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November 26, 1968 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1968-11-26

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JAMES WECHSLER'

Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

Murphy's appointment: Nixonism unveiled

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552 [

Editoriols printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: RON LANDSMANI

The welfare sentences:
Ironic, perverse justice

"A NN ARBOR the Model American Com-
munity" - a tribute to the American
way of life. Friday, Nov. 22, was to be the
first taste of American "justice" for many
of those arrested in the welfare demon-
strations. But the order for the day was
a sick, perverse type of irony.
"Justice tempered with mercy" was
Judge S. J. Elden's description of the 7-
day jail or work sentences righteously im-
posed on the "criminals." What mercy
was displayed by a court who deemed it
justice to fine welfare mothers, whose on-
ly crime was to seek better clothing for
their children, anywhere f r o m $85 to
$100?
A $15 fine, $1.50 tax on the fine, $76
court costs and undecided probation fees
completely nullify the $70 maximum per
mother above original appropriations that
the Washtenaw County Board of Super-
visors grudgingly gave the ADC mothers.
Ann Arbor has recollected its loan plus
interest, and has disguised its loanshark-
ing techniques under the veil of juris-
prudence.,
JUDGE ELDEN expressed satisfaction
with his decision. He claimed the pro-
testers were not engaged in an act of civ-
il disobedience, because no one expressed
dissatisfaction w i t h the local trespass
law. That statement by Elden may be re-
garded as a glaring example of u t t e r
stupidity or perverse naivete.
Rather, it wks a callous court - cer-
tainly not a merciful one - that chose
to ignore the demonstration as both an
expression of sympathy for victims of
poverty drowning in a sea of capitalistic

wealth and as display of anger towards
a community insensitive to the signs of
deprevation about them.
The demonstrators w e r e further re-
buked by Elden for their actions, because
they "harmed" rather than "helped" the
mothers. He suggested that the students
direct t h e i r energies to establishing a
fund to help the mothers pay their fines.
Elden's suggestion is a cheap compen-
satory plan that offers no resolution to
the disturbing problem. What is to be-
come of the mothers and their children
next September? What efforts are being
made by the county to break the demor-
alizing welfare cycle?
THE MOTHERS need jobs. They a10s o
need someone to take c a r e of the
children and assigning college students
in three-day shifts as part of their sen-
tence is not the solution.
Let the County Board of Supervisors
invest county direct relief funds into a
Day Care Center, which would employ
some of the mothers, thereby freeing the
others for salaried jobs.
If something constructive, similiar to
what has been suggested, isn't initiated
in Ann Arbor so as to eliminate the in-
tolerable conditions which led to the ugly
events of Sept. 5, then Ann Arbor will
most certainly typify America.
A LAND personified by its court system,"
which is a punitive one - rather than
just is a preserver of the status quo -
rather than a reformer of social ills.
-LORNA CHEROT

IN THIS INTERIM before the
dawn, or the darkness, of the.
age of Nixon, we grope for clues
to the nature of the Administra-
tion he will construct. Whether by
studied design or solemn indeci-
sion, he has flashed few clear
signals. But one of his initial
moves has been heralded by the
right-wing newsletter, Human
Events as a joyous augury. That
was his rehabilitation of 74-year-
old diplomat Robert Murphy as
his personal foreign policy repre-
sentative in Washington for the
period preceding the Inaugural.
"This Murphy appointment has
particularly pleased hardliners in
the State Dept.," the voice of
Goldwaterism rejoices, adding
that Nixon "can'ts go too far
wrong" with Murphy as, a top
counselor in world affairs.
What makes Murphy's designa-
tion so meaningful to the rightist
Republican organ is that "he sup-
ported such tough Asian patriots
as Korea's Syngman Rhee and
Formosa's C h ia ng Kai-shek
againstathe appeasement cabal in
the State Dept.," that he fought
the "adherents of the grand de-
sign of U.S.-Soviet cooperation
who, he feels, forced us to retreat
from Gen. MacArthur's formula
for victory in Korea" and that he
"reserves some of his more de-
vastating criticism for that liberal
sacred cow, the United Nations."
WHEN MEN BECOME symbols,
the truth about them may be over-
simplified by the general impulse
to find heroes and villains. Cer-
tainly Murphy was long viewed by
the American right as its true
voice amid the sinister peace-
mongers at Foggy Bottom. When
he resigned as Undersecretary of
State in the closing phase of the
Eisenhower era in 1959, a dispatch
from the Hearst Headline Service
began:
With the Presidential accept-
ance today of the resignation
of Robert D. Murphy as Under-
secretary of State, the let's-do-
business-with-Khrushchev bloc
in the State Dept. was pictured
as finally in the saddle. For

