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Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
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The Two Tigers:
Totalitarian Stripes.9
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THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1968
NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE
The Recruitment Muddle
I,
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THE REGENTS should enact a policy
;equiring mandatory open forums for
occasions when students have demanded
an opportunity to meet publicly with
representatives of business and govern-
ment recruiting on campus.
Under current University policy, re-
cruiters may ignore requests for open
forums while continuing their interviews
and related activities on campus. When
President Fleming asked Dow Chemical
Corporation-now recruiting in the en-
gineering college - to participate in a
public meeting, Dow graciously agreed.
But it didn't have to and if it,had chosen
to ignore the request it could have still
ccntinued recruiting.
A BALANCING of the rights of students
and business and industry demands
that these forums be mandatory. The ac-
tivities of some of the recruiters who use
University facilities are at least open to
moral questioning and at some schools
students have used demonstrations and
interference to ask their questions.
The University properly maintains
official neutrality - it does not make
moral judgments among firms; but it
should allow its students and faculty
an opportunity to meet publicly and
peacefully with those who benefit from
University money and facilities.
With the popularity of business careers
for graduating students at all time low,
industry needs the University as much
-if not more-as students need them.
Clearly, if the University provided no
opportunity for on-campus recruiting
business representatives would merely
move off-campus.
THE UNIVERSITY is, in effect, provid-
ing recruiters with a subsidy. It can
certainly afford to inconvenience re-
cruiters slightly for the sake of students
by requiring mandatory forums for con-
troversial firms.
Nor would a mandatory forum policy
drive recruiters away. Most businesses
would be more than happy to meet with
students publicly-witness Dow. Besides,
if one proposed mechanism were erected
--mandatory forums at the request of 100
students-few recruiters would be af-
fected. For 100 students to demand open
forums with more than a handful' of
recruiters seems inconceivable.
THE REGENTS should make the forums
mandatory: if 100 students demand an
open forum, the recruiter holds an open
forum or is denied use of other Univer-
sity facilities. Only through mandatory
forums can the civil liberties of all be
preserved.
-URBAN LEHNER
-WALTER SHAPIRO
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By DAVID HOUSEZ
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last
of a three-part series by David
Housez, a reporter for LE MONDE
DIPLOMATIQUE who has recently
returned from both North and
South Korea. It is translated from
the French by Ellie Dorsey and
Raymond Mungo of Liberation
News Service.-
THE REIGN of Syngman Rhee,
president of the 'First Repub-
ilc of South Korea. was ended on
April 26, 1960 after a student re-
bellion. The second president, Yun
Posuin, with his prime minister Dr.
Chang, established the first par-
liamentary government in the his-
tory of the country. Chang, a lib-
eral, tried to orient the govern-
ment towards the needs of the
university-which stood for work-
men's unions and a sincere effort
to reunify Korea through nego-
tiations.
But the military coup of May,
1961 put a quick end to , Dr.
Chang's government and elevated
Gen. Chung Hee Park into power
to "end the incompetence and
corruption of the Chang govern-
ment and reinforce national anti-
Communism." The Seoul govern-
ment was never quite able to dis-
guise the role the American CIA
played in overthrowing Dr. Chang'
and installing the general. One rc-,
calls that the first political gesture
General Park made was to name a
chief of the secret police - who
themselves took the initials CIA.
In October,1963 Park's party, the
Democratic Republican Party, took
charge of the parliament and Park
was elected president. The Third
Republic was born. UN observers
invited to supervise the public
election judged it "disciplined and
well-handled," but they neglected
to mention that the parties of the
left, like the Peoples' Revolution-
ary Party, were never allowed to
emerge, as it were, aut of their
shells. They were simply sup-
pressed.
NEITHER has the UN alluded
publicly to the increase in political
arrests in South Korea-the Ko-
rean Annual for 1966 lWss 20,000
"I don't want any damned Detro its, Watts, or Newarks either... !"
I
Letters to the &
The Politics of Apathy
N ONE HAS ever accuseol the Univer-
sity's literary college faculty of being
too political.
