1r4'&i!nAtarI' Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications 195 arrests: A quiet fall at Berkeley A 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. SATURDAY, JANUARY 18, 1969 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN The booklist problem: A short-range solution THE EXCLUSION of the Student Book Service (SBS) from the joint text- book listing organization managed by the oligopoly of the five other. major campus bookstores is indefensible. It penalizes those who are most concerned, the textbook-buying students. Obviously, it makes business sense for the oligopoly to try to prevent SBS from taking a larger share of the market. For years, the five have continued a nice, cozy relationship. Each store has its specialties, and thus attracts a unique share of the mar- ket. And nobody gets overly anxious for a bigger cut. Arising out of the wake of failure of the drive four years ago for a discount University bookstore, SBS did what many had thought impossible by successfully competing for a sizeable share of the market. More important, it remained in business while continuing its lower pric- es.. OF ANN ARBOR'S six bookstores spec- ializing ,in University texts, SBS is by afar the most student oriented. The cus- tomer is much less likely to face un- yielding bureaucracy and ruthless sales- returns policies there. Because of these rather unique quali- ities, faculty members should support and expand the petition drive backing SBS in its fight for a place in the Text- book Reporting Service. The petition, which was drawn up by members of the economics department, (and which has now spread to the sociology department) pledges that the signers will order books for their courses solely through SBS un- til it is admitted to the joint booklisting service. The petitions are having a major ef- fect on the bookstores, even though the drive is in its infant stages. The owners and managers of the five stores have al- ready begun7 plans for a meeting with W P if 1311134t g Second Class postage- paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan, 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104. Published daily. Tuesday through Sunday morning University year. Subscription rates: $9.00 by carrier, $10.00 by mail. Summer Session published Tuesday through Satur- day morning. Subscription rates:d$2.50 by carrier, $3.00 by mail. Editorial Staff MARK LEVIN. Editor STEPHEN WILDSTROM URBAN tEHNER Managing' Editor Editorial Director DAVID KNOKE, Executive Editor WALLACE IMMEN . .. ... News Editor .CAROLYN MIEGEL ...... Associate Managing Editor DANIEL ORRENT ......... .,.......Feature Editor PAT O'DONOHUE ........ News Editor WALTER -SHAPIRO .. . Associate Editorial Director HOWARD KOHN Associate Editorial Director AVIVA KEMPNER .....Persnnel Director NEAL BRUSS __ ......... Magazine Editor ALISON SYMROSKI ..... Associate Magazine Editor ANN MUNSTER ......:......... Contributing Editor SBS's manager Ned Shure to discuss their policy. HOWEVER, STUDENT support of SBS must come, unfortunately, with some reservations. Few can deny that its prices and stu- dent-oriented atmosphere differentiate SBS from the other book stores. However, SBS is far too small, and too limited in scope to appeal to or serve the total University community. While its book listing procedures have improv- ed immensely in the few years since it began, (and of course access to the com- munally compiled lists of the o t h e r stores would help greatly), its stocking procedures are disorganized, and its book supply undependable. More importantly, despite its lower prices, SBS is far from being a non-profitj operation. There is little double that were the operation to turn unprofitable it would disappear quickly. AND DESPITE SBS's favorable image among students in general, one can- not avoid fearing that an improved re- putation, a growing clientele, anda more sdund financial basis .-- all of which the future will probably bring -- may corrupt SBS. Most likely a, hike in prices and a sterilization of its now casual atmos- phere would result from the predicted growth of SBS. Therefore, while it is/advisable to sup- port SBS now, we should not lose sight of a far more desirable solution to the book buying problems in Ann Arbor- the creation of a large-scale non-profit University bookstore, operated by stu- dents and administrators. ; The importance of this is illustrated by a study made recently by the Uni- versity which showed a non-profit book- store could' cut book cost for the aver-, age undergraduate by nearly ten per cent. SUCH A STORE would command an overwhelming share of the market because of its appeal, and save the Uni- versity community as a whole at least $150,000 per semester. The Regents have long taken the posi- tion of avoiding. any enterprise that would put the University into direct eco- nomic competition with the established merchants. Large amounts of energy, political pressure, and hard work will have to be expended before such a book- store, and other large scale non-profit students operations can ever be estab- lished. The commitment of those interested in better book prices and services should be aimed toward this larger end. -JIM NEUBACHER By JENNY STILLER BERKELEY IS not where it's happening anymore. National] attention last year focused on Columbia and San Francisco State where the dra- matics of student lock-ins and police breakthroughs attracted the media's attention. Apologists might say that the issue of Black Panther Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver's right to teach at Berkeley did not have the needed glamor