many months a behind-the-
scenes coalition of various State
Dept. foreign service cliques has
attempted to undermine theein-
fluence of Murphy. The vet-
eran career diplomat with the
brilliant record has steadfastly
opposed any form of appeasing
Moscow.
He was described in the same
report as the special target of
those who advocated "reaching an
accommodation with the Soviet
Union, catering to the aims and
desires of our European allies and
recognition of Red China." He
was, in short, a hawk from way
back.
MURPHY WAS UNDER heavy
attack from liberal critics during
World War II for his role in the
Giraud and Darlan dealings that
led to the invasion of North
Africa, and for his "brinkman-
ship" during -the postwar Berlin
crisis. These, however, were events
that divided many men on non-
ideological lines.
Moreover, Murphy has shown a
capacity for detached analysis un-
encumbered by dogma; in Octo-
ber, 1959, he was among the first
to see the portents of the Sino-
Soviet conflict - a development
that Dean Rusk refused to rec-
ognize until long after it became
a major fact of modern life.
THE ULTIMATE portrait of
Murphy asantintransigent op-
ponent of detente, as critic of the
UN, as cheerleader for such fad-
ing Asian figures as Chiang and
Rhee, emerged primarily from his
own words and the adulation they
evoked on the right rather than
from the earlier liberal critiques.
And these are the relevant mat-
ters now. It can hardly have gone
unnoticed at the UN, for example,
that the President-elect in grant-
ing early audiences to such dig-
nitaries as J. Edgar Hoover, felt
no compulsion during the imme-
diate aftermath in New York to
recognize the .existence of thet
neighboring UN in any public way.
His simultaneous choice of Mur-
phy .as transition foreign policy
spokesman seemed to underline
the affront by omission.

MEANWHILE, AMID the un-
certainty surrounding the Paris
talks, Murphy's role stirs other
questions. Will his "hard-line in-
stincts create new complexities for
Messrs. Harriman and Vance in
this crucial interval? Has Saigon
invested excessive hope in Mur-
phy's emergence?
The answer may depend on the
degree to which Nixon recognizes

"Do you gentlemen believe in the (excuse the
expression) domino theory?"

his own stake in an early peace.
For while Murphy's private dis-
position might be to stiffen Sai-
gon's stand, those who have
known him well consider him an
able, sophisticated technician and
troubleshooter who has faithfully
executed assignments when the
marching orders were clear. The
real question is whether Nixon has
told Murphy what he wants-or
whether Murphy is telling him.

Thus one suspense story of the
Nixon Administration is at hand
these many weeks before the In-
augural. Another, of course, is
whether his apparently insepara-
ble pal, "Bebe" Rebozo, the play-
boy Batistaist, is serving as his
adviser on Latin-American policy
during their long post-election
seance, or whether it is just for
fun and games.
(Copyright 1968 N Y. Post)