For example, in August, 1966, when the
administration gave 65 names to the
kHouse Un-American Activities Commit-
tee, the literary college took five months
before it finally got around to passing a
resolution deploring the action.
In this tradition the college convened
Monday to discuss the biggest current
Campus issue-classified research.
BUT WHEN the literary college faculty
finally got around to saying something,
on classified research Monday, only
about 250 members were present - less
than 25 per cent of the faculty. And by
the time a vote was taken less than 15
per cent of the faculty actually cast
ballots.
Even though most literary college fac-
ulty members don't go to their own meet-
ings, they have sense enough not to let
in reporters who want to attend.
"We thought about inviting the press
to this meeting and intended to," says
Dean William Haber. "But we frankly
juo t forgot to do it."
DAMN LUCKY. For the faculty who
were responsible enough to attend,
promptly- defeated a valiant motion by
Prof, Robert Angell of the sociology de-
partment to abolish classified research.
Prof. Angell who retires this summer
Fall and winter subscription rate: $4.50 per term by
carrier ($5 by mail); $8.00 for regular academic school
year ($9 by mall).
Daily except Monday during regular academic school
year.
Second class pnstage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan,
420 Maynard St, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104.
after teaching at the University for
mere than a generation should not feel
di'couraged. His moral stand sets him
well above many of his younger col-
lergues who tolerate offensive secret re-
search primarily because it is expedient
and lucrative to do so.
After Angell and his 67 counterparts
lost, Prof. Martin Gold of the psychology
department recommended that the col-
lege endorse the report of the Faculty
Research Policies Committee to the Fac-
ulty Senate-the Elderfield report.
"HIS REPORT neatly maintains the
status quo. In essence it says that the
University should accept secret research
as long as it doesn't "destroy ... human
life" and the source of the contract can
be revealed.
This is virtually meaningless because
only one $261,192 secret research project
out of the University's $10.3 million in
secret research would be eliminated.
And that project-so secret that its name,
purpose. sponsor and researchers in-
volved can't be revealed-will expire this
summer.
T;,e small group of faculty who wisely
voted for Angell's resolution and against
Gold's proposal deserve applause. The
others who voted the wrong way, still
should be commended for coming and
debating crucial University issues.
But as for the rest of the literary col-
lege faculty-the 75 per cent that didn't
show and the 85 per cent that didn't
vote--what can we say?
-ROGER RAPOPORT
Editor
Whistle Blowing
To the Editor:
NOW THAT the emotional out-
cry against The Daily by Uni-
versity and MSU players and
coaches has subsided, it- might be
appropriate to assess the long run
effect of the recent series of arti-
cles.
Assuming the Big Ten investiga-
tion will uncover nothing illegal in
the activities of either school,
there was no harm in revealing
"what everyone knows." Further,
I believe there will be good de-
rived.
It is recognized that such prac-
tices as were revealed are bound
to happen. The future will no
doubt continue to see such activ-
ity. There remains however one
question to be answered concern-
ing the double standard: what is
permissible under the double
standard which everyone knows
about? Specifically, how many dis-
counts by local merchants on their
own initiative constituted a viola-
tion of conference rules.
How much knowledge and
apparent acquiescence on the
part of coaches will be tolerated as
to these practices? Before The
Daily investigation these questions
were unanswered. The Big Ten
rules did not supply a definitive
answer. From the initial reactions
of the coaches, neither could they
supply an answer.
ASSUMING that in the heat of
competition for athletes these
practices of local merchants and
the resulting knowledge and as-
quiescence by coaches will in-
evitably expand, is it not better
for The Daily to call time out now
rather than let the Big Ten blow
the whistle on its own initiative
later? Considering the devastating
results to the participants of the
Illinois slush fund scandal, MSU
and University coaches (as well as
the rest of the Big Ten) should
be thankful to The Daily. It the
long run the least to be accomp-
lished will be a clarification of the
reasonable limits to the double
standard. At the most a change in
the rules will take into account
these practices. ,
The Daily fulfilled its obligation
as a newspaper and as such should
be commented. Perhaps had some
newspaper made a similar investi-
gation, Pete Elliott and Harry
Combes today would be thanking
some "selfish, irresponsible" news-
man for their coaching jobs.
