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Seventieth Year
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RSDAY, JUNE -30, 1960 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL BURNS
POLISH EXHIBITION:
Nonobjective Art Hints
Change of Attitude
By W. G. ROGERS
Associated Press Arts Editor
NEW YORK-Is nonobjective art creeping back under the Iron Cur-
tain? Are Communist countries becoming less hostile to this popular
Western creative activity as they have already relaxed their aloof
attitudes on other cultural concerns?
A welcome sign of change-whatever it may mean in the long
run-was the recent exhibition here for the first time of 25 com-
pletely non-naturalistic paintings by a Polish artist.
Shown at French & Co. galleries, these sizable, freshly imagined
and .exciting works are by 40-year-old Aleksander Kobzdej. He doesn't
U.S. Should Begin
MoveToward Recognition
RED CHINA chides its parent state, the
USSR, with weakness in dealing with the
West.
British Field Marshal Montgomery, returning
from a trip to China, bubbles with praise for
Mao Tse-tung and reports hatred for every-
thing American there.
United States embarrassment over Eisen-
hower's unsuccessful Far Eastern visit is height-
ened by Red shelling of the island of Quemoy
only 150 miles from the President's ship.
In short, Red China is now a bustling nation
with enough strength to insult both the United-
States and Russia. It is a power to be reckoned
with, not ignored.
In this world of many powers and shifting
blocs, the United States no longer commands
respect or attention for a policy that is not
fully supported by other nations. Thus our
ostrich policy of economic and political non-
recognition of Red China is ineffectual be-
cause it is not backed by the entire free world.
BUT THE situation cannot be calmed at this
late date by the magic word "recognition"
for two reasons. First, although many Ameri-
cans do not agree, the United States has in-
curred obligations to the Taiwan government
which call for continued support of Chiang
Kai-shek. An important function of our over-
all policy of containment of Communism is to
maintain the island of Formosa as a free state
in the face of its overpowering Communist
neighbor.
Second, and even more important in view of
our present unstable position in the world's
political scene, is the great possibility of refu-
sal. If the United States were to announce now
that it had decided to confer diplomatic recog-
nition on the Peiping government, Mao's an-
swer would probably be a triumphant "No,
thank you." Perhaps there wouldn't even be a
thank you.
Yet Mao's government is one of the most
solidly entrenched in the world. His nation con-
tains a mammoth population and consequently
a mammoth army; and his economic progress
is the most fantastic the world has ever seen.
Red China's accomplishments command Unit-
ed States acknowledgement in some form. To
continue to insist that the government of Mao
Tse-tung does not exist is sheer fantasy,
SINCE POLITICAL recognition would prob-
ably result in further embarrassment to
the United States, the answer may lie in a pro-
gressive recognition plan beginning in the
area of commerce. Several other nations, in-
cluding Great Britain, permit trade with Red
China. The United States might move toward
a more realistic China policy by granting per-
mission for trade there.
The next step would be to permit travel on
a limited scale. Later, when economic and so-
cial ties were established, we would recognize
the de facto Chinese government.
AT THIS RATE, it would be a long time be-
fore our relationship with the Taiwan gov-
ernment would be seriously compromised. By
that time all parties involved might be more
willing to accept the Two Chinas policy of
dual recognition. A look at the map will show
that this is the most realistic goal, since, after
all, there are two Chinas.
The world gets smaller every day, and the
clumsy thumb we've placed over China is sure
to get burned if we don't remove it soon.
--PAT GOLDEN
WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND:
Sweeping It Under the Rug
By DREW PEARSON
particularly like the word "ab-
stract," but they are abstractions
-evocations of man's thought in
shapes not identifiable.
* **
A COUPLE of them even have
areas of collage, mainly swatches
of burlap applied to the surface of
the canvas. The subjects are
"Cruelty," "Blown Out," "Mother
Earth," "Conflict," "Forgotten
Pastures," "Crushed,"
"The government's attitude to-
ward this kind of painting is neu-
tral," Kobzdej declared.
"And at the moment just this
sort of thing"-glancing around
at his display-"is being done by
a considerable group of young
Polish painters."
