r +riu rii i i i i lii... - - U U - - - - - - - I Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS -- ~ Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail 'I DET WAN1T ANYL~g PIENO up 'U OF STAFF SIGN HE$Ze: *1 L I4 ' '. y .r- NEWS PHONE: 764-05521 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. V i 1 / The Two Tigers: Totalitarian Stripes.9 I THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE The Recruitment Muddle I, " U .I THE REGENTS should enact a policy ;equiring mandatory open forums for occasions when students have demanded an opportunity to meet publicly with representatives of business and govern- ment recruiting on campus. Under current University policy, re- cruiters may ignore requests for open forums while continuing their interviews and related activities on campus. When President Fleming asked Dow Chemical Corporation-now recruiting in the en- gineering college - to participate in a public meeting, Dow graciously agreed. But it didn't have to and if it,had chosen to ignore the request it could have still ccntinued recruiting. A BALANCING of the rights of students and business and industry demands that these forums be mandatory. The ac- tivities of some of the recruiters who use University facilities are at least open to moral questioning and at some schools students have used demonstrations and interference to ask their questions. The University properly maintains official neutrality - it does not make moral judgments among firms; but it should allow its students and faculty an opportunity to meet publicly and peacefully with those who benefit from University money and facilities. With the popularity of business careers for graduating students at all time low, industry needs the University as much -if not more-as students need them. Clearly, if the University provided no opportunity for on-campus recruiting business representatives would merely move off-campus. THE UNIVERSITY is, in effect, provid- ing recruiters with a subsidy. It can certainly afford to inconvenience re- cruiters slightly for the sake of students by requiring mandatory forums for con- troversial firms. Nor would a mandatory forum policy drive recruiters away. Most businesses would be more than happy to meet with students publicly-witness Dow. Besides, if one proposed mechanism were erected --mandatory forums at the request of 100 students-few recruiters would be af- fected. For 100 students to demand open forums with more than a handful' of recruiters seems inconceivable. THE REGENTS should make the forums mandatory: if 100 students demand an open forum, the recruiter holds an open forum or is denied use of other Univer- sity facilities. Only through mandatory forums can the civil liberties of all be preserved. -URBAN LEHNER -WALTER SHAPIRO tt ~.~ r 'Ahw V op - I / By DAVID HOUSEZ EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last of a three-part series by David Housez, a reporter for LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE who has recently returned from both North and South Korea. It is translated from the French by Ellie Dorsey and Raymond Mungo of Liberation News Service.- THE REIGN of Syngman Rhee, president of the 'First Repub- ilc of South Korea. was ended on April 26, 1960 after a student re- bellion. The second president, Yun Posuin, with his prime minister Dr. Chang, established the first par- liamentary government in the his- tory of the country. Chang, a lib- eral, tried to orient the govern- ment towards the needs of the university-which stood for work- men's unions and a sincere effort to reunify Korea through nego- tiations. But the military coup of May, 1961 put a quick end to , Dr. Chang's government and elevated Gen. Chung Hee Park into power to "end the incompetence and corruption of the Chang govern- ment and reinforce national anti- Communism." The Seoul govern- ment was never quite able to dis- guise the role the American CIA played in overthrowing Dr. Chang' and installing the general. One rc-, calls that the first political gesture General Park made was to name a chief of the secret police - who themselves took the initials CIA. In October,1963 Park's party, the Democratic Republican Party, took charge of the parliament and Park was elected president. The Third Republic was born. UN observers invited to supervise the public election judged it "disciplined and well-handled," but they neglected to mention that the parties of the left, like the Peoples' Revolution- ary Party, were never allowed to emerge, as it were, aut of their shells. They were simply sup- pressed. NEITHER has the UN alluded publicly to the increase in political arrests in South Korea-the Ko- rean Annual for 1966 lWss 20,000 "I don't want any damned Detro its, Watts, or Newarks either... !" I Letters to the & The Politics of Apathy N ONE HAS ever accuseol the Univer- sity's literary college faculty of being too political. For example, in August, 1966, when the administration gave 65 names to the kHouse Un-American Activities Commit- tee, the literary college took five months before it finally got around to passing a resolution deploring the action. In this tradition the college convened Monday to discuss the biggest current Campus issue-classified research. BUT WHEN the literary college faculty