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July 21, 1964 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1964-07-21

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x DatdymTilig
Sesenty-7TbiWd YW
x = ~EDrITED ANDMANAGED BY STUDENTS OE TIME UNTYERSr "1'op MIIA~RY
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OW STUDENT PUBucATIoNs
ree STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDL., ANN ARBOR, MKIH., PHONE NO 2-3241
La ,torias printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

"I Got Him With A S hot From The Hip"

HARD-HITTING
Barry's Convention
Tactics, Campaign,

'UESDAY, JULY 21, 1964

NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HARRAH

UAW Negotiations
Seek 'Dignity of Labor'

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SEATEY

NY ONE WfO THINKS that UAW-Big
T1hnree negotiations follow a repetitious
pattern of merely quantitative demands
should look again at this year's talks. For
the auto workers are adamantly pressing
a "dignity of labor" line which has some
unusual and unprecedented implications.
2No longer is the UAW simply asking
for better hours, better pay or even fuller
employment, In the first-round bargain-
ing completed last week, the union has
made it quite clear that it is equally con-
cerned with efforts to "civilize and hu-
manize the factories and offices in which'
our members spend half their waking
lives." And this line is only secondary
to demAandcs ta "the sovereignty of hu-
man beirngs over machines" be me
clear, at least implicitly, in new contracts.
Specifically the UAW requests center
on more rest periods-during which the
ever-moving assembly line would be stop-
ped instead of manned by relief-time re-
placenients--and earlier retirement plans
that do not necessarily depend on years of
service. That the granting of these de-
mands will not even approach ensuring
human dignity and sovereignty is un-
questionable. But then specific demands
are not hat is significant about the pres-
ent negotiations.
T IS FAR MORE significant that the
union is now striking at the qualita-
tive structure of the factory system it-
self and not merely at the quantitative
distribution of wealth produced by that
system. It is no longer thinking primarily
of the worker's financial well-being; it is
beginning to give more weight to his
needs as an individual-as someone sup-
posedly more valuable than billion-dollar
profits and an endless stream of shiny
metallic vehicles.
Factory work in America cannot be rat-
ed high for providing the opportunities
fjnd challenges which are requisite to a
feeling of human worth. It is not suffi-;
cient that the worker's skills might be
well developed; that it might be trouble-
some to replace him; that'he may even
have become resigned to liking what he
does-though merely because he cannot
Jive sanely with himself if he constantly
wants a more satisfying job that usually
is beyond easy reach-
For despite these compensations, the
workr will have a hard time escaping
the sensation that he is prostituting his
manihness, his abilities, his desires. He
will have a hard time escaping the feel-
ing that what he is doing is useless-to
some extent because "he" is not really
needed, to a greater extent because the

product he works on is not essential to
human life and because the company in-
tends it to fall apart within a very few
years so the customer will have to buy a
new automobile. He cannot escape the
feeling that the product contains noth-
ing of "him" in it, and consequently that
he has derived nothing valuable from
making that product.
TE CURRENT negotiations cannot al-
leviate these humiliations, for that
will require far more time, far more pow-
er in the labor unions, far more public
support than now exist. But the very proc-
ess of speaking in terms of such humilia-
tions will perhaps make the worker
aware of his condition, perhapslead him
to question the meaningfulness of his job
and the satisfaction of his merely func-
tional role within the factory system.
Maybe then the worker will begin com-
paring what he derives from that func-
tion with what he would require to feel
like a full human being. Maybe he will be-
gin considering alternatives to unfulfill-
ing labor -which does, not necessarily
mean considering no labor at all. Perhaps
he will even realize that he has been
duped all these years into settling for
moredmoney and fewer hours while his
spirit slowly died, while he came to have
nothing but an acquiescent resignation
that there must be something worthwhile
in his work, even though that worth was
rarely evident to him.
Even if the UAW gets what it demands
from the automakers this year the battle
for meaningful, fulfilling work will not
have been won. For what the UAW is
asking is only the barest beginning.
IF THE UNION ever wants to ensure
that factory work really does have some
purpose for the worker, that it pays him
in something besides cash for investing
his life in a job, it will have to insist on
nothing short of full participation in all
the decisions that govern production. It
will have to insist that the worker's stake
in the process of production can be re-
paid adequately only if the worker is al-
lowed a voice in how the process can be
most meaningful to him.
The labor movement is a long way
from demanding something like this, and
indeed it may never achieve the demand
alone. But the negotiations now under-
way in Detroit are a significant step in
the right direction. Even though they
will eventually change little, they have
set the factory worker to wondering just
how much waste of humanity this coun-
try can justifiably put up with.
--JEFFREY GOODMAN

