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July 31, 1963 - Image 2

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1963-07-31

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Seventy-Third Year
Truth Will Preval"--

"How Long Do You Think He'll Keep Going
On This Basis?"

Time Has Come
To Take Second Step

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all rehrints

- -.-.-- - - - - - - r

Housing Ordinance
Should Be Broader

ANN ARBOR is in the forefront of progress in
civil rights, many city council members stat-
ed Monday night. The city already has a human
relations commission and has worked per-
sistently to end discrimination.
However, when these members ceased to
applaud themselves, they went on to pass on
first reading a document which was labelled a
"Fair Housing Ordinance." In order for this
proposal to become law, it has to be passed
again at second reading.
City Council is more interested in image
than in reality. The kudoes they handed them-
selves and this fair city are so far above what
they discussed that it might be reasonable to
assume that this honorable body is in a state
of sleep brought on by hot air.
THE ORDINANCE as it stands now will cover
somewhere between 20-30 per cent of the
housing units in Ann Arbor. A person claiming
discrimination can at best hope for attempts
by the Human Relations Commission to settle
the matter by conciliation. If this fails; the
landed bigot can be convicted of a misdemeanor
which carries a maximum penalty of a $100
Whereas the previous ordinance allowed for
injunctive relief to be sought by the person who
was discriminated against, the new proposal
drops this. It does provide for injunctive re-
lief when the landlord has been previously con-
victed of discriminating. However, if this prop-
ertied person has shrewdly settled all com-
plaints against him out of court, he may go
along his merry way just as before.
One of the new additions to the proposal
covers discriminatory advertising. This will be
of great assistance to those wishing to end dis-
crimination in this city, especially since the
city's sole newspaper does not print such adver-
tising. So while this worthwhile provision was
added, the one concerning rooming houses was
ROOMING HOUSES, containing five or more
units were covered under the previous ordi-
nance. Under the new proposal, only rooming

houses of five or more units where the owner
does not live in the house, are covered. There-
fore, if an owner lives in a rooming house
where there are ten units, this place is exempt-
ed under the ordinance.
Most foreign students live in private living
units. A large number of these students live in
rooming houses. They form a large segment of
the student population who have trouble find-
ing housing because of discrimination.
This ordinance is a prime example of North-
ern civil rights actions. Council recognizes that
discrimination exists in Ann Arbor.
More consideration is given to the property
rights of persons who wish to discriminate than
to the right of minority groups to live where
they please and can afford.
THE ORDINANCE is not to go into effect un-
til Jan. 1 (if indeed it ever does). The mild
penalty of a $100 fine will not take effect un-
til six months later. This is being done "in or-
der to relieve the community of a sense of fear
and have the community accept it more read-
ily," in the words of one councilman.
Throughout the long fight for a fair housing
ordinance, this has been the main aim: "let's
not upset the community, too much."
Rights that have been denied to minority
groups have not received half as much con-
sideration. If City Council does not wish to up-
set the community from its prejudiced ways
why bother with a fair housing ordinance at
all? Surely, even such an innocuous ordinance
as the one passed on first reading Monday
night will disturb the community.
Equality is a disturbing and frightening word.
This is especially so when the word involves
change in this city instead of a town 1000
miles to the south.
This town proclaims itself to be one of the
most liberal in the North. If this (strange as it
may seem) is true, this section of the country
is in store for a battle for civil rights that will
equal if not surpass anything that has occurred
in Birmingham, Oxford, Savannah or Cam-
bridge. .


