1r4'&i!nAtarI'
Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications
195 arrests: A
quiet fall at Berkeley
A
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
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SATURDAY, JANUARY 18, 1969
NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN
The booklist problem:
A short-range solution
THE EXCLUSION of the Student Book
Service (SBS) from the joint text-
book listing organization managed by
the oligopoly of the five other. major
campus bookstores is indefensible. It
penalizes those who are most concerned,
the textbook-buying students.
Obviously, it makes business sense for
the oligopoly to try to prevent SBS from
taking a larger share of the market. For
years, the five have continued a nice,
cozy relationship.
Each store has its specialties, and
thus attracts a unique share of the mar-
ket. And nobody gets overly anxious for
a bigger cut.
Arising out of the wake of failure of
the drive four years ago for a discount
University bookstore, SBS did what many
had thought impossible by successfully
competing for a sizeable share of the
market. More important, it remained in
business while continuing its lower pric-
es..
OF ANN ARBOR'S six bookstores spec-
ializing ,in University texts, SBS is by
afar the most student oriented. The cus-
tomer is much less likely to face un-
yielding bureaucracy and ruthless sales-
returns policies there.
Because of these rather unique quali-
ities, faculty members should support
and expand the petition drive backing
SBS in its fight for a place in the Text-
book Reporting Service. The petition,
which was drawn up by members of the
economics department, (and which has
now spread to the sociology department)
pledges that the signers will order books
for their courses solely through SBS un-
til it is admitted to the joint booklisting
service.
The petitions are having a major ef-
fect on the bookstores, even though the
drive is in its infant stages. The owners
and managers of the five stores have al-
ready begun7 plans for a meeting with
W P if 1311134t g
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Editorial Staff
MARK LEVIN. Editor
STEPHEN WILDSTROM URBAN tEHNER
Managing' Editor Editorial Director
DAVID KNOKE, Executive Editor
WALLACE IMMEN . .. ... News Editor
.CAROLYN MIEGEL ...... Associate Managing Editor
DANIEL ORRENT ......... .,.......Feature Editor
PAT O'DONOHUE ........ News Editor
WALTER -SHAPIRO .. . Associate Editorial Director
HOWARD KOHN Associate Editorial Director
AVIVA KEMPNER .....Persnnel Director
NEAL BRUSS __ ......... Magazine Editor
ALISON SYMROSKI ..... Associate Magazine Editor
ANN MUNSTER ......:......... Contributing Editor
SBS's manager Ned Shure to discuss their
policy.
HOWEVER, STUDENT support of SBS
must come, unfortunately, with some
reservations.
Few can deny that its prices and stu-
dent-oriented atmosphere differentiate
SBS from the other book stores.
However, SBS is far too small, and
too limited in scope to appeal to or serve
the total University community. While
its book listing procedures have improv-
ed immensely in the few years since it
began, (and of course access to the com-
munally compiled lists of the o t h e r
stores would help greatly), its stocking
procedures are disorganized, and its book
supply undependable.
More importantly, despite its lower
prices, SBS is far from being a non-profitj
operation. There is little double that were
the operation to turn unprofitable it
would disappear quickly.
AND DESPITE SBS's favorable image
among students in general, one can-
not avoid fearing that an improved re-
putation, a growing clientele, anda more
sdund financial basis .-- all of which
the future will probably bring -- may
corrupt SBS.
Most likely a, hike in prices and a
sterilization of its now casual atmos-
phere would result from the predicted
growth of SBS.
Therefore, while it is/advisable to sup-
port SBS now, we should not lose sight
of a far more desirable solution to the
book buying problems in Ann Arbor-
the creation of a large-scale non-profit
University bookstore, operated by stu-
dents and administrators.
; The importance of this is illustrated
by a study made recently by the Uni-
versity which showed a non-profit book-
store could' cut book cost for the aver-,
age undergraduate by nearly ten per
cent.
SUCH A STORE would command an
overwhelming share of the market
because of its appeal, and save the Uni-
versity community as a whole at least
$150,000 per semester.