* * *
EVEN UNDER the czars, the
Russians never turned out paint-
ings that stood comparison with
the great works of the Western
world. Their novels, operas and
choreography were superb, the
paint brush stymied them.
But in the first two decades of
this century, partly on their own
and partly spiked by experimenta-
tion in France and' Italy, they
developed some creative workers
who in turn influenced the West
importantly.
The Russian Wassily Kandinsky,
living in Germany, did the first
wholly non-naturalistic painting.
The Polish-Russian Kazimir Mal-
evich founder Suprematism.
THE RUSSIANS, absorbed by
revolution, ignored art in our
sense, and mistrusted it. Their
leaders, like those in Fascist Ger-
many, though it was not so true
in Mussolini's Italy, opposed av-
ant-garde work as too individual,
too disruptive of the group, the
commune, the state.
Here again, however, are ab-
stractions, officially accepted by
Poland, and like those shown, in-
cidentally, in a Polish pavilion at
a Russian fair a cou eof years
ago.
Kobzdej, explicitly dissociating
art and politics, began his career
as a representational painter;
photographs of his early essays
indicate he was an able, but seem-
ingly not an innovating, artist in
the field of representationalism;
he could paint recognizable por-
traits, and trees, hills and streets.
* * * -
SINCE 1948, the dates on his
works show, he has changed his
style and his approach.
His abstractions owe little to
American abstract expressionism;
their sources are European, but
they are individualist; their color
is subdued but the design is al-
ways challenging.
The extent to which this kind of
picture is accepted is seen in the
fact that this particular exponent
of it is the dean of the official
Warsaw Academy of Beaux Arts.
"Art of this sort doesn't make
its way easily in Poland," Kobzdej
admitted. "It nevre did anywhere
else. But mine has been shipped
to European centers with the gov-
ernment paying the costs.
"And this is the kind of picture
I prefer to paint and intend to
keep on painting."
AT THE CAMPUS:
Evening,
Of Cool Fun
FOR FOUR and half hours of
air-conditioned humor on a
hot summer night "Hole in the
Head" and "Some Like It Hot"
can't miss.
"Hole in the Head" is a family-
type funny-no plot but an all-
star cast. Frank Sinatra as usual
plays himself-a no. good, likeable
bum. Thelma Ritter and Edward
J. Robinson make a surprisingly
good comedy team, while Eleanor
Parker manages to be both dowdy
and beautiful as the eligible
widow. Keenen Wynn is the big
operator and there is, o course,
Frankle's loyal, manly little son.'
If you like over-sweet little hams,
this boy is for you.
As topping, there is beautiful
Miami in color, dog racing, moon-
light beaches, big parties, bacuti-
ful girls. Who needs a "message"
in a summer movie?
"SOME LIKE IT HOT" is much
more original and a much better
production. The acting is excel-
lent. Marilyn Monroe shows again
that light comedy is .her field-.
and Joe E. Brown is the personi-
fication of the lecherous old mil-
lionaire.
Tony Curtis, for a change, is
not playing a Bible hero or a
petty boy, doing much better than
could be expected as a fugitive
saxaphone player in an all-girl
band. And Jack Lemon is Jack
Lemon, one of the few masters of
farce, situation comedy and the
appropriate facial contortion
around today.
* * *
THE REAL MASTER is pro-
ducer Billy Wilder who first
dreams up an original andpo-
tentially touchy plot and then
stages, paces and photographs it
with great finesse. The movie
opens with a chase scene un-
equaled since the Keystone cops
and ends with a most incredible
punch line.
The story line-two unem-
ployed musicians (Lemon and
Curtis) inadvertantly witness a
reorganization of the bootleggers'
syndicate in a Chicago garage and
are forced to disguise themselves
and join an all-girl band to es-
cape the gangsters searching for
them. All the predictable compli-
cations and quite a few unpre-
dictable ones, too, follow. -
There is a "hen" party includ-
ing the boys and thirteen lovely
women jammed in an upper
berth. There is a raid on a speak-
easy whose front is a funeral
parlor. There is Lemon's "engage-
ment" to a wealthy yachtsman
This is one of Hollywood's best,
and worth seeing.