r,

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first
in a series of articles analyzing the
Republican convention. Mihael
Harrah covered the convention for
The Daily.
By MICHAEL HARRAH
AT THE CONCLAVE of Republi-
cans in San Francisco last
week, they nominated a 100 per
cent, dyed-in-the-wool, fighting
conservative to take on President
Lyndon Johnson in November;
and the heavy odds are that this
fiery challenger will go down to
defeat.
But if his performance in win-
ning the nomination is any in-
dicator, Johnson is in for a knock-
down, drag-out fight. For Sen.
Barry Goldwater pulled no punches
in getting his way on the conven-
tion floor. Though he probably
need not have done so, his forces
steamrollered any opposition on
platform or candidacy into obliv-
ion in a show of muscle that must
have dismayed former President
Dwight D. Eisenhower who favors
the soft approach.
If this can be taken as a model,
Lyndon Johnson can expect a
hard-hitting attack from the GOP.
And regardless of how popular he
may be now, he will certainly have
to answer the questions and
charges that will undoubtedly be
put forth.
Such issues as the President's
involvement with Bobby Baker and
just how messy that scandal is
will come to the forefront. John-
son will be called upon to explain
the chicanery, if any, that sur-
rounds his radio and television
holdings in Austin, his two-faced
stand on such issues as civil rights,
deficit spending, states' rights and
others, on which he expressed
totally different views as a sen-
ator than he does now.
BUT ISSUES are thin at best;
they don't leae a lasting impres-
sion on the minds of the voters.
The question becomes whether or
not Barry Goldwater can capture
the imagination of enough voters,
for whatver reason, to swing the
bulk of electoral votes.
Clearly he will center his efforts
on the South. He wouldn't have
gone to such lengths to fight off
strong statements on extremism,
civil rights and federal supremacy
if he didn't intend to fight South-
erner Johnson on his home ground
and his home issues. And it is
also clear that if Goldwater is
successful in winning away the
traditional Democratic support,
Johnson, no matter how popular
he may be in the big cities, is in
serious political trouble.
For the traditional Southern
core of Democratic votes has sent
many a Democratic ticket to a
victory it could not have won with-
out it. This, coupled with the solid
Republican states in the West and
Midwest, is quite capable of giv-
ing Goldwater an electoral vic-
tory, all the votes of Negroes, big
cities, labor unions, and what-
have-you not withstanding.
* * *
ALL THIS Goldwater knows,
and one rather imagines Johnson
knows it too. The pros and cons of
their separate beliefs could be
hashed and hashed and no one

APARTHEID POLICY
South Africa in Upheaval

EUROPEAN COMMENTARY
Vews on Goldwater

would be any further toward the
"truth," for who is to say which
is the "correct" position? The
voters will be faced with a truly
ideological choice-one which cuts
across party loyalties and one
which will arouse emotions and
perhaps even violence before the
campaign is over. It represents the
first time in a long while that
American voters can decide their
vote on the strength of their con-
victions rather than personality.
No one can predict the outcome
with any degree of accuracy, Tor
the situation is so volatile that it
can do an about face from day
to day, depending upon the emo-
tional impact of some statement
or event.
Whether Goldwater wants to
acknowledge it or not, the so-
called "backlash"-not only from
civil rights strife, but also in
reaction to repeated attacks on
"extremism" and "super-patriot-
ism"-pose a very Incalculable fac-
tor in the campaign. For who is
to say just how long it will take
to offend how many people?"

EDITOR' NOTE: Mary Beth Nor-
ton, '64, is a former Assembly As-
sociation president, Student Gov-
ernment Council member and Unit-
ed States National Student Associa-
tion coordinator on this campus. In
April she represented the University
at a USNSA conference on South
Africa.
By MARY BETH NORTON
Daily Guest Writer
TODAY IN SOUTH AFRICA the
future seems bleak. Recently
the opposition leaders Nelson Man-
dela and Walter Sisulu were sen-
tenced to life imprisonment. Even
their attorney has now been ar-
rested under the law which per-
mits the detention of a prisoner
for 90 days without specifying
any charges. Chief Albert Luthuli,
winner of the Nobel Peace Prize,
has been banned for another five
year period; now he may not
even attend church.
It was only last August at the
National Student Congress that
Jonty Driver, president of the Na-
tional Union of South African
Students, remarked in all serious-
ness that the uniting of black
African (or Bantu) groups into
a sabotage organization was the
most encouraging happening he'd
seen in a long time.
The policy which has caused
this catastrophic state of affairs
is known as apartheid: the com-
plete separation of the races with
very little pretense of equality. In
South Africa a man's status de-
pends entirely on his race. But
this means of determining a per-
son's rank in society did not ap-
pear overnight; it has taken years
to develop.
THE POPULATION of South
Africa is composed of many dif-
ferent elements: Africaaners of
Boer and Dutch descent, in com-
plete control of thescountry since
1948 and chief authors of "Baas-
kap," the policy of white suprem-
acy; white of British origin, most
of whom support the apartheid
policies of the government; In-
dians, who in recent years have
been deprived of many of their
previously-held rights; coloureds,
or mixed blacks; and black Afri-
cans (successively known as Kaf-
firs, natives, and Africans, they
are now called Bantus by the
government).
The Nationalist Party, headed
by Prime Minister Hendrik Ver-
woerd, terms its philosophy
"Christian-nationalism"; in 1942
the present Minister of Justice,
B. F. Vorster, declared that,,the
doctrines of his party bore a great
similarity to those of National
Socialism, and the truth of this
statement is apparent on close
examination of National Party
policies.
A basic tenet of Christian-Na-
tionalism is the natural inferiority
of black Africans, and most of the
laws passed since 1948 have been
directed at keeping the Bantu in
perpetual ignorance and poverty.
T 1ZZT1_4 t~* lit ' ifr *la