finally got around to saying something, on classified research Monday, only about 250 members were present - less than 25 per cent of the faculty. And by the time a vote was taken less than 15 per cent of the faculty actually cast ballots. Even though most literary college fac- ulty members don't go to their own meet- ings, they have sense enough not to let in reporters who want to attend. "We thought about inviting the press to this meeting and intended to," says Dean William Haber. "But we frankly juo t forgot to do it." DAMN LUCKY. For the faculty who were responsible enough to attend, promptly- defeated a valiant motion by Prof, Robert Angell of the sociology de- partment to abolish classified research. Prof. Angell who retires this summer Fall and winter subscription rate: $4.50 per term by carrier ($5 by mail); $8.00 for regular academic school year ($9 by mall). Daily except Monday during regular academic school year. Second class pnstage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan, 420 Maynard St, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104. after teaching at the University for mere than a generation should not feel di'couraged. His moral stand sets him well above many of his younger col- lergues who tolerate offensive secret re- search primarily because it is expedient and lucrative to do so. After Angell and his 67 counterparts lost, Prof. Martin Gold of the psychology department recommended that the col- lege endorse the report of the Faculty Research Policies Committee to the Fac- ulty Senate-the Elderfield report. "HIS REPORT neatly maintains the status quo. In essence it says that the University should accept secret research as long as it doesn't "destroy ... human life" and the source of the contract can be revealed. This is virtually meaningless because only one $261,192 secret research project out of the University's $10.3 million in secret research would be eliminated. And that project-so secret that its name, purpose. sponsor and researchers in- volved can't be revealed-will expire this summer. T;,e small group of faculty who wisely voted for Angell's resolution and against Gold's proposal deserve applause. The others who voted the wrong way, still should be commended for coming and debating crucial University issues. But as for the rest of the literary col- lege faculty-the 75 per cent that didn't show and the 85 per cent that didn't vote--what can we say? -ROGER RAPOPORT Editor Whistle Blowing To the Editor: NOW THAT the emotional out- cry against The Daily by Uni- versity and MSU players and coaches has subsided, it- might be appropriate to assess the long run effect of the recent series of arti- cles. Assuming the Big Ten investiga- tion will uncover nothing illegal in the activities of either school, there was no harm in revealing "what everyone knows." Further, I believe there will be good de- rived. It is recognized that such prac- tices as were revealed are bound to happen. The future will no doubt continue to see such activ- ity. There remains however one question to be answered concern- ing the double standard: what is permissible under the double standard which everyone knows about? Specifically, how many dis- counts by local merchants on their own initiative constituted a viola- tion of conference rules. How much knowledge and apparent acquiescence on the part of coaches will be tolerated as to these practices? Before The Daily investigation these questions were unanswered. The Big Ten rules did not supply a definitive answer. From the initial reactions of the coaches, neither could they supply an answer. ASSUMING that in the heat of competition for athletes these practices of local merchants and the resulting knowledge and as- quiescence by coaches will in- evitably expand, is it not better for The Daily to call time out now rather than let the Big Ten blow the whistle on its own initiative later? Considering the devastating results to the participants of the Illinois slush fund scandal, MSU and University coaches (as well as the rest of the Big Ten) should be thankful to The Daily. It the long run the least to be accomp- lished will be a clarification of the reasonable limits to the double standard. At the most a change in the rules will take into account these practices. , The Daily fulfilled its obligation as a newspaper and as such should be commented. Perhaps had some newspaper made a similar investi- gation, Pete Elliott and Harry Combes today would be thanking some "selfish, irresponsible" news- man for their coaching jobs. --Vigor Ptasznik, 70L Glory Seeking To the Editor: I READ WITH interest your edi- torial of Feb. 11 ("Where Opin- ions Are Free, Bricks Fly") and found great difficulty in disagree- ing with most of what was said. There is but one think I don't understand. You say ". . . Kohn and Norton . . . were dismayed by what they found" I am sure they were. Predictably, they desired to rectify the ills of the current sys- tem. These reporters do not live in a vacuum; no doubt they were aware than similar goings-on occur elsewhere. Clearly, this is no justi- fication. The first wrongdoer un- covered though is made the scape- goat (witness the Illinois "slush fund" scandal). Couldn't Kohn and Norton have served the com- munity just as well by going to