-Sarah Rowley
TODAY AND TOMORROW
Th Corning Rea rppraisal
By WALTER LIPPMANN
N THE SHORT TIME remaining to'him there
is still one great work which the President
is uniquely qualified to do. This is to promote
and preside over the unavoidable reappraisal,
which must in many ways-to use the words of
John Foster Dulles-be agonizing. The uprising
in Tokyo, which went far beyond mere rioting,
and the highly significant demonstration in
Okinawa, are unmistakable signs that we must
reappraise one of the main conceptions which
has shaped our strategy. This is the theory
that in order to contain the power of the Soviet
Union and of Red China the United States must
establish forward bases on the frontiers of the
Communist orbit.
The strategical policy of encircling Com-
munism with military bases on the periphery
was conceived immediately after the second
World War, in the late '40s, when the United
States still had a monopoly of the atom bomb
and was not -only invulnerable itself but ir-
resistible on the offensive. In 1949 the Soviet
Union broke the monopoly, and in the years
that followed acquired a nuclear stockpile and
the airplanes and missiles to carry nuclear
bombs. Then the strategical policy of periph-
eral containment was bound to become in-
creasingly unworkable. This meant that the
time had Nome for a reappraisal of the stra-
tegical policy which rested on our lost mono-
poly.
THE REAPPRAISAL was not made, and ac-
cordingly, the State Department and the
Pentagon addressed themselves to the task of
persuading and cajoling the peripheral coun-
tries to eschew neutralism in the cold war, to
line up with us and against Russia and China,
and to grant us military bases. A few coun-
tries, notably India, refused to participate.
But all around the rim of Asia, encircling the
Russian and the Chinese heartland, we made
alliances and established bases.
To our surprise we found that as we estab-
lished ourselves on this dangerous periphery,
we became increasingly unpopular, and the
more arms and money and personnel we pump-
ed in, the more the masses of the people and
the intellectuals to whom they listened be-
came neutralist and anti-American and fellow-
traveling,
It was stupid of us to be surprised, and very
stupid to allow ourselves to think that these
ungrateful people would be loving and loyal
if it were not for the Communist agitators
from Moscow and Peiping. We refused to look
at the stark and dominating fact that once
the Soviet Union had become a nuclear power,
the peripheral countries were defenseless. They
could not be defended by "massive retaliation"
because neither our European allies in NATO
nor Canada and ourselves in North America
were in a position to defend them against So-
viet counter-retaliation.
We may not like to say it out loud, or even
to see it at all, but there is a profound weak-
ness in a strategical policy which rests on
bases that are indefensible. However much we
may choose to ignore this brutal fact, the peo-
ple of Japan are very much aware of it. So are
the people of Okinawa, who could be knocked
out with one hydrogen bomb. A policy which
puts allies in such a position has to be reap-
praised. For bases are no good in a country
which is terrified and in rebellion because of
the danger they create.
DOES A REAPPRAISAL of the obsolete stra-
tegical policy mean a retreat before the
expansion of Communism, and abandonment of
our allies, and the withdrawal of American
military power as a deterrent force inside Rus-
sia and China? The answer is that it need not
mean any of these things, and it should not
mean them if the reappraisal is penetrating
and thorough, if the action that follows is
bold and is wise.
Let us leave aside Europe where the situa-
tion is radically different because of the politi-
cal and economic maturity and the inherent
strength of the old nations. In Asia, in the
presence of the two Communist giants, the
normal and natural policy of a non-Commu-
nist country is to be unaligned in the cold war.
As long as there exists a balance of power
among the giants, this is the best defense of
the small and the weak against conquest and
against intimidation.
Neutralism, with American approval, makes
also for good will and influence. India and
Burma, and I think Egypt also, show that if
we do nottry to force these countries to be-
come our military satellites, they will welcome
our help and advice in their internal develop-
ment and their resistance to Communism.
PARALLEL WITH the evolution of our policy
away from peripheral military containment,
it is the task of the Pentagon to find substitutes
for the obsolete and essentially indefensible
peripheral bases. There is no real doubt that
this can be done, and according to Mr. Louis.
Kraar of the "Wall Streetr Journal" who has
been at Quantico for the recent meeting the
military planners are working on the problem.