to attract national headlines. But Berkeley's activist star has been falling primarily because no leader has been able to coalesce the mass student support neces- sary for successful action. LAST FALL'S Cleaver contro- versy was a study in futility and apathy for Berkeley activists. And if Berkeley continues to be the bellweather for radical opinion, this may prove a dim oracle for the future of the Movement na- tionally. The conflict grew out of an ex- perimental course entitled Social Analysis 139X ("Dehumanization and Regeneration in the American Social Order"), which was to be taught primarily by Cleaver. The course was designed to deal with the role of the black man in mod- ern American society. and Clea- ver's position was envisioned as that of an articulate-and angry -spokesman of the ghetto com- munity. Social Analysis 139X was just one of a number of courses pro- posed by the Committee for Par- ticipatory Education for the fall quarter. The CPE, created in the wake of the Free Speech Move- ment' of 1964 to make the cur- riculum more meaningful to stu- dents, was just then emerging as mn active force on campus. The fate of the entire program rested largely on the success of its first batch of courses. DURING THE summer. stu- dents and faculty had worked bard in creating courses which they hoped would berabove criticism from an academic point of view. And the Cleaver course was per- haps the most rigorous of the lot. Its required readings consisted of six or seven volumes of the heaviest, most academically sound, history in the field, while an ad- ditional "highly -recommended" list of over two dozen volumes con- sisted largely of the works of black men: James Baldwin, Ralrni Eli'- son, Malcolm X, W E.B. DuBois, Richard Wright, Claude Brown, LeRoi Jones, and Cleaver himself. A 50-page term paper was also re- quiredt to be based chiefly on the readings. It was anything but an easy course. Naturally, this was never no- ticed when it came time for poli- tical criticism. To Gov. Ronald Reagan, and to the regents, it was a simple matter of inviting "an advocate of racism and vio- lence" to teach in a classroom supported by the tax funds of the sovereign State of California. The regents voted to withhold credit for the course, and to limit guest lecturers to one lecture per quarter, thereby totally crippiing the CPE's other, non-controversial courses, as well as embarrassing a number of teachers of tradi- tional courses who had been in- viting guest lecturers for some time. For a while. a campus-wide strike in response to the regents' decision seemed likely. But whcn the Academic (faculty) Senate re- fused to support such a tactic, these plans somehow dissolved. MEANWHILE, Cleaver came on- to campus and delivered one lec- ture. A week later, he was back for another, and a third the next week. The regents looked embar- rassed and made disgruntcled noises, but did nothing. There were no concrete plans for a strike, and while the >uttons pro- claiming "On Campus, for Credit. As Planned" lookedveryanice, nothing was really being accom- plished toward that end. Just before the third lecture, a group of students who were tak- ing the course, decided tohold a sit-inat the registrar's office to demand credit. When Cleaver came to class on Tuesday, Oct. 22, they asked for his advice. He shrugged and told them, "Do your own thing." They took it as a mandate. After class, over 100 students, most of them enrolled in the course (for credit and as audi- tors), marched to Sproul Hall and quietly sat down in the registrar's office. Later, when the building was closed, they moved to the front entryway overlooking Sproul Plaza where they could be seen by, the rapidly gathering crowd out- side. As administrators requested that they leave, they managed to per- suade the non-students among them to do so, to avoid being prosecuted under California's Mul- ford Act, which defines their pres- ence on campus "with malicious intent" during time of disturb- ance as felonious. The rest sat down to await arrest for tres- passing. SITTING ON the floor and singing all the old freedom songs ("We Shall Overcome" was the favorite), the 122 demonstrtors seemed a throwback to another, simpler era of protest-when no one talked about revolutions and we still believed that most of the things wrong with the government were correctable. These students, waiting quietiy for the arrest which would pub- licize their goals, were a more in- tellectual lot than most of the Berkeley activists, and most of them had never made any similar political move before. Sitting there with their ideals and their freedom songs, they could never be a real part of Revolution, 1968. They looked very young, very innocent, and very beautiful. The arrests finally came around 10:30 p.m. when the police moved through the almost moblike crowd surrounding Sproul to quietly and efficiently arrest the protesters. They were booked on charges of trespassing and unlawful assem- bly and taken to Santa Rita Pris- on Farm where they would spend the night. POLITICAL reaction to the Sproul sit-in,Linitially intense, was soon diluted when about 150 stu- dents occupied Moses Hall (center of the College of Letters and Sciences) the next day. This was a different kind of sit- in, its roots more in Columbia than in Birmingham. It was led by Peter Camejo of the Young Social- ist Alliance and a group formed especially for the moment-Stu- dents Opposed to University Rac- ist Corporate Elite (SOURCE). Accounts differ on just how much damage was done to Moses Hall by the occupying students, whose number was down to 73 by the time the