Crisler, Elliot, Strack, et al. and let them work (sans publicity) to cure the ills? Frankly, Mr. Rapo- port, to me the whole thing smacks of glory-seeking by a couple of (quite good) reporters. -Richard Strausz, '69 More CIA To the Editor: I CAN ADD another example of CIA contacts with University staff. For what the information is worth: Shortly after attending an in- ternational conference on physics at Brookhaven National Labora- tory, I was visited in my office by the local agent of CIA (his name is Meader, and he is a broth- er of former Congressman George Meader). After the formalities of identifying himself, he began to question me about the one or two Russian scientists who attended the meeting, asking whether I knew them well, wrote them, had been introduced to them (all ittor answers No). There was a definite (but fairly subtle) suggestion that they would be pleased to have me establish such contacts, which I politely declined doing. I have never again been contacted in a similar way. I doubt that this is a unique experience, but I would also doubt that there is a widespread use of scientific contacts for CIA pur- poses. Generally speaking the friendships and communications between scientists - Russian or Chinese - are quite frank and open. They are probably much more concerned about scientific credit for their work than they are the political use. --R. R. Lewis Prof. of Physics Crime Box To the Editor: T OCCURRED to me after read- ing your recent series on crime on, the campus that The Daily would becperforming a service to the University community by re- porting area crimes, in particular, thefts. A person would certainly be less tempted to steal something if he kenw that his friends were likely to -identify his newly re- quired possession with a stolen item they had read about in The Daily. I agree with you: it would not be "fitting" for a student news- paper to "play up" crime; but I can see no harm in listing in a small section in each day's Daily all reported crimes. Each report might be run for, say, three con- secutive days to insure that all persons that are inclined to glance over your listing occasionally will see all reports. Unfortunately, one of the worst problems-thefts from bookstores and libraries-could not be dealt with in this manner. Nor would these listings help to stop the "off-campus" thief, who in my opinion is likely responsible for a large proportion of campus area thefts. Nevertheless, I feel that such a service would effect a meaninful decline in thefts and hence deserves some consideration by The Daily. -Bruce M. Bowman, Grad ers after the Japanese left, in 1948. was devestated by the war which occurred only two years later A complicated, neo-Confucian caste system has developed. But the students continue to agitate for a national reunifica- tion which is dear to the hearts of the masses, and a peace which would benefit everybody but the elite corps of highly-paid mer- cenary soldiers and the Par re- gime. Their viewpoint, repeatedly expressed to me, is a young and hopeful one; they stand opposed to all of the things which delay reunification -things like the sending of troops to Vietnam, the continued presence of two Amer- ican Army divisiions, and General Park's overwhelming dependence on the Pentagon to maintain his power, The academic world has become the only true opposition party in the South. General Park has had to react to continued student demonstra- tions for reunification with the North. because he is not anxious to fall victim to a coalition be- tween the students and the NDP. True to himself, he has ordered the director of the CIA to enforce one more time the anti-Commu- nist moral of his state: * he has authorized the arrest of more than 1,000 students. 0 removed many professors. A closed down universities. . abridged the rights of meet- ing, press, and free expression. Students arrested have been, held up to five months by the CIA without charges. Many have been tortured. Fifty-six intellectuals, journalists and students have been tried in four mass trials during the last two months,- and nine of them sentenced to death-the oth- ers to long prison terms. Most were charged with being members of a "Red spy conspiracy" on the basis of mail received or Euro- pean meetings attended with North Korean friends. Look magazine, in its report on the country, said "Korea is trying to climb up a wall; she has not reached the end of her troubles." General Park's political options now are not good: there is his in- ability to aid a disinherited pop- ulation, hisproblem with employ- ment, his repression of the uni- versities-all add to a general popular discontent which the Northern regime does not suffer. Today, Park cannot assure his own continuation as leader of the South. In answer to the rapidly-in- creasing border provocations by the North Koreans, who are try- ing as well to distract the South- erners' energy away from Vietnam, Park is building up a more intense militarism in the South, and strenghtening his ties to the U.S. military establishment, rather than moving toward peace. His creation of a military state, com- bined with suppression of any- thing that shows potential for op- position, has given an urgent air to the words of a UN officer at Panmunjom: "WHATeWE