identity passbook (which natives
call the "dompas") at all times.
Found without one even for a
moment (or if the arresting of-
ficers conveniently "lose" the pass)
the African may be deported to
his tribal area, placed in a forced
labor camp, or detained in prison
for years-without his family and
friends ever learning what has
happened to him.
And if a native in a white area
loses his job, he has exactly 72
hours to find another one if he
wants to avoid being sent to a
bantustan.
* * *
THE GOVERNMENT claims
that the goal of its bantustan
policies is to create a self-
supporting native community, and
that its educational system is 'di-
rected towards the same end. The
Christian - nationalist principles
upon which the government re-
quires that native education be
based are the following:
-The Bantu is inferior:
-He must be educated only in
his tribal language and not in
English;
-His education must be ,dif-
ferent from that of whites;
-He must be taught Christian-
nationalist principles; and
--His education must never take'
precedence over the educating of,/
white children.
The implications of an educa-
tional system which doesanot allow
Africans to study academic sub-
jects and which confines them to
their own dialect (special care is
taken to see that they do not
learn English, which would permit
them to communicate with other
Bantus and whites) are obvious.
THE PURPOSE of the govern-
ment is not to make the Africans
self-sufficient, but rather to make
them completely dependent on
whites for their contacts with the
rest of the world.
In recent years the situation has
become worse rather than better.
The Nationalist Party has solidi-
fied its hold on the country, and
it is completely supported by its

nominal opposition, the British-
'dominated United Party. Indi-
viduals and groups that seem to
threaten the existence of the
standing order are banned; all
statements which appear to criti-
cize the government can easily be
termed "Communist" and thus
treasonable under the recent Sup-
pression of Communism and Sabo-
tage Acts.
The African National Congress
and the Pan-African Congress,
both banned, have turned to un-
derground operations and terror-
ism in the face of the incredibly
strong Verwoerd government.
** *
IT IS THE BELIEF of many
observers, keeping 'all these facts
in mind, that South Africa may
soon be the scene of a revolution
which will make Algeria look like
a picnic. But it must be pointed
out that this revolution, when it
comes, will not necessarily be ra-.
cial in nature.'
Rather, it will be the struggle
of both whites and blacks who
believe in democracy against the
fascist practices of the Africaaner
government.

LETTERS
Statemn
To Romney
To the Editor:
I AM SUBMITTING a copy of a
letter for consideration as an
"open letter" to Governor George
Romney:
Dear Sir:
AF'TER SWITCHING the Michi-
gan delegation's support to
Senator Goldwater at the Republi-
can National Convention, you
said: "It is perfectly evident that
we have dedicated ourselves to a
rebirth of individualism in Amer-
ica." This statement prompts me
to make several observations.
I am not a members of one
of the national trade unions, and
I do not own stock in any of the
numerous national corporations.
To attempt to defend myself in-
dividually, against the enormous
powers of these organizations
would be utterly futile. I must
therefore, act in concert with my
fellow citizens to preserve my
existence as, an individual-that
is to say, I must exercise the
countervailing power of govern-
ment. For that reason, I reject as
erroneous your view that the Re-
publican Party in 1964 is dedicat-
ed "to a rebirth of individualism
in America."
* * *
IN THE COMING election cam-
paign, my support will go to those
citizens who, life myself, seek to
maintain a government which is
somewhat stronger than the huge,
self -centered economic organiza-
tions so characteristic of contem-
porary American life. At present,
this description seems to fit the
members of the Democratic Party.
--Thomas G. Powell

