- ture and possess nuclear explosives without world federal license. THE PHYSICAL jurisdiction of the member countries would ex- tend to: (A) a distance of eight miles from the shorelines on oceans and seas, (B) a uniform al- titude and depth of 180 and 10 miles, respectively, from sea level on land and along the shore- lines, (C) recognized and estab- lished political boundaries with other countries or sovereignties. There would be three main cat- egories, or grades of sovereignties, under the World Federation: I. Member countries. II. World federal domains. III. Free territories. The first category is sufficient- ly described above. The second would consist of large land areas under separate, central govern- ments, each republican in form and thoroughly democratic in sub- stance; while each of these sizable lands would enjoy a high degree of autonomy, their laws and ordi- nances nevertheless would be sub- ject to review by the world leg- islature and liable to the veto of the world executive; for they would be the creations of the World Federation in the first place. The Antarctic continent may be made into such a prime world federal domain with, or shortly after, the adoption of the World Constitution. The boundaries of the free ter- ritories would be clearly outlined in the charters issued for them by the world legislature; these would be the frontiers of the World Federation and would con- sist exclusively of land areas upon other celestial bodies. A territorial charter would establish for a coun- try, sovereignty or group of peo- ple sole legal title to the habi- tation and use of a specific cos- mis territory, describing at the same time the broad, general ways in which these new lands may be settled, organized and developed. All other regions then outside of these sovereignties would be pre- sumed "ipso facto" potential world federal domains, until such time as the world legislature, by law, has further specified or otherwise changed their status. Cosmic space itself, and its general use for communications and transport, would be and should forever re- main under the direct jurisdiction and control of the World Federa- tion. THE MODE of organization consisting of separate executive and legislative branches seess preferable to the one used in many otherwise well governed countries, where the executive is a close adjunct of the legislature. In those lands where the latter is applied (Great Britain, Switzer- land, the Scandinavian countries) the population is culturally or ethnically very homogenous, thus direct democracy is more readily feasible. On the world scale, how- ever, and for a long time to come, only indirect devices of de- mocracy may be practical. For this reason the popular ref eren- dum process, too, should be large- ly avoided. The term of the chief executive should be limited to four-six years. He should not serve more than two terms consecutively, nor more than three terms altogether. Sim- ilarly the number of terms that the members of the legislature may serve should be limited. The justices and judges of the world judiciary should have also definite, but much longer terms, in order to keep the government up to date in interest and attitudes. Bicameral legislature is a de- cided necessity. In the lower cham- ber proportional representation, but with a population floor and ceiling attached, may be used. To wit even the least populous coun- try would have at least one rep- resentative while even the most populous shall not have more than a certain maximum percentage (say 16 per cent) of the total rep- resentation. Representation in the upper chamber could be weighted in consideration of such basic so- cial parameters as economic pro- ductivity and educational levels. (Determination and assignment of representation on such basis could be made by the World Court, at least eight months before each general election.) Among the powers vested in the world legislature would be: -To formulate the laws of the World Federation that are nec- essary for the collective safety of mankind and the maintenance of world peace; and to enact legis- lation which will stimulate har- monious cooperation among the member countries, world federal domains and free territories. -To create, add to and modify an expanding code of world law. -To lay taxes, duties and ex- cises and to collect the same with the assistance of the execu- tive branch) from the member governments and corporate or other residents of world federal domains; but all taxes, duties and excises shall be uniform throughout the World Federation. -TO set the conditions, stand- ards and terms under which the land tracts and natural resources within the world federal domains may be utilized and developed; but all conditions set, and terms, standards and revenues imposed, shall be uniform throughout the World Federation with respect to all participating parties. -To provide funds for the gov- ernmental operations of the World Federation and to approve, disap- prove, modify or limit specific projects suggested by the execu- tive branch.... -To issue the money, coins and securities of the World Federa- tion, regulatethe value thereof (both generally and in relation to local currencies) and to pro- vide for the punishment of those counterfeiting the currency and securities of the World Federa- tion.... -To regulate the flow of com- merce across the boundaries and to facilitate the exchange of goods and services among the member countries, world federal domains and free territorities.... -To stimulate further the ad- vancement of the sciences, arts and all other creative pursuits, throughout the human realm, by securing in behalf of scientists, au- thors, inventors and artists prop- er credit, recognition and title (and also, for limited period of time, the rights of personal own- ership) to their respective discov- eries, writings, art works, inven- tions, designs and composition.... -To bestow upon the world federal domains and free terri- tories increasingly greater degrees of autonomy, and representation in world councils during the de- velopmental stages, and eventual- ly the full status of member coun- try.... -To provide for the establish- ment, maintenance and continu- ed improvement of a World Se- curity Force; and to keep the same under constant surveillance in order to insure that it is al- ways operated in accord with the provisions and guarantees of this Constitution... . The judiciary is to have the principal power to invalidate acts of the