police moved in to arrest them. That files were ruin- ed is certain. But studentwitness- es swore it was, police who had done the damage. The media blamed the wreck- age on the occupying students, and to a large extent this seemed. justified (from what this reporter saw). But then the New York Times claimed that only one stu- dent was clubbed during the arrests, which seems shoddy re- porting at best: the number was probably closer to 15 or 20. When it came time for sentenc- ing, the Sproul people had already been labelled "good" students, and were let off with $25 in court costs and $100 apiece in fines. They also received a 30-day sus- pended sentence, and what mount- ed to a slap on the wrist by the university. FOR THE Moses sit-in, on the other hand, each protester got a 10-day jail sentence (to be served in Santa Rita), and was ordered to pay the university $300 in dam- ages. About half of them were suspended by the university, others received a stric dwarning, and a few were expelled. Three leaders of the Moses sit- in, Camejo (a non-student), Paul Glusman (a senior in history at the time), and Jack Bloom (a teaching assistant in sociology) facehcharges of conspiracy, with serious prison terms in store if they are convicted. Meanwhile, attempts to organ- ize both a third sit-in and a stu- dent strike culminated in a par- ticularly dismal failure, and in- terest in the issue died a swift and irrevocable death. The initial re- action of officials to the peaceful Sproul sit-in scared off many students. And the nature of the Moses sit-in itself served to alienate a substantial number of liberal students from the Move- ment's goals. And unlike 1964, there was no Mario Savio to step in and mobil- ize student opinion into an effec- tive force. Peter Camejo was not charismic enough, and too in- tensely disliked and distrusted to fulfill the role. Cleaver wasn't in- terested. And there was just no one else. Interest in Social Analysis 139X ingered until Cleaver's disappear- ance Just before Thanksgiving. Then even the semblance of a', leader vanished into the smog. PERHAPS Berkeley is still in the forefront of the New Left, if division and loss of leadership are indeed typical of the Movement today. Just after the Moses arrests, Associated S t u d e nts President Charles Palmer and Daily Califor- nian Editor Konstantin Berlandt, shocked at the public's reaction to students as some kind of dis- agreeable animal, began a fast in ,an attempt to arouse sympathy for the students. They abandoned the fast on doctor's advice 17 days later. "We were awfully hungry," one explained. "And no one cared." And that is ,essentially 'hat seems to be plaguing Berkeley to- day, pushing that one-time. -cen- ter of student revolt toward more ,10 The National Guard who came to dinner 'O' By NEAL BRUSS Magazine Editor THE MOST significant case of 'lrepression so far in the deb veloping Age of Order has been the nine-month presence of the National Guard in Wilmington, Del. It is significant b o t h for its cruelty and destructiveness a n d for how completely it has been ignored. The guard 'was called in last April 9, during the black uprising following the murder of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. The riot in Wilmington was milder than most: there were no deaths or serious injuries and property dam- age was .estimated at a compara- tively low $250,000. BUT THE GUARD was never- removed. Every night since April 9, 1968 its armed convoys have been patrolling Wilmington streets. Liberals and radicals who were infuriated by a few nights of brutality by the Chicago police have been mild-mannered regard- ing Wilmington. SDS's National Convention only briefly consid- ered Wilmington, and o n 1 y, as one SDS officer explained, as a tension release in its plenary. News media, liberal and other- wise, have barely mentioned the guard's continuing presence. It has been as though those Ameri- can groups one would expect to be angered have ignored Wilmington, pretending the repression would go away. FINALLY in t h e last several weeks, some forces have set about the tremendously difficult - and depressing task of trying to get the guard removed and local lead- ership rebuilt. The National Emer- gency Committee Against Repres- sion, which consists of members of two small national radical or- ganizations, People Against Rac- After Apollo: A military space program? By DAVE CHUDWIN The space program is being drafted. Despite recent triumphs under civilian control, there are increasing indications that any new manned space efforts will be transferred to the military from the National Aero- nautics and Space Administration, the civilian space agency. Such action by the new admin- istration would be a mistake. Military control of space exploration would undermine U.S. relations with' other countries and cast serious doubts on the sincerity of any attempts to champion the cause of peace. In ad- dition, a space program geared to- wards military applications would de- tract from scientific efforts and place exploration under a veil of secrecy as well.. Indications are many that earth- orbital manned spaceflight will ac- quire a military tinge during the next four years. The Republican platform of 1968, for example, dwell- ed on the military uses of space and chastised the Johnson administra- tion for lack of emphasis in this area. In addition, Nixon's choice for secretary of defense, Rep. Melvin clearly a requirement for a strong military space program as part of defense activities." A decision to transfer new man- ned spaceflight programs to the mili- tary would be especially