c 5 6.3

NTHILE THE first step does not
take us all the way or indeed
very far, it is crucial. For it shows
which way we have decided to go.
And so, while it is quite true that
the political test ban does not
mean that there is peace and no
further danger of war, it does
mean that the two great nuclear
powers have agreed that neither
will go all out in the effort to
achieve absolute nuclear superior-
ity and, with it total world su-
This agreement does not end
the race of armaments. But it
changes radically the race of
armaments - its purpose and its
pace. As long as there is no limit
on testing, particularly in the at-
mosphere, there is a high prem-
ium on the effort to search for
an absolute weapon-say an anti-
missile missile which could de-
stroy the deterrent of the adver-
sary or some kind of super-bomb
which, launched without notice,
could annihilate the adversary.
While the proposed test ban
does not prohibit entirely the
search for the absolute weapon,
it slows up that search sufficient-
ly to make it most improbable
that either country will produce
the absolute weapon
ment would not have been arrived
at, we must assume, if both coun-
tries had not learned from their
experiments and their studies that
even with unlimited testing in the
atmosphere there was no reason-
able chance of a breakthrough to
the -absolute weapon.
In renouncing the search for
the absolute weapon, the Soviet
Union and the United States are
accepting as unchangeable, but
tolerable, the existence of an ef-
fective balance of nuclear forces
between them. We are mutually
deterred from striking at each
other, and the nuclear stalemate
prevents either of us from de-
manding an unconditional sur-
render from the other.
After everything useful, cau-
tionary and prudential has been
said about how this treaty is only
a first step, there is no doubt that
it is a very important step.
What about the second step?
Here we can move with delibera-
tion. For we may remind ourselves
that there is a considerable dif-
ference between first steps and
second steps. The first step sets
the general direction. If that di-
rection is west, then the direction
is not east, south or north. Once
the direction has been set, say
in Chicago, to go west, there are
many goals and paths that can
be taken all in the direction of
the Pacific Ocean.
MR. KHRUSHCHEV is asking
that the second step be a non-
aggression pact. But he has not
made the test ban conditional
upon any specific non-aggression
pact. This was reassuring, and it
was wise in that it recognizes how
much more important is the test
ban itself than is any political
agreement that could come after
it. For if, as I have been arguing,_
the test ban is a virtual renuncia-
tion of the search for an absolute
weapon and for political supre-
macy, then the draft proposal is
itself a great non-aggression pact.
As regards W e s t Germany,
which the Russians fear so much,
Moscow should remember that
there has existed for nearly nine
years as complete a commitment
to non-aggression as the lawyers
could devise. Before West Ger-
many was admitted to NATO, it
issued a declaration that" "the
German Federal Republic under-

takes never to have recourse to
force to achieve the reunification
or the modification of the present
boundaries of the German Federal
Republic and to resolve by peace-
ful means any dispute which may
arise between the Federal Repub-
lic and the other states."
There is no reason why this
same declaration, redrafted to
commit all the NATO states,
should not be made parallel with
a comparable declaration by the
Soviet government and its Euro-
pean allies.
The point which troubles the
West Germans is not that they
wish to weaken the solemn com-
mitment to their own allies. It is
that in some indirect way the non-
aggression agreement which Mr.
K. is asking for would, as Dr. Von
Brentano has just put it, "lead to
a freezing of the unsatisfactory
political situation in the world,
particularly in Europe."
* * *
IN MY VIEW, this freezing will
not be prevented by diplomatic
nit-picking about how much rec-
ognition of East Germany is in-
volved in every agreement be-
tween Eastern and Western Eu-
rope. The fact is that the parti-
tion of Germany is now frozen and
has been frozen for years, and
the West German rule of refusing
to accept any measure, however
limited, to increase intercourse be-
tween the two Germanys is the
reason why the West has never
had any policy realistically de-
signed to unfreeze the partition.
What we should be doing now,
I believe, is to take a positive in-
stead of a negative line. Instead
of the nit-picking to avoid any
indirect recognition of the division
of Germany, we should open up
the long, difficult, but not neces-
sarily hopeless, discussion of the
terms of German reunification.
Sometime in the not too distant
future there will be Germans who
are more interested in reunifica-
tion than in the small business
about the degree of diplomatic
recognition. Then we shall begin
to find out whether Mr. Khrush-
chev will and can prevent a re-
unification'of Germany.
(c) 1963, The Washington Post Co.
A cceptance
in the railroad labor dispute by.
the time the extended deadline
expires, and the President then
feels that he must ask Congress
for powers to prevent a, walkout
and to compel binding arbitration
of the issues, it will be interesting
to watch developments on. two
seemingly unrelated fronts. Will
Congress be able to devise a form-
ula by which those who are about
to be severed from their jobs will
willingly accept the severance? TJp
to this point, the firemen have
been confronted, with the alterna-
tive of either slitting their own
throats or drinking the hemlock
offered by management. It will al-
so be interesting-and instructive
-to see whether business and in-
dustry in general will rally to the
principle of compulsory arbitra-
tion which railway management,'
in the comfortable belief that it
enjoys a strong legislative and
political bargaining position in the
present dispute, is apparently will-
ing to accept. Perhaps, when the
chips are down, management will
be no more enthusiaptic about
having the terms and conditions
of employment imposed on in-
dustry than the firemen are at
being asked to commit suicide.
-The Nation