world legislature, if these are found to be in conflict with the provisions of the World Con- stitution. The legislature, addi- tionally, should have the power of impeachment of high govern- ment officials; and the executive would be in charge of the World Security Force. .f4 i~' I '' '0i wp Al " 0 . arms for the love of Nasser . . . I" BARRY GOLDWATER The Big Cover-Up oq Letters to the Editor Fiscal Reform? Your June 27 editorial on Mich- igan's fiscal crisis contains some serious errors regarding the na- ture of the tax reformand related problems faced by the Governor. You state that the number of state employes "will in all prob- ability be drastically reduced." Having worked with the director of Michigan's Budget Division and with each Budget Division exam- iner this summer, I can categor- ically state that even if Michigan is forced to adopt an austerity budget, the reduction in personnel will be very small. If you read the Governor's budget recommenda- tions, you will see that salaries and fringe benefits are really a very small percentage of the total recommended expenditures. What will suffer, however, will be in- creased or expanded services, par- ticularly in the fields of education, welfare, public and mental health. SECOND, to call the income tax plan as "regressive as the four per cent sales tax" indicates that you do not understand the effect of exemptions, nor have you con- sidered the entire package. The Budget Division has prepared more than 15 different packages for consideration by the Legisla- ture. In all cases the criteria for these proposals have been: 1. To make the overall tax der study are very nearly what the Democrats in the House have been advocating all the time. To blame the Governor for not get- ting a tax reform is to ignore the fact that six intransigent Republi- cans and 100 per cent of the Dem- ocrats have steadfastly placed personal interests ahead of the rest of the State. -Arthur Buhhoefer, Grad '67 Progressive Regents We recently received a letter from Tom S. Lee, a delegate to the current "Wolverine Boy's State," a camp sponsored and run by the American Legion. Approximately 1300 high school seniors from all over the state are selected to attend the con- ference and set up their own government on the state, county and local levels. Lee was elected to the board of "U-M Regents," which met, discussed and passed the following four resolutions. (We doubt the Legion knew what it was up against): "We, the Regents of the Uni- versity of Michigan: "a) will provide for the es- tablishment of special book- stores on the campus of the University of Michigan. The stores will sell material to stu- dents at wholesale price only, thus being non-profit. The University will control the and pay salaries according to "b) hereby refuse to submit grades, class standings, or test scores of students of University of Michigan to the Selective Service Commission for the purpose of draft classification. Students, who, voluntarily or involuntarily have withdrawn from the University will no longer be considered students of the University of Michigan and shall, therefore, not be subject to the above. "c) do hereby refuse to allow lists of administrative member- ship to be submitted to non- University organizations, unless those organizations so request. To maintain the academic free- dom of students of the Univer- sity of Michigan, lists shall re- main private. Federal or State Commissions shall have no ac- cess to them. The commissions to which this ruling is specifi- cally directed are the House on Un-American Activities, the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Selective Service Com- mission. hd) do hereby refuse to allow the Armed Forces or any other organization to provide financial or material support in order to establish Weapon Research or Biological Warfare Research de- partments at this University of Michigan. These departments shall be established only at the discretion of the University of Justice Department attorneys are now meeting with government information officers to explain the new "freedom of information law" which goes into effect on the Fourth of July. Under this new set of government guidelines, it is not supposed to be possible for offi- cials to suppress government rec- ords without special security rea- sons. THE NEW LAW is to stop bureaucrats at every level from sweeping their mistakes under a rug of secrecy. I'll make two bets about the new rules. 1 - By next Independence Day, virtually every official in- volved will have found some new way to cover up - with the White House and the Depart- ment of Defense setting the pace, as usual. 2 - Whatever teeth exist in the new law will end up snag- gled and blunt if they try to bite into the toughest, most scandalous cover-ups of all, those concerning the Secretary of Non-Defense Robert Strange McNamara. There are no bets I would rather lose than those. Experts over the years have tried to pry the truth out of Mc- Namara. About all they get is name, rank, serial number and strings of statistics that dance to McNamara's tune. Nevertheless, I will continue to do my bit to cut through McNa- mara's red tape curtain. If there our combat troops. Charges of shortages that I made during the 1964 Presidential campaign were ignored or denied. Virtually every one of those charges has now been confirmed, and there are persis- tent reports of even more exten- sive shortages, some of which may still be affecting the fighting in Vietnam. TFX. The latest crash of a TFX airplane was attributed to a filure of the air intake system. I have charged weaknesses in that area, specifically, many times. Members of tle Senate Preparedness Sub- committee have had evidence of TFX problems for several years, but McNamara has censored statements on the matter through his almost unlimited power to cry "secret" whenever anything threatens his public image. Under any decent respect for freedom of information, the'full, folly-filled story of TFX should be exposed. It represents perhaps the most costly purchasing error in the history of military plan- ning, an error which goes straight to McNamara's office where the advice of every competent mili- tary adviser was ignored in his decision to buy the TFX from the highest bidder with the least sat- isfactory design. COST SAVINGS. McNamara has built his reputation as being the world's highest-paid book- keeper. His public relations men have said time and again that he ha hr,.. al,.co,. in.aving p pP *