The Regents have long taken the posi-
tion of avoiding. any enterprise that
would put the University into direct eco-
nomic competition with the established
merchants. Large amounts of energy,
political pressure, and hard work will
have to be expended before such a book-
store, and other large scale non-profit
students operations can ever be estab-
lished.
The commitment of those interested
in better book prices and services should
be aimed toward this larger end.
-JIM NEUBACHER
By JENNY STILLER
BERKELEY IS not where it's
happening anymore.
National] attention last year
focused on Columbia and San
Francisco State where the dra-
matics of student lock-ins and
police breakthroughs attracted
the media's attention.
Apologists might say that the
issue of Black Panther Minister
of Information Eldridge Cleaver's
right to teach at Berkeley did not
have the needed glamor to attract
national headlines.
But Berkeley's activist star has
been falling primarily because no
leader has been able to coalesce
the mass student support neces-
sary for successful action.
LAST FALL'S Cleaver contro-
versy was a study in futility and
apathy for Berkeley activists. And
if Berkeley continues to be the
bellweather for radical opinion,
this may prove a dim oracle for
the future of the Movement na-
tionally.
The conflict grew out of an ex-
perimental course entitled Social
Analysis 139X ("Dehumanization
and Regeneration in the American
Social Order"), which was to be
taught primarily by Cleaver. The
course was designed to deal with
the role of the black man in mod-
ern American society. and Clea-
ver's position was envisioned as
that of an articulate-and angry
-spokesman of the ghetto com-
munity.
Social Analysis 139X was just
one of a number of courses pro-
posed by the Committee for Par-
ticipatory Education for the fall
quarter. The CPE, created in the
wake of the Free Speech Move-
ment' of 1964 to make the cur-
riculum more meaningful to stu-
dents, was just then emerging as
mn active force on campus. The
fate of the entire program rested
largely on the success of its first
batch of courses.
DURING THE summer. stu-
dents and faculty had worked bard
in creating courses which they
hoped would berabove criticism
from an academic point of view.
And the Cleaver course was per-
haps the most rigorous of the lot.
Its required readings consisted
of six or seven volumes of the
heaviest, most academically sound,
history in the field, while an ad-
ditional "highly -recommended"
list of over two dozen volumes con-
sisted largely of the works of black
men: James Baldwin, Ralrni Eli'-
son, Malcolm X, W E.B. DuBois,
Richard Wright, Claude Brown,
LeRoi Jones, and Cleaver himself.
A 50-page term paper was also re-
quiredt to be based chiefly on the
readings. It was anything but an
easy course.
Naturally, this was never no-
ticed when it came time for poli-
tical criticism. To Gov. Ronald
Reagan, and to the regents, it
was a simple matter of inviting
"an advocate of racism and vio-
lence" to teach in a classroom
supported by the tax funds of the
sovereign State of California.
The regents voted to withhold
credit for the course, and to limit
guest lecturers to one lecture per
quarter, thereby totally crippiing
the CPE's other, non-controversial
courses, as well as embarrassing
a number of teachers of tradi-
tional courses who had been in-
viting guest lecturers for some
time.
For a while. a campus-wide
strike in response to the regents'
decision seemed likely. But whcn
the Academic (faculty) Senate re-
fused to support such a tactic,
these plans somehow dissolved.
MEANWHILE, Cleaver came on-
to campus and delivered one lec-
ture. A week later, he was back
for another, and a third the next
week. The regents looked embar-
rassed and made disgruntcled
noises, but did nothing. There
were no concrete plans for a
strike, and while the >uttons pro-
claiming "On Campus, for Credit.
As Planned" lookedveryanice,
nothing was really being accom-
plished toward that end.
Just before the third lecture, a
group of students who were tak-
ing the course, decided tohold a
sit-inat the registrar's office to
demand credit.
When Cleaver came to class on
Tuesday, Oct. 22, they asked for
his advice. He shrugged and told
them, "Do your own thing." They
took it as a mandate.