weak Peace Spirit Threatened

Worid Challenge

imagination: it is only the Utopian Answer
that changes with the times. The International
Jurists Convention at Athens may have looked
like a long way from Plato or Sir Thomas
More. Yet their search for World Government
through Law was for no less than the axioms
of mid-Twentieth 'Century Utopia.
Why is World Law so much more difficult
to visualize than national or local law? To
answer this question, it is necessary to examine
the basis of that ambiguous and uncertain
system of ideas that passes in the minds of
most people for "law."
LAW IS, essentially, a system of rules which
add up the way in which a group intends
to go on being a group. More is involved in
Law than simple "existence" of groups; they
have to go on being "viable" in a defined
manner which (in philosophical terms)
amounts to "Being" rather than "Existence."
The rules are given ethical significance, in
terms of the system, by reward and punishment
usually punishment for non-observance, since
membership in the group and the benefits
that go on with it are the "reward end" of the
For a legal system to be viable, there has to
be a "group consensus," which is more than
just a policy majority. The consensus has to be:
agreement on rules, agreement on the punish-
ments, and agreement also on the ways of
enforcing punishments-all of which are to
apply throughout the group, except for very
special exceptions. Usually it is history and
tradition rather than the simple majority count
of people in a situation that provides the true
consensus essential to Law. Given such a
historically and culturally unifying consensus,
a "force" is created which ensures the viability
of the legal system (whether applied from
above or below) by keeping it sufficiently inte-
grated for legal sanctions to be consistently
applied within the system.
It is easy to see how this could happen within
a country, or any group of nations where there
was a particular historical force or challenge
to create a "consensus. The difficulty with
World Law is that a consensus is difficult to,
define in any global sense
SUPPOSE WE THINK of World Government
in terms of a Utopian Consensus-all
countries "agree." In such a case-there is
nothing to enforce, since everything is taken
for granted! There is no need for World
Government through Law in all matters where
Utopian Consensus exists. This transparent
error has been at the bottom of a great deal.
of the muddled thinking about World Govern-
ment; many theorists forget that at the ideal
limit, World Government is non-existent. They

of another-what ACCEPTED consensus tells
us it should not? Even if a majority of coun-
tries were to disapprove of ALL aggression, the
invading country could disagree on the basis of
its stated principles to which no other system
of rules could be applied other than the gen-
eral vote among nations. And a majority vote,
as already stated, is no LEGAL consensus
unless clearly defined ground rules of inter-
national exchange accepted by the invading
nation ensure that it is. We are back where
we started. We cannot have World Law without
a consensus, and we cannot have a consensus
without World Law. The problem is not'/just
that of the difficulties of getting countries
together-even without Law, we could always
have pacts, treaties and agreements--it is a
problem of THEORY, which looks impossible
to solve.
Fortunately, the Communists have provided
us a way to break the deadlock. This may turn
out to be the greatest favor they have ever
done the Free World.
NONE OF the Communist Bloc nations were
represented at the Convention. The reason
goes much deeper than that of World Commun-
ism's short-term objectives. World Communism
by its very nature, cannot reconcile itself to
a position where international integration is
achieved by means other than ideology; a
World of Law which was superior to a World
of Ideology would contradict the basic postu-
lates of any international ideology.
Yet-World Law has to be for the world, not
just for a few members, if it is to have any
At once we'have the basis for a true "world
consensus"-an agreement among nations,
irrespective of ideology, as long as they are
prepared to put Law before ideology in inter-
national affairs. This is a definition that has
little to do with the specific beliefs of a
country; it is a truly global concept. Yet
there is a need to enforce this concept, because
there exists a body of nations within this
global framework which will not accept this
order of precedence-in terms of this global
framework, the deviants and the outlaws.
ONCE "LAW-before-ideology"' is accepted as
our global principle, a bewildering number
of things become possible. The transformation
of International anti-Communism from the
realms of the negative definition to those of
the positive-it is now the International
struggle for "Law-before-Ideology." Military
security, economic aid, and other transitional
arrangements towards this essentially con-
crete goal, all can be defined independently of
the security needs of one country or a group
of countries. Institutions can be given shape
and form and structure, because we have