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Republicans' black analysis

Language requirement solution , -┬░iURBAN LEHNER

4

RICHARD NIXON, the man who barely
squeaked out a limp-wristed mandate
from the American people, is trying des-
parately these days to construct s o m e
kind of consensus out of his meager elec-
toral plurality.
The best example of t h i s consensus-
building is the Republican interpretation
of what is called "the Negro vote." About
90 per cent of that vote went to Nixon's
opponent. But the Republicans claim that
they see some kind of trend developing
that indicates that they are recapturing
the Negro vote.
Compared to Barry Goldwater's "ap-
peal" to black voters, perhaps Nixon is
justified in pointing to his 10 per cent as
evidence that he is seen by blacks ,as an-
other Abraham,. Lincoln.
What is responsible for this unmistake-
able "trend" toward the Republicans by
black people? It can only be Nixon's com-
prehensive plan for black capitalism.
These two words were probably the only
important thing that Nixon had to say
about black people during his campaign.
BLACK CAPITALISM is a very Republi-
can response to the obstreperous cries
for black power that so frighten them.
Instead of giving blacks a meaningful
degree of political power to help them im-
prove themselves, black capitalism seeks
to buy them off with a little share of the
American economy.
But the black capitalism plan seeks on-
ly to raise a few blacks to the status of
"forgotten Americans" - Nixon people -
who pay taxes, who perhaps own a home,
and especially who do not protest.
The promised share of the American
econoiny will be limited to only a few

crumbs. For when the Republicans speak
of black capitalism, they are not talking
about giving blacks a piece of the corpor-
ation action, or a piece of t h e defense
spending that goes almost completely to
about eight companies.
No. When the Republicans talk about
black capitalism, they mean small busi-
ness. The Republicans will help set up
their black constituents in small grocery
stores, peanut stands or whatever they
like so long as they don't aspire to any
genuine economic power.
WE CANNOT even go so far as to cate-
gorize this solution to the racial prob-
lem as being a finger in the dike. When
most Americans are shopping at large
chain stores and big supermarkets, a few
small grocery stores will not even produce
short-run gains for the black people.
Black capitalism is only a timid excuse
for avoiding the problems of Black Amer-
ica. It was a good umbrella plank to bring
the South onto the Republican platform.,
The Strom Thurmonds have always been
for black capitalism; they have always
preferred that blacks get their hair cut
at their own barbershops.
But the campaign is Qver, and the ploy
of blackhcapitalism worked. And now if
the President-elect is really serious about
uniting this nation, he will have to come
up with a meaningful program for black
people..

By RON LANDSMAN
THE AD HOC curriculum com-
mittee of the French depart-
ment has come up with moderate
proposals for experimentation in
elementary language instruction-
the area of the language require-
ment. But rigidity on the part of
the department may threaten any
refreshing attempts at experimen-
tation and change.
The committee has recommend-
ed that a track system be tried -
offering students in selected sec-
tions the regular 231 or 232 course,
or courses specializing in either
reading or conversation.
The committee itself does not
consider t h e requirement a re-
striction on its freedom to experi-
ment. However, the requirement
as approved in 1951 does stipulate
that the student should develop
some proficiency in reading, writ-
ing, listening and speaking. De-
partment chairman Prof. James
O'Neill warns that the track
courses therefore might not be
acceptable.
LITERARY COLLEGE A s s t.
Dean James Shaw indicates that
the track system, on an experi-
mental basis, would probably be
acceptable to the curriculum com-
mittee of the literary college,
which would decide this issue. It
would depend, however, on the de-
partment's willingness to do a lit-

tle fighting to get it approved. The
chairman and the executive com-
-mittee must not be allowed to use
the pretext of the 17-year-old lan-
guage requirement as a b a r to
healthy experimentation in their
language programs. If the curric-
ulum committee is willing - and
Shaw says it probably is - then
all the experimentation possible
should be undertaken, experimen-
tation to improve a very bad sit-
uation.
There is more, though, that the
literary college curriculum com-
mittee should do. T h e pressure
right now from students f o r a
quick" abolishment of the require-
ment - right as it may or may
not be - seems to make consider-
ed educational judgments diffi-
cult, if not impossible. A way out,
to allow both students and faculty
to air intelligent views on the is-
sue, would be to forward a tem-
porary policy easing as much as
possible the pressure and friction
created by the present require-
ments.
THERE ARE A FEW possible
alternatives:
-acceptance of a 101-102-111-
112 sequence as a reading track;
- further development of the
proposed reading track;
-easing of the administrative