--Vigor Ptasznik, 70L
Glory Seeking
To the Editor:
I READ WITH interest your edi-
torial of Feb. 11 ("Where Opin-
ions Are Free, Bricks Fly") and
found great difficulty in disagree-
ing with most of what was said.
There is but one think I don't
understand. You say ". . . Kohn
and Norton . . . were dismayed by
what they found" I am sure they
were. Predictably, they desired to
rectify the ills of the current sys-
tem. These reporters do not live
in a vacuum; no doubt they were
aware than similar goings-on occur
elsewhere. Clearly, this is no justi-
fication. The first wrongdoer un-
covered though is made the scape-
goat (witness the Illinois "slush
fund" scandal). Couldn't Kohn
and Norton have served the com-
munity just as well by going to
Crisler, Elliot, Strack, et al. and
let them work (sans publicity) to
cure the ills? Frankly, Mr. Rapo-
port, to me the whole thing smacks
of glory-seeking by a couple of
(quite good) reporters.
-Richard Strausz, '69
More CIA
To the Editor:
I CAN ADD another example of
CIA contacts with University
staff. For what the information
is worth:
Shortly after attending an in-
ternational conference on physics
at Brookhaven National Labora-
tory, I was visited in my office
by the local agent of CIA (his
name is Meader, and he is a broth-
er of former Congressman George
Meader). After the formalities of
identifying himself, he began to
question me about the one or two
Russian scientists who attended
the meeting, asking whether I
knew them well, wrote them, had
been introduced to them (all
ittor
answers No). There was a definite
(but fairly subtle) suggestion that
they would be pleased to have me
establish such contacts, which I
politely declined doing. I have
never again been contacted in a
similar way.
I doubt that this is a unique
experience, but I would also doubt
that there is a widespread use of
scientific contacts for CIA pur-
poses. Generally speaking the
friendships and communications
between scientists - Russian or
Chinese - are quite frank and
open. They are probably much
more concerned about scientific
credit for their work than they
are the political use.
--R. R. Lewis
Prof. of Physics
Crime Box
To the Editor:
T OCCURRED to me after read-
ing your recent series on crime
on, the campus that The Daily
would becperforming a service to
the University community by re-
porting area crimes, in particular,
thefts. A person would certainly
be less tempted to steal something
if he kenw that his friends were
likely to -identify his newly re-
quired possession with a stolen
item they had read about in The
Daily.
I agree with you: it would not
be "fitting" for a student news-
paper to "play up" crime; but I
can see no harm in listing in a
small section in each day's Daily
all reported crimes. Each report
might be run for, say, three con-
secutive days to insure that all
persons that are inclined to glance
over your listing occasionally will
see all reports.
Unfortunately, one of the worst
problems-thefts from bookstores
and libraries-could not be dealt
with in this manner. Nor would
these listings help to stop the
"off-campus" thief, who in my
opinion is likely responsible for a
large proportion of campus area
thefts. Nevertheless, I feel that
such a service would effect a
meaninful decline in thefts and
hence deserves some consideration
by The Daily.
-Bruce M. Bowman, Grad
ers after the Japanese left, in 1948.
was devestated by the war which
occurred only two years later A
complicated, neo-Confucian caste
system has developed.
But the students continue to
agitate for a national reunifica-
tion which is dear to the hearts
of the masses, and a peace which
would benefit everybody but the
elite corps of highly-paid mer-
cenary soldiers and the Par re-
gime. Their viewpoint, repeatedly
expressed to me, is a young and
hopeful one; they stand opposed
to all of the things which delay
reunification -things like the
sending of troops to Vietnam, the
continued presence of two Amer-
ican Army divisiions, and General
Park's overwhelming dependence
on the Pentagon to maintain his
power, The academic world has
become the only true opposition
party in the South.
