Seventy-Third Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERsITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF S14DENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions Are Pre STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Truth Will Preval"-- "How Long Do You Think He'll Keep Going On This Basis?" TODAY AND TOMORROW: Time Has Come To Take Second Step Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all rehrints - -.-.-- - - - - - - r WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW ORLIN Housing Ordinance Should Be Broader ANN ARBOR is in the forefront of progress in civil rights, many city council members stat- ed Monday night. The city already has a human relations commission and has worked per- sistently to end discrimination. However, when these members ceased to applaud themselves, they went on to pass on first reading a document which was labelled a "Fair Housing Ordinance." In order for this proposal to become law, it has to be passed again at second reading. City Council is more interested in image than in reality. The kudoes they handed them- selves and this fair city are so far above what they discussed that it might be reasonable to assume that this honorable body is in a state of sleep brought on by hot air. THE ORDINANCE as it stands now will cover somewhere between 20-30 per cent of the housing units in Ann Arbor. A person claiming discrimination can at best hope for attempts by the Human Relations Commission to settle the matter by conciliation. If this fails; the landed bigot can be convicted of a misdemeanor which carries a maximum penalty of a $100 fine., Whereas the previous ordinance allowed for injunctive relief to be sought by the person who was discriminated against, the new proposal drops this. It does provide for injunctive re- lief when the landlord has been previously con- victed of discriminating. However, if this prop- ertied person has shrewdly settled all com- plaints against him out of court, he may go along his merry way just as before. One of the new additions to the proposal covers discriminatory advertising. This will be of great assistance to those wishing to end dis- crimination in this city, especially since the city's sole newspaper does not print such adver- tising. So while this worthwhile provision was added, the one concerning rooming houses was dropped. ROOMING HOUSES, containing five or more units were covered under the previous ordi- nance. Under the new proposal, only rooming houses of five or more units where the owner does not live in the house, are covered. There- fore, if an owner lives in a rooming house where there are ten units, this place is exempt- ed under the ordinance. Most foreign students live in private living units. A large number of these students live in rooming houses. They form a large segment of the student population who have trouble find- ing housing because of discrimination. This ordinance is a prime example of North- ern civil rights actions. Council recognizes that discrimination exists in Ann Arbor. More consideration is given to the property rights of persons who wish to discriminate than to the right of minority groups to live where they please and can afford. THE ORDINANCE is not to go into effect un- til Jan. 1 (if indeed it ever does). The mild penalty of a $100 fine will not take effect un- til six months later. This is being done "in or- der to relieve the community of a sense of fear and have the community accept it more read- ily," in the words of one councilman. Throughout the long fight for a fair housing ordinance, this has been the main aim: "let's not upset the community, too much." Rights that have been denied to minority groups have not received half as much con- sideration. If City Council does not wish to up- set the community from its prejudiced ways why bother with a fair housing ordinance at all? Surely, even such an innocuous ordinance as the one passed on first reading Monday night will disturb the community. Equality is a disturbing and frightening word. This is especially so when the word involves change in this city instead of a town 1000 miles to the south. This town proclaims itself to be one of the most liberal in the North. If this (strange as it may seem) is true, this section of the country is in store for a battle for civil rights that will equal if not surpass anything that has occurred in Birmingham, Oxford, Savannah or Cam- bridge. . -ANDREW ORLIN . c 5 6.3 By WALTER LIPPMANN NTHILE THE first step does not take us all the way or indeed very far, it is crucial. For it shows which way we have decided to go. And so, while it is quite true that the political test ban does not mean that there is peace and no further danger of war, it does mean that the two great nuclear powers have agreed that neither will go all out in the effort to achieve absolute nuclear superior- ity and, with it total world su- premacy. This agreement does not end the race of armaments. But it changes radically the race of armaments - its purpose and its pace. As long as there is no limit on testing, particularly in the at- mosphere, there is a high prem- ium on the effort to search for an absolute weapon-say an anti- missile missile which could de- stroy the deterrent of the adver- sary or some kind of super-bomb which, launched without notice, could annihilate the adversary. While the proposed test ban does not prohibit entirely the search for the absolute weapon, it slows up that search sufficient- ly to make it most improbable that either country will produce the absolute