Rome, as the saying goes, was not built in a
day, and our outdated Asian strategy will not
be revised in a day. The rebellion in Asia against
our peripheral strategy is undoubtedly mount-
ing. To give. the State Department time to re-
appraise and revise and readjust its relations,
and to give the Pentagon time to implement a
new strategy, the most effective thing to do
would be for the President to put himself at
the head of the reappraising. This alone offers
some hope of reducing the virulence of the re-
bellion, a virulence which has its roots in the
terror of being the victim of a more horrible
Hiroshima.
FOR OBVIOUS REASONS, the President is
uniquely able to take the lead, and to make
the reappraisal and revision his validictory
service to the nation. It would be an act of
WASHINGTON-It was signifi-
cant that the Senate foreign
relations committee carefully re-
frained from a single word of
criticism of President Eisenhower
regarding the summit failure
though vigorously criticizing the
moves of his administration which
led to that failure.
It was also significant that Gov.
Nelson Rockefeller in issuing his
unprecedented criticism of our
defense and foreign policies, care-
fully omitted any criticism of the
man responsible for those policies.
Furthermore, during the past
seven years, the Democratic lead-
ership of Congress, expressly Sen.
Lyndon Johnson and Speaker Sam
Rayburn, have treated the Presi-
dent with kid gloves while simul-
taneously lampooning his policies,
his execution of those policies,
and almost everything he does.
IN PAST ADMINISTRATIONS
this was never the case. In the
past, Harry Truman, Franklin D.
Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, Wood-
row Wilson were held responsible
for their policies, and neither the
press nor the politicians ever dealt
lightly with them. This custom of
holding the President of the Unit-
ed States responsible has been
generally true of our entire his-
tory, from George Washington
down-with the notable exception
of Eisenhower.
As far as criticism is concerned
he has led an almost charmed
life.
This is due in part to the extra-
ordinary genius of Jim Hagerty
and the Madison Avenue tech-
niques he has used to set the
President apart from his policies;
in part to the watchful eye of the
B. B. D. and 0. advertising agen-'
cy which has been retained for
seven years to glorify Ike: in part
to the overwhelming financial-
and political-contribution of the
TV network executives to Eisen-
hower.
The effect on our eroded for-
eign policy has been that when
there occurred a serious error, the
error was hailed as a victory. And
the administration's propaganda
INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Russians, Red Chinese
Reach Compromise
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
-THE CHINESE and Russian Communists appear to have decided that
they are both right-that war is not inevitable, but that it may
come in handy for promoting the world revolution.
Nikita Khrushchev has been preaching that war in its modern
guises must be avoided; that Communist ascendancy can be achieved
through economic superiority in a
period of coexistence.
Peiping has contended that the DAILY
revolution cannot wait, that the
capitalist nations will fight rather OFFICIAL
than see Communist success, and
that thoughts of nonpeaceful rev- BULLETIN
olution must not be put on the
shelf.
techniques have been so skillful
that until recently the American
public generally believed that
each defeat was a victory.
* * *
IT IS ONLY NOW when a lot
of sick chickens have been coming
home to roost that the public is
beginning to realize that black
clouds on the foreign-affairs hori-
zon were really black after all,
not the rosy sunrises White House
statements made them out to be.
Only recently has it been pos-
sible to criticize the President
without being denounced as un-
patriotic and un-American. Even
last month, Adlai Stevenson and
Sen. Stuart Symington materially
hurt their chances of being nomi-
nated for the Presidency by pin-
ning the blame for the summit
failure on President Eisenhower.
The real fact is, however, that
the proposed summit conference
and the proposed visit to Japan
were sweeping-under-the-rug op-
erations. They would have passed
on to Ike's successor a lot of dif-
ficult problems. They would not
have solved anything. And the
unfortunate fact is that the Ei-
senhowernforeign policy has been
chiefly one of sweeping difficult
problems under the rug.
* * *
NOW THAT THE RUG has
been pulled back by Khrushchev
and the U-2 incident and by Jap-
anese riots in Tokyo, a lot of these
problems have been found that
the American public didn't know
were there.