General Park has had to react
to continued student demonstra-
tions for reunification with the
North. because he is not anxious
to fall victim to a coalition be-
tween the students and the NDP.
True to himself, he has ordered
the director of the CIA to enforce
one more time the anti-Commu-
nist moral of his state:
* he has authorized the arrest
of more than 1,000 students.
0 removed many professors.
A closed down universities.
. abridged the rights of meet-
ing, press, and free expression.
Students arrested have been,
held up to five months by the CIA
without charges. Many have been
tortured. Fifty-six intellectuals,
journalists and students have been
tried in four mass trials during
the last two months,- and nine of
them sentenced to death-the oth-
ers to long prison terms. Most
were charged with being members
of a "Red spy conspiracy" on the
basis of mail received or Euro-
pean meetings attended with
North Korean friends.
Look magazine, in its report on
the country, said "Korea is trying
to climb up a wall; she has not
reached the end of her troubles."
General Park's political options
now are not good: there is his in-
ability to aid a disinherited pop-
ulation, hisproblem with employ-
ment, his repression of the uni-
versities-all add to a general
popular discontent which the
Northern regime does not suffer.
Today, Park cannot assure his own
continuation as leader of the
South.
In answer to the rapidly-in-
creasing border provocations by
the North Koreans, who are try-
ing as well to distract the South-
erners' energy away from Vietnam,
Park is building up a more intense
militarism in the South, and
strenghtening his ties to the U.S.
military establishment, rather
than moving toward peace. His
creation of a military state, com-
bined with suppression of any-
thing that shows potential for op-
position, has given an urgent air
to the words of a UN officer at
Panmunjom:
"WHATeWE HAVE here is only
a pause between two sections of
one country who've maintaineda
state of war for 15 years, always
ready to begin again. North Korea,
which is politically isolated from
both the Russians and the Chinese,
couldn't resist a real assault by
Park's armies. We hae the mis-
fortune to have to contain them."
General Park sure of his army's
superiority and the strength of his
U.S. backers, does not consider re-
unification through warfare at all
a strange idea. He could, some
time in the future, achieve na-
tional unity-but only in bloody
combat.
Chung Hee Park
prisoners in 1962-63 and 250,000
in 1964 The CIA began to arrive
on campus to investigate students
and teachers, who are the main
force, for reunification with the
North. The opposition party, the
New Democratic Party (NDP),
contested the next set of elections,
May and June of 1967, and for 165
days boycotted the parliament.
The condition of the Southern
peasantry remains one of the wirst
in the far east. Last year, 350.000
farmers abandoned their land in
a drought that resulted from poor
irrigation. Increasing industi al-
ization, with money given freely
from abroad, has taken away more
land. Much of the two million
acres parceled out to small farm-
raft and Incompetence in igeria:
The Road to Biafra
By AZINNA NWAFOA
First of a Two-Part Series
The author is a graduate student
in the University's political science
department from Ndikeilonwu, Bia-
fra. He has been in the United
States since 1961.
IN THE SPRING of 1963, Harvard
University gave a reception at
the faculty club for African stu-
dents at Harvard. The function
was arranged to present members
of the Harvard administration
with an opportunity to meet in-
formally with the young Africans
in their midst, to share their ex-
periences of Cambridge with them
and to see if anything could be
done to make their sojourn as
pleasant as possible.
However, soon after the gather-
ing was called to order, a Tan-
zanian student proceeded, in no
uncertain terms, to denounce the
government of Nigeria as a cor-
rupt, inept and neo-colonial gov-
liged-and more than three-quar-
ters of the students were Nigerian.
For those of us that were then
Nigerian, we felt rather irritated
by the Tanzanian's having chosen
that particular forum to air those
views. In some form we all shared
his opinions but we thought that
such questions could be discussed
only amongst ourselves. We saw
no usefulness served in a public
airing of Nigeria's woeful short-
comings-domestic and foreign--
and in such a mixed company. We
fervently hoped that he would be
ruled out of order so we could get
on with another matter.