weapon SO FAR-REACHING an agree- ment would not have been arrived at, we must assume, if both coun- tries had not learned from their experiments and their studies that even with unlimited testing in the atmosphere there was no reason- able chance of a breakthrough to the -absolute weapon. In renouncing the search for the absolute weapon, the Soviet Union and the United States are accepting as unchangeable, but tolerable, the existence of an ef- fective balance of nuclear forces between them. We are mutually deterred from striking at each other, and the nuclear stalemate prevents either of us from de- manding an unconditional sur- render from the other. After everything useful, cau- tionary and prudential has been said about how this treaty is only a first step, there is no doubt that it is a very important step. What about the second step? Here we can move with delibera- tion. For we may remind ourselves that there is a considerable dif- ference between first steps and second steps. The first step sets the general direction. If that di- rection is west, then the direction is not east, south or north. Once the direction has been set, say in Chicago, to go west, there are many goals and paths that can be taken all in the direction of the Pacific Ocean. MR. KHRUSHCHEV is asking that the second step be a non- aggression pact. But he has not made the test ban conditional upon any specific non-aggression pact. This was reassuring, and it was wise in that it recognizes how much more important is the test ban itself than is any political agreement that could come after it. For if, as I have been arguing,_ the test ban is a virtual renuncia- tion of the search for an absolute weapon and for political supre- macy, then the draft proposal is itself a great non-aggression pact. As regards W e s t Germany, which the Russians fear so much, Moscow should remember that there has existed for nearly nine years as complete a commitment to non-aggression as the lawyers could devise. Before West Ger- many was admitted to NATO, it issued a declaration that" "the German Federal Republic under- takes never to have recourse to force to achieve the reunification or the modification of the present boundaries of the German Federal Republic and to resolve by peace- ful means any dispute which may arise between the Federal Repub- lic and the other states." There is no reason why this same declaration, redrafted to commit all the NATO states, should not be made parallel with a comparable declaration by the Soviet government and its Euro- pean allies. The point which troubles the West Germans is not that they wish to weaken the solemn com- mitment to their own allies. It is that in some indirect way the non- aggression agreement which Mr. K. is asking for would, as Dr. Von Brentano has just put it, "lead to a freezing of the unsatisfactory political situation in the world, particularly in Europe." * * * IN MY VIEW, this freezing will not be prevented by diplomatic nit-picking about how much rec- ognition of East Germany is in- volved in every agreement be- tween Eastern and Western Eu- rope. The fact is that the parti- tion of Germany is now frozen and has been frozen for years, and the West German rule of refusing to accept any measure, however limited, to increase intercourse be- tween the two Germanys is the reason why the West has never had any policy realistically de- signed to unfreeze the partition. What we should be doing now, I believe, is to take a positive in- stead of a negative line. Instead of the nit-picking to avoid any indirect recognition of the division of Germany, we should open up the long, difficult, but not neces- sarily hopeless, discussion of the terms of German reunification. Sometime in the not too distant future there will be Germans who are more interested in reunifica- tion than in the small business about the degree of diplomatic recognition. Then we shall begin to find out whether Mr. Khrush- chev will and can prevent a re- unification'of Germany. (c) 1963, The Washington Post Co. A cceptance IF NO SETTLEMENT is reached in the railroad labor dispute by. the time the extended deadline expires, and the President then feels that he must ask Congress for powers to prevent a, walkout and to compel binding arbitration of the issues, it will be interesting to watch developments on. two seemingly unrelated fronts. Will Congress be able to devise a form- ula by which those who are about to be severed from their jobs will willingly accept the severance? TJp to this point, the firemen have been confronted, with the alterna- tive of either slitting their own throats or drinking the hemlock offered by management. It will al- so be interesting-and instructive -to see whether business and in- dustry in general will rally to the principle of compulsory arbitra- tion which railway management,' in the comfortable belief that it enjoys a strong legislative and political bargaining position in the present dispute, is apparently will- ing to accept. Perhaps, when the chips are down, management will be no more enthusiaptic about having the terms and conditions of employment imposed on in- dustry than the firemen are at being asked to commit suicide. -The Nation CHINA, FRANCE: weak Peace Spirit Threatened Worid Challenge UTOPIA DIES VERY HARD in the human imagination: it is only the Utopian Answer that changes with the times. The International Jurists Convention at Athens may have looked like a long way from Plato or Sir Thomas More. Yet their search for World Government through Law was for no less than the