After class, over 100 students,
most of them enrolled in the
course (for credit and as audi-
tors), marched to Sproul Hall and
quietly sat down in the registrar's
office. Later, when the building
was closed, they moved to the
front entryway overlooking Sproul
Plaza where they could be seen by,
the rapidly gathering crowd out-
side.
As administrators requested that
they leave, they managed to per-
suade the non-students among
them to do so, to avoid being
prosecuted under California's Mul-
ford Act, which defines their pres-
ence on campus "with malicious
intent" during time of disturb-
ance as felonious. The rest sat
down to await arrest for tres-
passing.
SITTING ON the floor and
singing all the old freedom songs
("We Shall Overcome" was the
favorite), the 122 demonstrtors
seemed a throwback to another,
simpler era of protest-when no
one talked about revolutions and
we still believed that most of the
things wrong with the government
were correctable.
These students, waiting quietiy
for the arrest which would pub-
licize their goals, were a more in-
tellectual lot than most of the
Berkeley activists, and most of
them had never made any similar
political move before.
Sitting there with their ideals
and their freedom songs, they
could never be a real part of
Revolution, 1968. They looked very
young, very innocent, and very
beautiful.
The arrests finally came around
10:30 p.m. when the police moved
through the almost moblike crowd
surrounding Sproul to quietly and
efficiently arrest the protesters.
They were booked on charges of
trespassing and unlawful assem-
bly and taken to Santa Rita Pris-
on Farm where they would spend
the night.
POLITICAL reaction to the
Sproul sit-in,Linitially intense, was
soon diluted when about 150 stu-
dents occupied Moses Hall (center
of the College of Letters and
Sciences) the next day.
This was a different kind of sit-
in, its roots more in Columbia
than in Birmingham. It was led by
Peter Camejo of the Young Social-
ist Alliance and a group formed
especially for the moment-Stu-
dents Opposed to University Rac-
ist Corporate Elite (SOURCE).
Accounts differ on just how
much damage was done to Moses
Hall by the occupying students,
whose number was down to 73 by
the time the police moved in to
arrest them. That files were ruin-
ed is certain. But studentwitness-
es swore it was, police who had
done the damage.
The media blamed the wreck-
age on the occupying students,
and to a large extent this seemed.
justified (from what this reporter
saw). But then the New York
Times claimed that only one stu-
dent was clubbed during the
arrests, which seems shoddy re-
porting at best: the number was
probably closer to 15 or 20.
When it came time for sentenc-
ing, the Sproul people had already
been labelled "good" students, and
were let off with $25 in court
costs and $100 apiece in fines.
They also received a 30-day sus-
pended sentence, and what mount-
ed to a slap on the wrist by the
university.
FOR THE Moses sit-in, on the
other hand, each protester got a
10-day jail sentence (to be served
in Santa Rita), and was ordered
to pay the university $300 in dam-
ages. About half of them were
suspended by the university, others
received a stric dwarning, and a
few were expelled.
Three leaders of the Moses sit-
in, Camejo (a non-student), Paul
Glusman (a senior in history at
the time), and Jack Bloom (a
teaching assistant in sociology)
facehcharges of conspiracy, with
serious prison terms in store if
they are convicted.
Meanwhile, attempts to organ-
ize both a third sit-in and a stu-
dent strike culminated in a par-
ticularly dismal failure, and in-
terest in the issue died a swift and
irrevocable death. The initial re-
action of officials to the peaceful
Sproul sit-in scared off many
students. And the nature of the
Moses sit-in itself served to
alienate a substantial number of
liberal students from the Move-
ment's goals.
And unlike 1964, there was no
Mario Savio to step in and mobil-
ize student opinion into an effec-
tive force. Peter Camejo was not
charismic enough, and too in-
tensely disliked and distrusted to
fulfill the role. Cleaver wasn't in-
terested. And there was just no
one else.
Interest in Social Analysis 139X
ingered until Cleaver's disappear-
ance Just before Thanksgiving.
Then even the semblance of a',
leader vanished into the smog.
PERHAPS Berkeley is still in
the forefront of the New Left, if
division and loss of leadership are
indeed typical of the Movement
today.
