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July 06, 1963 - Image 2

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Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1963-07-06

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Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Optionne Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
'truth Will prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

"Remember The Good Old Days When
They Were Inscrutable?"

TALES OF PARIS:
All The World

Loves A Lover

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DAY, JULY 6, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: MARILYN KORAL

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Latin America Fails
Capitalist System*

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ALESOF PARIS" comprises
four short filmlets, each about
a different girl, each purporting to
show a different aspect of the
Parisienne personality. As you
might suspect, all the characters
are just folks: All are unimagin-
ably rich, exquisitely beautiful,
listen only to the latest jazz, and
the women continually get un-
dressed on every flimsy pretext
available. To complicate matters
further; the banal French dialogue
has been mechanically converted
into English by Miss Rose Sokol,
and then dubbed with some of the
most irritating voices ever heard.
The first film is about Ella, a
brainless chorus girl who wants
to be a Hollywood star and charms
a producer without knowing it.
The second, Antonia, is described
by the narrator as being "extreme-
ly sensitive." What this means,
apparently, is that she loves to
listen to people discuss her .sex-
ual powers and then try them out.
At any rate, the discussion is
chiefly academic, since the seduc-
tion scene fades out before she

even gets a chance to get undress
ed (a tasteful touch).
The third story, Francoise, con
cerns a young woman who flies;i
(to Paris) from San Francisco fo
the night to cry about her un
faithful lover and seduce her be
friend's lover. (All the world lov
a lover.) He is a photograph
whose apartment has leopard-ski
doors, and she can have him. H
motto is "Women should choo
their lovers like an apple" (sic).
The fourth, Sophie, is about a
innocent schoolgirl, scandalized I
her widowed mother's promiscuit
tortured by self-doubt in a "fas
school, who finds a young la
(surprise! Johnny Hallyday) ar
seduces him with tears.
Strangely enough, in every on
of the four stories, the girl seduce
the boy, and does it for extra-sex
ual reasons; oh, those naught;
French.
A better thing is the short sub
ject, in which, if you wait arour
till the end, you get to see a ma
ride an ostrich and fall off.
--Dick Pollinger

THE CUBAN QUANDRY has only under-
scored the Latin American economic prob-
lems which the Alliance for Progress has failed
to solve. The United States and capitalism con-
tinue to be the scapegoats for South American
poverty.
The ubiquitous poverty has grown even more
extensive through the years. As most people
know, land is owned by a few wealthy land-
lords and tenanted out to peasants, foreign
aid is pocketed by politicians, economies are
controlled by bellweather single crops, govern-
ments are shuffled in and out by armies, and
the majority starve.
The explanation accepted by the overwhelm-
ing majority of people is that American busi-
nesses have "exploited" Latin resources for
150 years, that they have withdrawn more in
profits than they have invested and paid to
South Americans. Capitalism, critics say, has
been given its chance and has failed. Ameri-
cans, radicals assert, have bled their countries
white, have forced their nations to depend on
one crop an~d U.S. loans.
THE LATIN COUNTRIES must, in the words
of one Fidelista, expel foreign investors, na-
tionalize all their properties, establish socialist
governments of the people, and subjugate the
armed forces to their proper place. The workers
will run the industries and, hence, the road to
the sun.
This kind of thinking completely ignores
causality. And, as usual, the socialist-revolu-
tionary dogmas evade the consequences of
their actions.
It has been conveniently forgotten that most
of whatever wealth exists in these nations was
developed by foreign investment, and is being
continually fostered by foreign consumers.
Shelters
FROM SALEM, OREGON, we recently report-
ed that the State of Oregon had followed
the good example set by the City of Portland
and gotten out of the civil defense business.
From the New York Post comes the word
that the Rockefeller administration, which
once bragged of having a shelter budget as
large as that of the federal program, has now
lost its zeal for the project. A House of Rep-
resentatives subcommittee report notes that
fallout shelters aren't all. that good. Seems it's
hard to get enough oxygen to keep the -inhabi-
tants from suffocating due to the raging fire
storms on the outside.
Whatever happened to the annual test where
millions of cityfolk dashed for the shelters
while zealous news photographers took pic-
tures of a deserted Fifth Avenue? We don't re-
call one this year.
So civil defense apparently fades from the
scene, as one newsmagazine notes, it's gone the
way of hula-hoops and other fads.
We may not have to worry about the impli-,
cations of shelters for some time. The Congress-.
will do us a favor by simply refusing to allocate
enough funds to encourage shelter buildings.
It's hard to imagine the economy-minded state
government initiating such a program.
So far, so good. Now we'd like to see a push
for an allocation of the magnitude proposed for
civil defense passed-to be added to our foreign
aid expenditures or administered through the"
United Nations.
-THE ANTIOCH RECORD