axioms of mid-Twentieth 'Century Utopia. Why is World Law so much more difficult to visualize than national or local law? To answer this question, it is necessary to examine the basis of that ambiguous and uncertain system of ideas that passes in the minds of most people for "law." LAW IS, essentially, a system of rules which add up the way in which a group intends to go on being a group. More is involved in Law than simple "existence" of groups; they have to go on being "viable" in a defined manner which (in philosophical terms) amounts to "Being" rather than "Existence." The rules are given ethical significance, in terms of the system, by reward and punishment usually punishment for non-observance, since membership in the group and the benefits that go on with it are the "reward end" of the scale. For a legal system to be viable, there has to be a "group consensus," which is more than just a policy majority. The consensus has to be: agreement on rules, agreement on the punish- ments, and agreement also on the ways of enforcing punishments-all of which are to apply throughout the group, except for very special exceptions. Usually it is history and tradition rather than the simple majority count of people in a situation that provides the true consensus essential to Law. Given such a historically and culturally unifying consensus, a "force" is created which ensures the viability of the legal system (whether applied from above or below) by keeping it sufficiently inte- grated for legal sanctions to be consistently applied within the system. It is easy to see how this could happen within a country, or any group of nations where there was a particular historical force or challenge to create a "consensus. The difficulty with World Law is that a consensus is difficult to, define in any global sense SUPPOSE WE THINK of World Government in terms of a Utopian Consensus-all countries "agree." In such a case-there is nothing to enforce, since everything is taken for granted! There is no need for World Government through Law in all matters where Utopian Consensus exists. This transparent error has been at the bottom of a great deal. of the muddled thinking about World Govern- ment; many theorists forget that at the ideal limit, World Government is non-existent. They of another-what ACCEPTED consensus tells us it should not? Even if a majority of coun- tries were to disapprove of ALL aggression, the invading country could disagree on the basis of its stated principles to which no other system of rules could be applied other than the gen- eral vote among nations. And a majority vote, as already stated, is no LEGAL consensus unless clearly defined ground rules of inter- national exchange accepted by the invading nation ensure that it is. We are back where we started. We cannot have World Law without a consensus, and we cannot have a consensus without World Law. The problem is not'/just that of the difficulties of getting countries together-even without Law, we could always have pacts, treaties and agreements--it is a problem of THEORY, which looks impossible to solve. Fortunately, the Communists have provided us a way to break the deadlock. This may turn out to be the greatest favor they have ever done the Free World. NONE OF the Communist Bloc nations were represented at the Convention. The reason goes much deeper than that of World Commun- ism's short-term objectives. World Communism by its very nature, cannot reconcile itself to a position where international integration is achieved by means other than ideology; a World of Law which was superior to a World of Ideology would contradict the basic postu- lates of any international ideology. Yet-World Law has to be for the world, not just for a few members, if it is to have any meaning. At once we'have the basis for a true "world consensus"-an agreement among nations, irrespective of ideology, as long as they are prepared to put Law before ideology in inter- national affairs. This is a definition that has little to do with the specific beliefs of a country; it is a truly global concept. Yet there is a need to enforce this concept, because there exists a body of nations within this global framework which will not accept this order of precedence-in terms of this global framework, the deviants and the outlaws. ONCE "LAW-before-ideology"' is accepted as our global principle, a bewildering number of things become possible. The transformation of International anti-Communism from the realms of the negative definition to those of the positive-it is now the International struggle for "Law-before-Ideology." Military security, economic aid, and other transitional arrangements towards this essentially con- crete goal, all can be defined independently of the security needs of one country or a group of countries. Institutions can be given shape and form and structure, because we have By PHILIP SUTIN Co-Editor COMMUNIST China and France bear the onus of world opinion for their opposition to the re- cently-initialed nuclear test ban pact. Unfortunately, their cynical leaders have the power to fulfill their viewpoints. Both Red Chinese leader Mao- Tze Tung and French President Charles de Gaulle are hardly taken in by the most recent easing of East-West tensions.tRather, for national self-interest, they are more intent on promoting inter- national strife than peace. More of this diplomatic mean- ness occurs in Red China than in France, where the Communist leadership is commited to an ag- gressive struggle against the West in opposition to the Soviet's more" peaceful and more