The sweeping-under-the-rug op-
eration began with the Korean
truce six months after Ike took
office. Everyone in the White
House and the state department
knew that the Korean truce didn't
solve anything. Korea was still
divided. The North Korean Com-
munists were fully armed and
belligerent on the opposite side of
the 38th parallel. They are still
there. The United Nations truce
teams still patrol back and forth,
still palaver to each other, still
haggle across the line. And when
the President was in South Korea
two weeks ago,itwas evident that
more trouble could break out any
minute.
THE PRESIDENT, campaigning
for election in 1952 on a platform
of "Communism, Corruption, and
Korea," had promised to go to
Korea and settle the war,
He did go-for a few hours only.
Then he came back and refused
to let the truce talks really worry
him. Certainly it did not interfere
with his golf.
On one spring day in 1953, the
President was summoned from the
Burning Tree golf course by a
phone call that an important de-
cision had to be made in the Ko-
rea.n truce talks. He finished the
9th hole, drove back to his office.
On hearing the proposal he
slammed a book across the room,
exclaimed: "This-Korean war
has been with us two years. It's
going to be with us for a long
time. I don't want to be bothered
... . . . ..
.;
'A
{:,
UNDER THE verbiage of the
international Communist state-
ment following the Romanian
party meeting, there is an accept-
ance of any and all measures
which, under given circumstances,
may advance the party cause.
Immediately following this, on
his return to Moscow, Khrushchev
made a speech calling for con-
tinued beefing up of Soviet mili-
tary strength. He now admits that
reductions in military manpower
are being made-just as they have
been made in Britain and the
United States--without reductions
in over-all strength.
This is not of major importance,
of course, in a situation where
Red China maintains and in-
creases her massive conventional
forces while the Soviet Union pro-
vides nuclear power.
PEIPING CAN now use force
without seeming to undercut Mos-
cow's political position, and vice
vpTa1'rfho re n n an....nn.ora at u in
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
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ing publication.
THURSDAY, JUNE 30, 1960
VOL. LXX, NO S
General Notices
The French Comedy, "Mr. Hulot's
Holiday," will be shown Thurs., June
30 at 7 p.m. in the Multipurpose Room,
Undergraduate Library. The film is in
French with English sub-titles.
Graduate Social Hour and Mixer on
Fri., July 1 at the VFW Club, 314 E.
Liberty. The Social Hour will be from
5 to 7 pm. and the Mixer from 9 p.m.
to midnight with music by the Men of
Note.
Recital Postponed: The recital by Roy
Johnson, originally scheduled for Thur.
June 30, has been postponed to Fri.,
July 15.
Linguistic Forum Lecture: Dr. Charles
A. Ferguson, Director, Center for Ap-
plied Linguistics, will speak on "Gram-
matical and Semantic Categories of
Viihorin rnh 'InnTh rn tim '
AGREEMENT UNLIKELY:
Diplomats Consider
UN Charter Revisions
By MAX HARRELSON
Associated Press News Analyst
UNITED NATIONS (RP)-Fifteen years after the signing of the United
Nations charter, diplomats are taking a long and careful look at
some of its provisions,
The document was signed in San Francisco 15 years ago Monday
after weeks of debate. Its authors recognized that changes undoubtedly
would be needed following a shakedown, but few foresaw the almost
insurmountable difficulties for even simple alterations.
Structural defects of the United Nations have been magnified and
complicated by the cold war and especially by Soviet use of the veto.
And the center of balance has been shifted by United Nations growth.,
Newly independent Asian and African nations have attained a posi-
tion of power and influence.
These factors are partly responsible for the tendency of the big
powers to bypass the United Nations and take problems to such special
meetings as a summit conference or a conference of foreign ministers.
"Quiet diplomacy" within the United Nations itself, as a corollary to
the conventional public debate, is another trend.
* *
ONE TENDENCY HAS BEEN to depend less and less on the Se-
curity Council and to take more issues to the General Assembly, where
there is no veto.
Some diplomats think the collapse of the summit conference and
a revival of the cold war may give new importance to the United
Nations both to the General Assembly and to "quiet diplomacy."
That is why they are giving special study to the possibility of
overhauling the charter and United Nations procedures.
United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold has cited
sentiment for an international nolice force
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