Then, the socialists say, why does poverty still
thrive?
Most of the foreign businesses in South Amer-
ica are relatively large. This stems from the
long, long history of bloodshed, revolutions,
and riots which pervades Latin America. In-
stability is the rule, not the exception. What
multitude of small, energetic businesses would
want to, or should be expected to invest in
South America when their very existence is
threatened, not by competitors, but by scream-
ing mobs.
O NLY THE LARGEST companies were, in
general, willing to risk the vicissitudes that
were, and still are, involved in investment in
South America. And even these companies were
protected by the ever-ready Marines. The days
of- the intervening Marines are over; the days
of mobs are still here. Thus, the lack of mass
investment through small investors, the pa-
ternalistic monopoly, and past American mili-
tary intervention are quite rational. So much
for the past. What of the future?
The Noble Peasant image of such socialists
as Carlos Fuentes, which pictures the workers
living in an industrial paradise, is a mirage
which falls to pieces in reality. If these radicals
were to espouse agrarian societies with the
Noble Peasants romping in the wheat fields,
one could forgive their daydreams of utopia
in the hay. Economic historians blasted that
view in the controversy regarding conditions
before and after the British industrial revolu-
tion.
But the idea of the Noble Peasant living off
factories is ridiculous. With the foreign "ex-
ploiters" gone, one may ask the socialists, who
will run your factories? Who will maintain the,
plant equipment? Who will decide what to sell
and at what price? Who will invent new and
better methods of production, and most im-
portant, who will think of new ideas for invest-
ment for, contrary to Economics 102, ideas, not
availability of capital, ultimately determine in-
vestment.
THE ONLY HOPE for the eradication of
Latin poverty is an influx, not exodus, of
foreign capital. Numerous small entrepreneurs
offer Latin America employment, development
and economic stability. These people are will-
ing to risk capital on their ideas, but not on
the machetes of crowds. The solution is the
same one which would keep money out of poli-
ticians' pockets, and the army out of power.
A philosophy of laissez-faire is needed in
South America: so are governmentswhose sole
function is prevention of violence. With no
favors to-flaunt, the politicians would not grow
rich off the'people. With nothing to gain eco-
nomically, the landlords and armed forces
would not want to seek power. With preven-
tion of violence, the foreign investors could at
last begin to develop Latin America on a broad
base.
Yes, they would make profits. They would
withdraw profits. They will have earned them.
Critics of capitalism have wrongly accused it
of causing existent poverty. Capitalism could
and can never exist under those conditions of
violence which are inimical to its survival. Be-
ing a system of "produce and trade," it cannot
bring prosperity to a land which offers condi-
tions of "produce and take, take, take."
Capitalism has not failed Latin America.
Rather, Latin America has failed capitalism.
-MICHAEL HYMAN

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Inactive Congress
Stifles Nation

YR CONVENTION:
Goldwater Supporter's Hurt Party

By MICHAEL HARRAH
Daily Correspondent
SAN FRANCISCO -- A group of
revelers supposedly representa-
tive of the nation's Young Repub-
licans gathered here last week at
the plush and sedate Sheraton-
Palace Hotel in what became one
of the most well-oiled railroad
jobs in Young GOP history.
The end result surprised no
one; an outspoken conservative
was named to head the group. He
was too conservative to please the
liberals and not conservative
enough to please the radicals.
And the moderates -- well they
just held theiheads and groaned.
What was supposed to be ana-
tional convention of all Young
Republicansrturned into a mass,
early-bird rally for Sen. Barry
Goldwater of Arizona. Anyone
who didn't shout "we love Barry"
at the top of their lungs was in
danger of being run out on a rail.
SO FIERCE were the Goldwater
forces that Governors Romney
and Rockefeller stayed away; so
did GOP National Chairman Rep.
William E. Miller of New York,
sending his vice-chairman Mrs.
Clare Williams of Florida. Gov.
Mark Hatfield of Oregon admon-
ished the delegates not to go over-
board for one candidate; even
Sen. Goldwater pleaded with the
convention to act with reserve and
recall that 'they are Republicans
first and Goldwater supporters
(or whatever) second. Sen. Thrus-
ton B. Morton of Kentucky, a
conservative but popular with Re-
publicans of all persuasions, could
view the whole proceeding only
with dismay.
Strictly speaking, the conven-
tion didn't accomplish much, but
then its delegates didn't set out
to accomplish more than one
thing - a strong show of support
for Sen Goldwater - and they
certainly did put that one to-
gether. They decided not to tinker
around with anything so confin-
ing as a platform; instead they
adopted a statement of principles,
which, like most such statements,
didn't say much. Oh, we now
know that the YRs favor private
enterprise, God, motherhood, the
fatherland, apple pie, the flag -
the whole works, you know, but
then we never doubted that.
* * *
AND THEN they came to the
election of officers. Now it's some-
what difficult to be vague about
anything as definite as an elec-
tion. So the delegates turned it
into a name-calling donnybrook
on an elevated scale. The victor
was Donald E. (Buz) Lukens of
Washington, D. C., the minority
clerk to the House Committee on
Rules, by 13 votes over State Rep.
Charles McDevitt of Idaho. Both
were equally conservative; the
only difference was that Lukens
did not hesitate to announce his
support of Sen. Goldwater, while
McDevitt preferred to abide, by
national YR regulations and tra-
dition and withhold his support
for Goldwater until after the 1964
Republican National Convention.