Just after the Moses arrests,
Associated S t u d e nts President
Charles Palmer and Daily Califor-
nian Editor Konstantin Berlandt,
shocked at the public's reaction
to students as some kind of dis-
agreeable animal, began a fast in
,an attempt to arouse sympathy
for the students. They abandoned
the fast on doctor's advice 17 days
later. "We were awfully hungry,"
one explained. "And no one cared."
And that is ,essentially 'hat
seems to be plaguing Berkeley to-
day, pushing that one-time. -cen-
ter of student revolt toward more
,10
The National Guard who came to dinner
'O'
By NEAL BRUSS
Magazine Editor
THE MOST significant case of
'lrepression so far in the deb
veloping Age of Order has been
the nine-month presence of the
National Guard in Wilmington,
Del.
It is significant b o t h for its
cruelty and destructiveness a n d
for how completely it has been
ignored.
The guard 'was called in last
April 9, during the black uprising
following the murder of the Rev.
Martin Luther King, Jr. The riot
in Wilmington was milder than
most: there were no deaths or
serious injuries and property dam-
age was .estimated at a compara-
tively low $250,000.
BUT THE GUARD was never-
removed. Every night since April
9, 1968 its armed convoys have
been patrolling Wilmington streets.
Liberals and radicals who were
infuriated by a few nights of
brutality by the Chicago police
have been mild-mannered regard-
ing Wilmington. SDS's National
Convention only briefly consid-
ered Wilmington, and o n 1 y, as
one SDS officer explained, as a
tension release in its plenary.
News media, liberal and other-
wise, have barely mentioned the
guard's continuing presence. It
has been as though those Ameri-
can groups one would expect to be
angered have ignored Wilmington,
pretending the repression would
go away.
FINALLY in t h e last several
weeks, some forces have set about
the tremendously difficult - and
depressing task of trying to get
the guard removed and local lead-
ership rebuilt. The National Emer-
gency Committee Against Repres-
sion, which consists of members
of two small national radical or-
ganizations, People Against Rac-
After
Apollo: A military space program?
By DAVE CHUDWIN
The space program is being
drafted.
Despite recent triumphs under
civilian control, there are increasing
indications that any new manned
space efforts will be transferred to
the military from the National Aero-
nautics and Space Administration,
the civilian space agency.
Such action by the new admin-
istration would be a mistake. Military
control of space exploration would
undermine U.S. relations with' other
countries and cast serious doubts on
the sincerity of any attempts to
champion the cause of peace. In ad-
dition, a space program geared to-
wards military applications would de-
tract from scientific efforts and
place exploration under a veil of
secrecy as well..
Indications are many that earth-
orbital manned spaceflight will ac-
quire a military tinge during the
next four years. The Republican
platform of 1968, for example, dwell-
ed on the military uses of space and
chastised the Johnson administra-
tion for lack of emphasis in this
area.
In addition, Nixon's choice for
secretary of defense, Rep. Melvin
clearly a requirement for a strong
military space program as part of
defense activities."
A decision to transfer new man-
ned spaceflight programs to the mili-
tary would be especially important
at this stage in the development of
U.S. space programs. With a lunar
landing set for July, NASA plans to
close out Project Apollo early next
year.
But beyond Apollo, approval has
been given for only two more flights
--both for astronauts using a burnt-
out rocket stage as an earth-orbiting
space station in 1971.
The U.S. space program Is at a
crossroads with many options but no
direction. Since three to five years
are needed for the building of space-
craft, decisions made during the
Nixon administration will affect the
nature of space exploration for most
of the next decade.
Thus, it is crucial that the new
President not misstep and emphasize
the miltiary aspects of space.
The main objective of military
flights would be reconnaissance ac-
tivities-spying from 100 miles above
the ground in an orbital U-2. The
state department reportedly has
warned that such flights could bring
strong protests from many coun-
of Outer Space. There is no need to
set back whatever possibility exists
for cooperation with the Soviet Union
in at least this potentially pacific
area.
Furthermore, less scientific infor-
mtion would be obtained from mili-
tary missions. To date, the military,
unlike NASA, has not asked scientific
investigators to propose experiments
for astronauts to perform in space.