board's policy on granting excep-
tions to the requirement.
Concerning the last point, the
administrative board does not
have as wide a range as might be
assumed. It is bound now by the
requirement. However, there are
sound educational, policies which'
the faculty couild endorse --
weighinguthe educational gains of
keeping -a student in a course he
can't handle, and its negative ef-
fects on work he is doing else-
where - what would warrant a
different policy, one . giving the
board wide lattitude in consider-
ing for whom it can waive the re-
quirement.
The French committee's action
should not- be ignored however.
The question remains as to ,wheth-
er or not this move or extensions
of it are valid in place of abolish-
ing the requirement altogether.
IF THE FRENCH department is
serious about further experimen-
tation - a sort of "permanent
Hawthorne effect," as Donald
Dugas phrased it - it would put
the decision about the language
requirement in a different light.
If the experimentation and sub-
sequent improvement a r e really
serious, the department should not
have to rely on the requirement
to keep its classes full. That is the
ideal. If the department can do it,
or is even willing to, is another
question.

The

Hog Farm
pie blues

hip

fades away

ONE TREND that the Republican
alysts must look at is that blacks
becoming discontent with o n 1 y a
crumbs off the political table.

Letters to the Editor

an-
are
few

AMID THE colorfully painted psychedelia which adorns, the Hog
Farm bus are the lonely words, "The Hog Farm Loves You." At
' any other time in history such a proclamation of undiscriminating
affection would, unless uttered in some religious connection, have been
received with incredulity. Now, although the bus has become a familiar
campus sight, no one seems to be discussing, much less appreciating,
this offer of universal good feelings. Only recently did the children of
love appear on the horizon, and already their light has burned out.
Their way of living, uninhibited, unambitious, almost personally
anarchistic, will refnain, because it is a way of living that is enormously
attractive; and some of them will continue individually to live by the
love ethic. But gone is the notion that the hippies are the leaders of
some organized movement down a newly-discovered pathway of Love.
THE MOST VOCAL hippie theoreticians, those most concerned with
proving their own hippieness-these love least. They walk in self-con-
tained, narcissistic cliques, flaunting their contempt for all those so
bovine as to wear "straight" clothing. Theirs is a sensitivity so rare
that they cannot risk the metabolic damage that might result from a
conversation with one of the non-Chosen.
The Hog Farmers are the friendliest and most flamboyant har-
bingers of love yet to visit Ann Arbor en masse, and they have been
granted tentative community acceptance as a sort of conversation
piece. "Hey, did you see that pig those guys had on the Diag the other
day?" What happens when the novelty wears off is uncertain. The
group travels like an army, with rumors of its movements reverberating
throughout the surrounding countryside. The rumor this weekend was
that the Hog Farm was leaving Ann Arbor Monday or Tuesday. Which
may be good, for already there were signs that their boundless love
was not being reciprocated.
LAST FRIDAY NIGHT, driving down Thompson toward Packard,
I pulled up three or four cars behind the Hog Farm's psychedelic con-
traption at the corner of Thompson and Madison. A green car sat
directly in its path, inches away, at a ninety degree angle. It looked
like there had been a collision, but as the events subsequently unfolded
it became apparent that the driver of the car, for whatever reasons,
was attempting to harrass the bus.
As the line of car behind the bus began to pull left to pass it, the
green car backed east down Madison toward South Quad, then darted
back in front of the bus again. A minute passed, and the green car
moved forward and started a u-turn in the intersection. When the
bus proceeded, the car lurched after it and squealed around the hair-
pin turn at Packard in pursuit.
I got a good look at the five guys in the green car because they
squeezed me into the left lane as I was crossing the intersection, and
when I honked they all turned and gave me the finger simultaneously.
"Hippie lover," I could hear them saying. They looked like guys who
were big jocks in high school but got cut from the teams here because
they drank too much. In the thirties they would have been beating up