But the administrator was in-
sistent on getting some Nigerian
comment on those remarks. The
Nigerians finally spoke up. One
-after another, often in harder
terms-by now angered by the
petulant administrator-they went
through an abysmal catalogue of
their government's performance
that government's actual perform-
ance in office in the eyes of Africa
and amongst its own population.
The B.B.C. always endearingly re-
ferred to the Nigerian Prime Min-
ister as the Golden Voice of Africa,
and in the eyes of the West gen-
erally Nigeria was the very model
of stability and of a sane demo-
cratic government in a chaotic
continent. The country was seen
as the great white hope of inde-
pendent black Africa.
The potentialities of the coun-
try for viable stability and its gov-
ernment's promise and perform-
ance were another matter. Though
subscribing to the ritual of neu-
trality in foreign affairs, the
country had no independent for-
eign policy in so far as it had any
at all, and lacked a sense of di-
rection-a situation that con-
tributed much to the frustration
and disenchantment of the in-
tellectual segment of the nation.
country was paralyzed by the
government's inability to conduct
an uncontested census of the
population.
The failure to provide a reliable
census figure for the nation was
compounded with a catastrophic
failure to hold an honest election.
From regional to national level,
elections were systematically rig-
ged to prop up a tottering regime
whose credit with the electorate
was already overdrawn.
SYMPTOMATIC OF the cir-
cumstances leading to the emer-
gence of Biafra as an independent
nation was the concern of the
military to arrest a rapidly dete-
riorating crisis among the Yorube
tribe of Western Nigeria who had
exploded over the results of a
blatantly rigged election aimed at
perpetuation of its regional gov-
ernment. A judicial commission of
inquiry set up to investigate alle-
. ... _ r _.. . ..3. .-i. -. .
ly because of its sympathy with
the regional government.
Bribery and corruption were in-
deed the hallmarks of the Federal
Government of Nigeria, and the
unjust practices of ministers of
state were all too common knowl-
edge. The Federal Nigerian Min-
ister of Finance had, in fact, not
only paid the taxes of his entire
electorate but had proclaimed
this act as a public virtue, that
entitled him to a re-election to
Parliament. To be sure, it would
be impossible to defeat a candidate
with such impressive credentials
-especially if the electorate found
this gigantic act of generosity
more impressive than the fact that
their minister had robbed them
and the country in the first in-
stance. This was the most notor-
ious case-by no means an iso-
lated incident-of the yawning
gap between the rich and the
wretched of this nation, and the
insensitivityof the novrnment to
to instill in the country a sense
of national consciousness and na-
tional identity. His pleas for unity
and the construction of one Ni-
geria were eloquent and impressive
in the first few months of inde-
pendence. This was a theme that
the National Anthem had given
much prominence and the Prime
Minister was resolved that na-
tional unity was a goal that his
administration must attain. Yet
here, too, his failure was much
more impressive than his accom-
plishment. The five years of inde-.
pendence 1960-65 were marked by
an exacerbation of tribal and re-
gional hostilities. Appointments
were made on a rigidly tribal basis
and at the expense of ability and
qualification. Nigeria remained a
geographical expression whose
nationhood consisted only in its
name. The Prime Minister's last
refuge had turned into a mirage.
Nor can this he attributed to the
spicacity to see the rough sea
ahead. In January, 1966, the
storm finally broke. The civilian
government was overthrown by
the corps of army officers and a
number of civilian officials were
killed in the ensuing transition to
power-mostly those identified in
the public mind with the inepti-
tude and corruption, the frustra-
tions and aimless drift of the past
six years. The young army offi-
cers seemed to have reflected most
faithfully the prevailing popular
fervor of the country. For the first
time since independence there was
a feeling of euphoria in Nigeria
as the country appeared poised to
assume the full responsibilities of
its independence on its own terms
and to begin genuinely to satisfy
those expectations derived from
its large population, a large army
of highly educated citizenry (not
only in African terms) and its
abundant supply of natural re-
sources. In a Diece written at the
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