LYRICAL ABILITY
stornin: Clrity, Precision

I

B ILTHOVEN, HOLLAND-Senator Bar-
ry Goldwater's victory in San Fran-
cisco is scarcely welcomed in Europe. Gen-
eral reaction is negative, with some ex-
tremrightist wings standing neutral in
the controversy. A
This attitude is, of course, only natural.
The Arizona senator has until now ex-
presse d opinions that were all too often.
in open contrast to the interests of Eu-
ropean nations. In promoting American
nationalism at the expense of other West-
ern nations, Goldwater purposely antag-
onizes European countries. This is true
of big and small countries alike.
Besides creating antagonism, Gold-
water holds conservative views that are
incomprehensible to most Europeans. In
this country especially, very few people
can grasp the reasoning behind the right
wing's insistense on states' rights.
THE NIGHTMARE that conservatives
see in the increasing federal control
cannot be understood by Europeans of
fedei alist countries who generally have
a much deeper faith in their national
governments. Also, the need for more se-
vere federalization of government, a.s
pressed for by the right wing, cannot pos-
sibly be realized by citizens of the much
smaller Euro l an nations rm

Of additional concern to many Euro-
pean politicians is the effect which Gold-
water may have on the GOP. If this re-
sults in an overwhelming flow of votes
to the Democrats, a healthy opposition
party may not only be blemished in the
Executive, but also in Congress. If the
Democrats achieve a strong victory in
November's legislative elections, the Unit-
ed States might end up with something
dangerously close to a one-party rule in
Washington-a source of concern to peo-
ple who are used to coalitions and num-
erous parties.
MORE AND MORE persistently, the ele-
ment of fright is added to European
reactions which had until now consisted
of mere disgust. This element is caused
by the overwhelming majority that Gold-
water got on that first ballot.
One wonders here in Europe whether
Goldwater's support is really as narrow
as the' pollsters make one believe. At
least, if all Republicans act as Governor
William Scranton of Pennsylvania and
former President Dwight Eisenhower did
(who pledged their support to Goldwater
after he was nominated), the Arizona
senator's chances might not be so bad
after all. Among other things, the result

EUGENE ISTOMIN was present-
ed by the University Musical
Society in a piano concert last
evening before a capacity crowd in
Rackham Auditorium. Istomin is
well known for his ability as a
chamber performer and last night
he demonstrated his skill as a
soloist of the front rank.
The program opened with
Haydn's Sonata in A major. This
delightful work is almost "bar-
oque" rather than classical in tex-
ture. The many embellishments of
the first movement were executed
with remarkable clarity and pre-
cision' by Istomin. He seemed

"Off We Go, Into The Wild Blue Yonder -- '

temperamentally well - suited for
this work and he produced much]
variety of sound in a rather thin l
texture.1
The Minuetto and Trio demon-l
strated one of Istomin's outstand-'
ing qualities-his rhythm. The lastt
movement, like the first, is high-l
ly embellished and again Istomin
achieved a wide variety of tone.
This composer is too often refer-
red to, especially on record jack-
ets, as "Papa" Haydn-a ratheri
nice old man who wrote nices
"folksy" music. This is unfortu-i
nate because it doesn't quite do1
justice to one of the true giantsI
of music's history.I
The two Schubert Impromptus
which followed were very enjoy-
able indeed. No one can writer
beautiful melodies quite like this
composer-as shown in the first
impromptu in G flat. He took !
this composition a little slowerI
than it is customarily played, but
yet his performance was most1
convincing and enjoyable. The
second impromptu, in E flat, isI
marked by a fast and swirling
line - Istomin literally made it
breathe with delightful pauses andl
nuances.
THE WALDSTEIN Sonata of
Beethoven concluded the first por-
tion of the program. This work
is the first in a veritable string
of masterworks Beethoven wroteI
between 1803-7. It is followed by
the Eroica Symphony (Op. 55),
Appassionata Sonata (Op. 57),

The second movement opens in
F major and abruptly shifts to
E major, demonstrating the new
harmonic language Beethoven was
to employ in this period. Istomin's
playing of this movement was
marked by the lyricism of his
line and the extreme gradations of
dynamics giving this movement
an especially dramatic quality.
* * *
THE LAST MOVEMENT was
the highlight of the work-as far
as his performance of it went. He
took a rather slow and steady
tempo-as compared with most
pianists-but this certainly didn't
detract from the fast and bril-
liant sections of it. Rather, it
added a good deal because of the
clarity and precision of his play-
ing.
After intermission, Stravinsky's
Sonata in Three Movements was
performed. The first movement is
marked by constant triplet mo-
tion and could become monotonous
unless handled by a sensitive per-
former. Istomin made it an ar-
resting movement to listen to. The
second movement is a particular-
ly beautiful piece of music and
again demonstrated his lyrical
-ibility.
* * *
THE TWO WORKS of Chopin
which closed the program were
somewhat of a letdown. I feel
that Istomin handled the classi-
cal and neo-classical works best.
The Nocturne lacked the lyricism
and intimacy one expects, espe-

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