zi

-STEVE ANZALONE

H. L. Hunt's oil over the world

MOZAMBIQUE HAS made a deal with
H. L. Hunt. Hunt will get oil rights to
a sizable portion of Mozambique's rich
coastline, and in return Hunt will give
armaments to Mozambique for the pur-
pose of quelling native unrest. This deal
is straightforward enough, but it has an
extensive and unique symbiosis which de-
serves examination.
In the first place, Mozambique needs
Hunt to drill the oil for them. Hunt, on
the other hand, needs the oil to continue,
building his empire. Both Hunt and Mo-
zambique want to k e e p the natives in
their place because that lends stability to
'the country, and makes the investment
there more valuable. -

of South Africa depends on the stability
of Mozambique. South Africa also helps
by sending guns to Mozambique.
Portugal stands to gain, too. Portugal
owns Mozambique and all the oil and na-
tives. A stable, productive Mozambique
means a stable and productive Portugal.
That is the reason why Portugal sends
guns to Mozambique.
THE UNITED STATES and all of t h e
NATO nations have something to gain
from the transaction. The United States
gives guns to Portugal. In fact,' all of the
NATO nations in their small way give
guns to Portugal. The guns are used to
quell unrest among the Portuguese peo-
ne A C fn-h1i nfii+ n rh n - .Q n v c nh

Thg Bretton problem
To the Editor:
T SEEMS to me that the issues
raised by Prof. Bretton's chal-
lenge involve not only freedom in
the classroom but the responsi-
bility of the press. I think that
The Michigan Daily would have
been derelict had it not reported
the invasion of the class. An in-
formed public, to my mind, con-
tinues to be an important bul-
wark against the storm trooper.
You have taken note of another
aspect of responsibility-ugetting
the facts straight. I fault T h e
Daily for this. In addition, I felt
that our account gave a certain
glamor to the invader. He came
out in your pages as a latter-day
RobinHood with high vision but
senseless method.
Early in my newspaper career,
a young reporter mentioned that
he had seen a house burning but
hadn't stopped because he was late
for work. He was fired.
--Paul Harsha

In order to reduce faculty and
student involvement in the time-
consuming details of university
administration and at the same
time to assure administrative re-
sponsibility, why not adopt one
possible version of what we call
parliamentary government? Thus,
t h e administration (president,
vice-president, deans and certain
upper-level officials) might be
thought of as "the government"
in the British sense.
THE GOVERNMENT would hold
office at the pleasure of the fac-
ulty, and could be removed by the
Regents following a vote of no
confidence at any time, requiring
the negative votes of perhaps two-
thirds of the entire professional
staff (assistant professors and
above). And just as the faculty
would be equivalent to a House of
Commons, the student body of the
various colleges, plus the alumni,
might be thought of as the con-
stituencies, and the Regents as a

tition or independently, were dis-
satisfied by the performance of
the administration, it could call
for specific policy changes, the
resignation of certain officers, or
in extremis, the resignation of the
president and his "government,"
with the Regents perhaps holding
some sort of veto power.
SUCH AN AGREEMENT should,
hopefully, do the following: in-
crease student influence over uni-
versity policy while retaining ul-
timate faculty control, minimize
faculty (and student) involvement
in matters which should be the re-
sponsibility of the administration,
and yet assure greater responsive-
ness of the administration to both
students and faculty.
This general proposal, many of
whose details remain to be ex-
amined, is offered as a tentative
basis for discussion, and as an al-
ternative to the increasing "poli-
ticization" of the University's de-
cision making process. Confronta-
tion politics are only appropriate

I

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