important at this stage in the development of U.S. space programs. With a lunar landing set for July, NASA plans to close out Project Apollo early next year. But beyond Apollo, approval has been given for only two more flights --both for astronauts using a burnt- out rocket stage as an earth-orbiting space station in 1971. The U.S. space program Is at a crossroads with many options but no direction. Since three to five years are needed for the building of space- craft, decisions made during the Nixon administration will affect the nature of space exploration for most of the next decade. Thus, it is crucial that the new President not misstep and emphasize the miltiary aspects of space. The main objective of military flights would be reconnaissance ac- tivities-spying from 100 miles above the ground in an orbital U-2. The state department reportedly has warned that such flights could bring strong protests from many coun- of Outer Space. There is no need to set back whatever possibility exists for cooperation with the Soviet Union in at least this potentially pacific area. Furthermore, less scientific infor- mtion would be obtained from mili- tary missions. To date, the military, unlike NASA, has not asked scientific investigators to propose experiments for astronauts to perform in space. Heavy military reconnaissance activ- ities would minimize the amount of time available for such experimenta- tion. And given the military fetish for secrecy, what scientific informa- tion might be gathered would no doubt be classified. It is even questionable whether a joint program under military control would save much money. Military flights would require new launch ,facilities costing millions of dollars. Due to the earth's rotation, a spacecraft in polar orbit passes over the- entire surface of the earth in 24 hours. Such spacecraft, ideal for spying, cannot be launched from Cape Kennedy because they would pass over populated areas on their way into orbit. Thus military plans call for a launch complex to be constructed at ism and Project Communications Network, has been in Wilmington for several weeks. On Tuesday, the coalition will march in downtown Wilmington with marchers al- ready assembled in nearby Wash- ington, D.C. for the Mobilization's inaugural demonstration the ,re- ceding day. One does not forget to withdraw a National Guard as one might leave the water running in the kitchen sink. The longer the guard stays, the more entrenched its military con- trol becomes, and the further, weakened local leadership be- comes. By now, the continuing presence of the guard can hardly be explained as a mistake; it is rather one of the most significant- power realities in Wilmington. ALMOST A WEEK before the King murder, Deleware Go v. Charles Terry placed guard units on alert in Wilmington and Dover, the state capital. On April 9, Ter- ry responded to t h e request of Wilmington Mayor John Babiarz by mobilizing 3,500 guardsmen, Between April 8 and 13 as many as 714 persons were put in jail, according to Babiarz. Many were arrested on charges stemming from an Emergency Riot Act pas- sed in one day in August, 1967 by the Deleware legislature following an earlier black uprising. The act made urging persons to destroy property a felony. BABIARZ WITHDREW Wil- mington's curfew on Easter Sun- day, April 14. Gov. Terry, how- ever, refused to withdraw the guard because of "intelligence re- ports" predicting new rioting, On April. 29, a black man ac- cused of burglary was allegedly shot and killed, while in the cus- tody of police, by an inexperienced guard clerk-typist. No charges were filed against the guardsman. And after the alleged slaying the Delaware -legislature passed a bill absolving all guardsmen from civ- il or criminal prosecution result- ing from acts performed while on duty. Observers feel many of the ar- rests constitute political harass- ment. Court records are poor, and there may be at least thirty per- sons still in jail from the April. disturbance but unaccounted for in jail records. LOCAL LEADERS have been unable to get the guard removed. This fall, 60 clergymen signed statements denouncing the guard's presence and began to organize a campaign to have it removed. A month later, in early Decem- ber, Terry denounced the clergy and others working for the re- moval as preaching "Near revolu- tion." But equally serious has been the destruction of black youth leadership. Members of the Wil- mington Youth Emergency Action Council, a federally f u n d e d, church-related youth. organiza- tion, have been mysteriously shot at and officially arrested in con- tinuing incidents during the guard's presence. Political developments allow some hope that the guard will be withdrawn. Terry only narrowly lost his bid for re-election in November to Russell W. Peterson, and perhaps only because the governor suffer- ed a heart attack one month be- fore the election. The new gov- ernor has repeatedly refused to make clear his intentions regard- ing the occupation of Wilmington until after his inauguration Tues- day. Very likely he will withdraw the guard, if only to save money and to disassociate himself from the Terry administration. But there has so far been no substantial political pressure to withdraw the guard. In part this is because Wilmington is a com- pany town, the headquarters of the Du Pont family interests-per- haps the largest private concen- tration of American wealth, total- ling more than $7 billion. Du Pont interests own both Wilmington newspapers, as well as its main radio station, and are the largest single employers in the area. Not' V of ...... ...... .