flexible ap- proach. BOTH OF these Communist schemes are being put to the test as the Russians and the Chinese are contending for control of the Communist world. The Chinese have a tactical advantage for their warlike efforts can cancel out the peaceful overtures of the So- viets. Aggressive Chinese military and diplomatic actions can stir up hatreds and suspicions that the Soviets are trying to overcome through peaceful competition. So China is putting or seeming- ly will put pressure on all of Asia's tender spots. Those most, tense are India and Korea, where Chinese troop movements have raised fears of new bloody con- flicts. The Indian government earlier this week confirmed reports that Chinese troops are again massing at India's northern frontier, per- haps to repeat last fall's success- ful invasion. Conditions are a little different this time, how- ever. The Indians have more than doubled their defense budget and have strengthened their border forces, especially in the Northeast Frontier Agency area. Air defense has also been beefed up, as the United States and Britain are training Indians in both ground and air operations. * 4 * IN KOREA, a quiet, but tense truce has prevailed for the last 10 years. To mark the 10th anniver- sary of this peace, the Commun- ists staged a large propaganda show at the last meeting of the armistice commission. This has Liberation THE "LIBERATE" Angola and Mozambique drive reached the culminating effrontery last week when the Soviet delegate to the UN gave an anti-colonist tirade, and urged action by all of Africa to remove the Portuguese heel from the black man's throat. . . Pressures against South Africa are been followed up by the ambush of American soldiers near the de- militarized zone and by espionage attempts, the scuttling of which cost another American life. Troops also have been reported massed north of the demilitarized zone. In Laos and Viet Nam, the Chinese are expected to turn the heat on a little more. However, in Laos, their room for maneuver is limited by continued Russian dom- inance over the Pathet Lao and the Russians can be expected to keep the peace. The Soviets do not want to upset the co-existence applecart. Conditions in Viet Nam are ripe for intensified Communist e f f o r t s. The anti-Communist forces are split over President Ngo Dinh Diem's totalitarian methods, especially his heavy-handed per- secution of the Buddhist major- ity. The vicious beatings his troops have administered to religious pro- testers have alienated his usual American supporters. So the Viet Cong can play upon Buddhist dissatisfaction and hope for a lowering of American sup- port for Diem, thus intensifying the crisis in that war-torn coun- try. THE FORMOSA Strait provides another Chinese opportunity, for tension. Quietly, the Chinese have shelled the Nationalist Chinese off-shore islands. By intensifying their shooting and propaganda, another area of conflict can be created. Red concern for this flank was mirrored by charges yester- day of Nationalist saboteurs op- erating in southeastern China. 'Meanwhile, Peking can main- tain a high level of tension by its screeching,. warlike propaganda against both Russia and the West. France presents a different challenge to the current relaxed East-West atmosphere. Playing a loner's'game in the Western camp, she fears relative peace will weak- en her power position. France, unlike Red China, is not interest- ed in war or aggression, but wish- es to retain a major power status which is essentially lost. Thus de Gaulle did not brand the test-ban treaty as a fraud like the Chinese did yesterday, but said the nuclear menace had not been removed by it. He called for a treaty to limit delivery systems. Once limited disarmament has been accomplished, France will abandon weapon's testing. t * *' THE FRENCH president saw no real shift' in East-West positions and demanded that no further changes in Europe be made with- out consulting him or the other Western allies. De Gaulle has a mystic vision of French grandeur but a keen sense of power politics. Both com- bine to make him truculent. He wishes at all cost-even of world- wide condemnation-to maintain the French position as a major world power. An effective nuclear force is necessary for this ambi split, but believing that this divi- sion is not permanent, de Gaulle wants to avoid fruitless conces- sions to the Russians. He thus wants Western Europe to build its own power on an in- ternational co-operation-national basis. This attitude does not lend itself to reducing tensions. CHINESE AND France intran- sigence means that the current lessening of East-West tensions will be short, frustrating the ef- forts of Khrushchev to test his co- existence policies and hand China proof of its success. It will also. complicate his struggle with the Chinese by giving 'him another flank to worry about. However, the Chinese offensive will draw attention away from Europe and bring a reduction of tensions there. The tensions en- gendered by de Gaulle's national- ism are expended as much in the West as on the East, removing any war threat from that quarter. Asia will get increasing atten- tion in the coming months as the Red Chinese attempt to prove their b r a n d of Communism. Korea, India, Formosa and Viet Nam offer themselves as good sites for new crises. Hopefully, Khrushchev and the West can keep the brash Chinese in check. If these Asian storms are weathered with Soviet-West- ern relations still at a peaceful co-existence level, then there is a real hope for peace. 7,- %A 4rL 5i ' ff9.rc