COMMUNIST China and France
bear the onus of world opinion
for their opposition to the re-
cently-initialed nuclear test ban
pact. Unfortunately, their cynical
leaders have the power to fulfill
their viewpoints.
Both Red Chinese leader Mao-
Tze Tung and French President
Charles de Gaulle are hardly taken
in by the most recent easing of
East-West tensions.tRather, for
national self-interest, they are
more intent on promoting inter-
national strife than peace.
More of this diplomatic mean-
ness occurs in Red China than in
France, where the Communist
leadership is commited to an ag-
gressive struggle against the West
in opposition to the Soviet's more"
peaceful and more flexible ap-
BOTH OF these Communist
schemes are being put to the test
as the Russians and the Chinese
are contending for control of the
Communist world. The Chinese
have a tactical advantage for
their warlike efforts can cancel out
the peaceful overtures of the So-
viets. Aggressive Chinese military
and diplomatic actions can stir up
hatreds and suspicions that the
Soviets are trying to overcome
through peaceful competition.
So China is putting or seeming-
ly will put pressure on all of
Asia's tender spots. Those most,
tense are India and Korea, where
Chinese troop movements have
raised fears of new bloody con-
The Indian government earlier
this week confirmed reports that
Chinese troops are again massing
at India's northern frontier, per-
haps to repeat last fall's success-
ful invasion. Conditions are a
little different this time, how-
ever. The Indians have more than
doubled their defense budget and
have strengthened their border
forces, especially in the Northeast
Frontier Agency area. Air defense
has also been beefed up, as the
United States and Britain are
training Indians in both ground
and air operations.
* 4 *
IN KOREA, a quiet, but tense
truce has prevailed for the last 10
years. To mark the 10th anniver-
sary of this peace, the Commun-
ists staged a large propaganda
show at the last meeting of the
armistice commission. This has
THE "LIBERATE" Angola and
Mozambique drive reached the
culminating effrontery last week
when the Soviet delegate to the
UN gave an anti-colonist tirade,
and urged action by all of Africa
to remove the Portuguese heel
from the black man's throat. . .
Pressures against South Africa are

been followed up by the ambush
of American soldiers near the de-
militarized zone and by espionage
attempts, the scuttling of which
cost another American life. Troops
also have been reported massed
north of the demilitarized zone.
In Laos and Viet Nam, the
Chinese are expected to turn the
heat on a little more. However, in
Laos, their room for maneuver is
limited by continued Russian dom-
inance over the Pathet Lao and
the Russians can be expected to
keep the peace. The Soviets do
not want to upset the co-existence
Conditions in Viet Nam are
ripe for intensified Communist
e f f o r t s. The anti-Communist
forces are split over President Ngo
Dinh Diem's totalitarian methods,
especially his heavy-handed per-
secution of the Buddhist major-
ity. The vicious beatings his troops
have administered to religious pro-
testers have alienated his usual
American supporters.
So the Viet Cong can play upon
Buddhist dissatisfaction and hope
for a lowering of American sup-
port for Diem, thus intensifying
the crisis in that war-torn coun-
THE FORMOSA Strait provides
another Chinese opportunity, for
tension. Quietly, the Chinese have
shelled the Nationalist Chinese
off-shore islands. By intensifying
their shooting and propaganda,
another area of conflict can be
created. Red concern for this flank
was mirrored by charges yester-
day of Nationalist saboteurs op-
erating in southeastern China.
'Meanwhile, Peking can main-
tain a high level of tension by its
screeching,. warlike propaganda
against both Russia and the West.
France presents a different
challenge to the current relaxed
East-West atmosphere. Playing a
loner's'game in the Western camp,
she fears relative peace will weak-
en her power position. France,
unlike Red China, is not interest-
ed in war or aggression, but wish-
es to retain a major power status
which is essentially lost.
Thus de Gaulle did not brand
the test-ban treaty as a fraud like
the Chinese did yesterday, but
said the nuclear menace had not
been removed by it. He called for
a treaty to limit delivery systems.
Once limited disarmament has
been accomplished, France will
abandon weapon's testing.
t * *'
THE FRENCH president saw no
real shift' in East-West positions
and demanded that no further
changes in Europe be made with-
out consulting him or the other
Western allies.
De Gaulle has a mystic vision of
French grandeur but a keen
sense of power politics. Both com-
bine to make him truculent. He
wishes at all cost-even of world-
wide condemnation-to maintain
the French position as a major
world power. An effective nuclear
force is necessary for this ambi

split, but believing that this divi-
sion is not permanent, de Gaulle
wants to avoid fruitless conces-
sions to the Russians.
He thus wants Western Europe
to build its own power on an in-
ternational co-operation-national
basis. This attitude does not lend
itself to reducing tensions.
CHINESE AND France intran-
sigence means that the current
lessening of East-West tensions
will be short, frustrating the ef-
forts of Khrushchev to test his co-
existence policies and hand China
proof of its success. It will also.
complicate his struggle with the
Chinese by giving 'him another
flank to worry about.
However, the Chinese offensive
will draw attention away from
Europe and bring a reduction of
tensions there. The tensions en-
gendered by de Gaulle's national-
ism are expended as much in the
West as on the East, removing
any war threat from that quarter.
Asia will get increasing atten-
tion in the coming months as the
Red Chinese attempt to prove
their b r a n d of Communism.
Korea, India, Formosa and Viet
Nam offer themselves as good sites
for new crises.
Hopefully, Khrushchev and the
West can keep the brash Chinese
in check. If these Asian storms
are weathered with Soviet-West-
ern relations still at a peaceful
co-existence level, then there is a
real hope for peace.

7,- %A

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