Such is the state of things now.
The Republicans are puzzled; the
Democrats are uneasy; the pun-
dits are. uncertain. Only this band
of YR conservatives seem sure of
themselves and I suspect they are
only sure of one thing - they're
for Goldwater.
AND I'M SURE of one thing
too : As much as Iubelieve in the
clairvoyance of youth, this time
they're wrong - dead wrong. For
years the conservatives in the Re-
publican Party have been scream-
ing that thejliberals hogged the
whole show; the liberals con-
trolled the party machinery, ram-
rodded the conventions, stole the
press, in general just did it all
wrong. And what's .more, the con-
servatives argued, since the liber-
als came into control the GOP al-
ways loses. So there.
Then came the Eisenhower era.
The liberals "discovered" Ike, but
he turned out to be a conservative,
much to their dismay, and under
his regime the conservatives be-
gan to push the liberals aside,
especially in the Young Republi-
can Federation. Today, in that
organization at any rate, the con-
servatives control things just as
firmly as the liberals did a decade
ago and they are guilty of the
same sins.
Forever and.a day, Republicans
have been more plentiful in this
country than their opponents,
ever since the days of Thomas
Jefferson (whom the Democrats
wrongly claim as one of theirs).
The Gallup Poll and other slightly
informed fixtures notwithstanding
the Republicans still have the ma-
jority support today, but it is mis-
directed, un-coordinated and scat-
tered to the four winds. On the
grass roots level, Republican sher-
iffs, prosecutors, justices of the
peace, d r a i n commissioners,
clerks, registers of deeds, etc., en-
joy many of the votes collected on
the state level by the well-pre-
pared Democrat organizations.
The reason behind this phenome-
non is clear: The GOP still con-
trolls the grass roots if they only
knew what to do about" it. True,
the grassroots are far-flung, mak-
ing it much more difficult to co-
ordinate than the highly concen-
trated Democrat strongholds in
the cities.
* * *
AND WHILE the factions with-
in the GOP are sniping at each
other on the national and state
levels, they aren't taking advan-
tage of their local support. This
is what Sen. Goldwater and Gov.
Hatfield and Sen. Morton were
trying to convey to the YRs, but
the youngsters didn't seem to get
the point. They were far more
interested in asserting, once again,
their support for Goldwater and
widening the gulf that splits the
party.
True, if Goldwater were nomin-
ated, the conservatives once and
for all would have their chance
to show their stuff. But they seem
to get what they've been proving
over the last several years: Just
as the liberal Republican candi-
dates cannot win without the con-
nn A c rnni" f i 4 nvton.rn-- -r

Dust Art (Wilkie, Nixon, Dewey)
have discovered, when the dust
clears the more united Democrats
have already crossed the finish
line.
It would seem that the conserv-
atives would have learned that
lesson - they've been preaching
it longenough. And I guess that
the elder conservatives (Gold-
water, Morton, Ike) have learned
it; they apparently just don't
know how to teach it to the
younger set.
Yet teach they must, for the
GOP will otherwise meet a fa-
miliar fate - defeat. The best
way to avoid this is to go slow.-
The nominating convention is still
a year away - time enough to
support candidates and choose up
sides but not time enough to build
up fierce and unwavering loyal-
ties that.cannotbe transferred to
the nominee whomever he may be.
Goldwater said as much when
he addressed the delegates, and if
he knows what's good for his
chances, he'll keep on saying it
and saying it until his young
bucks turn their damper down for
awhile and act like Republicans
first and Goldwater partisans sec-
ond. Perhaps then they will have
a chance of holding the party to-
gether long enough to win an
election.
And no matter who is the nom-.
inee, he will need complete unity
within his ranks and then some
in order to defeat President Ken-
nedy.