Heavy military reconnaissance activ-
ities would minimize the amount of
time available for such experimenta-
tion. And given the military fetish
for secrecy, what scientific informa-
tion might be gathered would no
doubt be classified.
It is even questionable whether a
joint program under military control
would save much money. Military
flights would require new launch
,facilities costing millions of dollars.
Due to the earth's rotation, a
spacecraft in polar orbit passes over
the- entire surface of the earth in 24
hours. Such spacecraft, ideal for
spying, cannot be launched from
Cape Kennedy because they would
pass over populated areas on their
way into orbit.
Thus military plans call for a
launch complex to be constructed at
ism and Project Communications
Network, has been in Wilmington
for several weeks. On Tuesday, the
coalition will march in downtown
Wilmington with marchers al-
ready assembled in nearby Wash-
ington, D.C. for the Mobilization's
inaugural demonstration the ,re-
ceding day.
One does not forget to withdraw
a National Guard as one might
leave the water running in the
kitchen sink.
The longer the guard stays, the
more entrenched its military con-
trol becomes, and the further,
weakened local leadership be-
comes. By now, the continuing
presence of the guard can hardly
be explained as a mistake; it is
rather one of the most significant-
power realities in Wilmington.
ALMOST A WEEK before the
King murder, Deleware Go v.
Charles Terry placed guard units
on alert in Wilmington and Dover,
the state capital. On April 9, Ter-
ry responded to t h e request of
Wilmington Mayor John Babiarz
by mobilizing 3,500 guardsmen,
Between April 8 and 13 as many
as 714 persons were put in jail,
according to Babiarz. Many were
arrested on charges stemming
from an Emergency Riot Act pas-
sed in one day in August, 1967 by
the Deleware legislature following
an earlier black uprising. The act
made urging persons to destroy
property a felony.
BABIARZ WITHDREW Wil-
mington's curfew on Easter Sun-
day, April 14. Gov. Terry, how-
ever, refused to withdraw the
guard because of "intelligence re-
ports" predicting new rioting,
On April. 29, a black man ac-
cused of burglary was allegedly
shot and killed, while in the cus-
tody of police, by an inexperienced
guard clerk-typist. No charges
were filed against the guardsman.
And after the alleged slaying the
Delaware -legislature passed a bill
absolving all guardsmen from civ-
il or criminal prosecution result-
ing from acts performed while on
duty.
Observers feel many of the ar-
rests constitute political harass-
ment. Court records are poor, and
there may be at least thirty per-
sons still in jail from the April.
disturbance but unaccounted for
in jail records.
LOCAL LEADERS have been
unable to get the guard removed.
This fall, 60 clergymen signed
statements denouncing the guard's
presence and began to organize
a campaign to have it removed.
A month later, in early Decem-
ber, Terry denounced the clergy
and others working for the re-
moval as preaching "Near revolu-
tion."
But equally serious has been
the destruction of black youth
leadership. Members of the Wil-
mington Youth Emergency Action
Council, a federally f u n d e d,
church-related youth. organiza-
tion, have been mysteriously shot
at and officially arrested in con-
tinuing incidents during the
guard's presence.
Political developments allow
some hope that the guard will be
withdrawn.
Terry only narrowly lost his bid
for re-election in November to
Russell W. Peterson, and perhaps
only because the governor suffer-
ed a heart attack one month be-
fore the election. The new gov-
ernor has repeatedly refused to
make clear his intentions regard-
ing the occupation of Wilmington
until after his inauguration Tues-
day. Very likely he will withdraw
the guard, if only to save money
and to disassociate himself from
the Terry administration.
But there has so far been no
substantial political pressure to
withdraw the guard. In part this
is because Wilmington is a com-
pany town, the headquarters of
the Du Pont family interests-per-
haps the largest private concen-
tration of American wealth, total-
ling more than $7 billion. Du Pont
interests own both Wilmington
newspapers, as well as its main
radio station, and are the largest
single employers in the area. Not'
V
of
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