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THIS CONGRESS was already in
a jam before the Negro demon-
strations caused the administra-
tion to propose the new civil rights
bill. Without any filibuster on the
floor of the Senate, there has been
so much delay and obstruction in
the committees that after six
months no important measure has
been acted upon, and many of the
critical measures, such as tax re-
duction, are bogged down - it
would seem deliberately-in the
committees.
What kind of legislative body- is
it that will not or cannot legis-
late?, x
This would be a serious question
at any time. But it is a critical,
question at this time. A. new gen-
eration of Negroes has emerged,
one which has lost the fear of
being arrested and jailed, and has
steeled itself to use the weapon of
the weak, which is to be prepared
to suffer more pain than the op-
pressor will dare to inflict. When
an aggrieved people reach this
point, they have acquired a force
which governments must reckon
with and people must respect.
IT IS TRUE, quite evidently,
that in their swelling discontent
the Negro people might be incited,
even exploited, to permit acts of
violence which would recoil upon
the Negro minority itself. But how
is wisdom to be made to prevail as
against reckless folly? There is
only one way. By an unmistakable
showing that the Negroes live un-
der a strong government, one
which is not only strong enough
to suppress mobs, but is also strong
enough to redress grievances and
raise the standard of public right-
eousness.
If, after the President has pro-
posed legal remedies for an unde-
niable evil, the Congress of the
United States then smothers and
obstructs the enactment of laws,
on what ground can a rational
appeal be made to the Negro peo-
ple and their leaders? As one who
has always opposed cloture except
in extremeemergencies, I would
say now that the present situation

is extreme. It is whether the Ne-
gro can count upon the govern-
ment under which he lives to re-
dress his undeniable grievances,
If, therefore, we have a filibus-
ter against civil rights on top of
the logjam about everything else,
we shall have to say-distressing
as it is-that in one of the coordi-
nate branches the capacity to gov-
ern has broken down. If this con-
tinues, if we linger on in a dead-
lock in which the President pro-
poses and Congress will not even
dispose, there are very difficult
days ahead for the republic.
* "' *
IF THINGS go as badly this
summer as they threaten to go,
and the session drags on into the
autumn with little accomplished
amidst many angry words, some-
thing will have to be done about it.
Next to defense and the enlighten-
ed conduct of the cold war, the
question of highest priority will be
how to overcome the paralysis of
Congress.
My own view is that the most
important and most needed re-
form would be a rule that meas-
ures proposed by the President, if
he labels them urgent, must be
reported out of committees with-
in a certain time and brought to
a vote within a certain time. The
administration should have the
right to have its proposals voted up
or voted down within a reasonably
short time. It cannot be the gen-
uine right of a legislature to
smother and strangle the proposals
of the executive. For that would
leave us with just about the worst
of all forms of popular government
-government by large assemblies
or, as we call it in this country,
congressional government.
Writing this on the day before
the Fourth of July, I find myself
thinking how rarely free govern-
ments have been overthrown by
foreign tyrants, except temporar-
ily in time of war, but how often
free governments have fallen be-
cause of their own weakness and
, incapacity. To one thinking such
thoughts, there is nothing reas-
suring about the present Congress.
(C) 1963, The Washington Post Co.

.

Where Is Our Freedom?

AND SO IT CAME TO PASS, in that mighty
land, that a decree went out from the lead-
er, that on the day of the land's birth, all the
bells throughout the land should ring, pro-
claiming the freedom and independence .thereof.
And the people of that land were happy and
proud that they might be reminded of their
blessing of liberty, and glad that they might
ring bells to show their rejoicing. But some of
Campaign
SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR Stewart
Udall said last week he feels a contest in
1964 between President John F. Kennedy and
Sen. Barry Goldwater might be good for the
'country, United Press International reported.
Secretary Udall reportedly said that the re-
sulting battle for the presidency would be "an
old-fashioned campaign between conflicting
political concepts, something we have not had
for some time."
In these days when the platforms of the two
major parties look so much alike we agree that
an old-fashioned campaign might be in order.
-OHIO STATE LANTERN
Editorial Staff

them, just as proud as the others of their na-
tion's mighty history, but of wiser mind and
sounder hearing than the others, were not con-
tent. For they were haunted by the cries of
18 million of their fellow citizens, rising above
the mellow ringing of the bells.
"But where is our freedom?" asked citizens
of the land who had been turned away from
schools, restaurants, hotels, and stores, because
it had happened that their skin was not fair.
"And where is our freedom?" asked citizens
of the land, hungry and threadbare, who were
without work, because it had happened that
their skin was not fair.
"And where is our freedom?" asked the wife
and children of Medgar Evans, who had fought
for the freedom of his race and was slain, be-
cause it had happened that his skin was not
fair.
"And where is our freedom?" asked college
students in the south of that land who had been
kicked by policemen and bitten by dogs, be-
cause it had happened that his skin was not
fair.
"AND WHERE is our freedom?" asked college
students in the north of that land, who al-
though the doors of the colleges were not closed
to them, met the closed doors of landlords there,
because it had happened that their skin was not
fair.
But even as they asked that simple question,
they knew the answer.
And, as they were generally a wise and proud
people, they ignored the ringing of bells they
knew to be false. They waited for the day they

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