HAVE here is only a pause between two sections of one country who've maintaineda state of war for 15 years, always ready to begin again. North Korea, which is politically isolated from both the Russians and the Chinese, couldn't resist a real assault by Park's armies. We hae the mis- fortune to have to contain them." General Park sure of his army's superiority and the strength of his U.S. backers, does not consider re- unification through warfare at all a strange idea. He could, some time in the future, achieve na- tional unity-but only in bloody combat. Chung Hee Park prisoners in 1962-63 and 250,000 in 1964 The CIA began to arrive on campus to investigate students and teachers, who are the main force, for reunification with the North. The opposition party, the New Democratic Party (NDP), contested the next set of elections, May and June of 1967, and for 165 days boycotted the parliament. The condition of the Southern peasantry remains one of the wirst in the far east. Last year, 350.000 farmers abandoned their land in a drought that resulted from poor irrigation. Increasing industi al- ization, with money given freely from abroad, has taken away more land. Much of the two million acres parceled out to small farm- raft and Incompetence in igeria: The Road to Biafra By AZINNA NWAFOA First of a Two-Part Series The author is a graduate student in the University's political science department from Ndikeilonwu, Bia- fra. He has been in the United States since 1961. IN THE SPRING of 1963, Harvard University gave a reception at the faculty club for African stu- dents at Harvard. The function was arranged to present members of the Harvard administration with an opportunity to meet in- formally with the young Africans in their midst, to share their ex- periences of Cambridge with them and to see if anything could be done to make their sojourn as pleasant as possible. However, soon after the gather- ing was called to order, a Tan- zanian student proceeded, in no uncertain terms, to denounce the government of Nigeria as a cor- rupt, inept and neo-colonial gov- liged-and more than three-quar- ters of the students were Nigerian. For those of us that were then Nigerian, we felt rather irritated by the Tanzanian's having chosen that particular forum to air those views. In some form we all shared his opinions but we thought that such questions could be discussed only amongst ourselves. We saw no usefulness served in a public airing of Nigeria's woeful short- comings-domestic and foreign-- and in such a mixed company. We fervently hoped that he would be ruled out of order so we could get on with another matter. But the administrator was in- sistent on getting some Nigerian comment on those remarks. The Nigerians finally spoke up. One -after another, often in harder terms-by now angered by the petulant administrator-they went through an abysmal catalogue of their government's performance that government's actual perform- ance in office in the eyes of Africa and amongst its own population. The B.B.C. always endearingly re- ferred to the Nigerian Prime Min- ister as the Golden Voice of Africa, and in the eyes of the West gen- erally Nigeria was the very model of stability and of a sane demo- cratic government in a chaotic continent. The country was seen as the great white hope of inde- pendent black Africa. The potentialities of the coun- try for viable stability and its gov- ernment's promise and perform- ance were another matter. Though subscribing to the ritual of neu- trality in foreign affairs, the country had no independent for- eign policy in so far as it had any at all, and lacked a sense of di- rection-a situation that con- tributed much to the frustration and disenchantment of the in- tellectual segment of the nation. country was paralyzed by the government's inability to conduct an uncontested census of the population. The failure to provide a reliable census figure for the nation was compounded with a catastrophic failure to hold an honest election. From regional to national level, elections were systematically rig- ged to prop up a tottering regime whose credit with the electorate was already overdrawn. SYMPTOMATIC OF the cir- cumstances leading to the emer- gence of Biafra as an independent nation was the concern of the military to arrest a rapidly dete- riorating crisis among the Yorube tribe of Western Nigeria who had exploded over the results of a blatantly rigged election aimed at perpetuation of its regional gov- ernment. A judicial commission of inquiry set up to investigate alle- . ... _ r _.. . ..3. .-i. -. . ly because of its sympathy with the regional government. Bribery and corruption were in- deed the hallmarks of the Federal Government of Nigeria, and the unjust practices of ministers of state were all too common knowl- edge. The Federal Nigerian Min- ister of Finance had, in fact, not only paid the taxes of his entire electorate but had proclaimed this act as a public virtue, that entitled him to a re-election to Parliament. To be sure, it would be impossible to defeat a candidate with such impressive credentials -especially if the electorate found this gigantic act of generosity more impressive than the fact that their minister had robbed them and the country in the first in- stance. This was the most notor- ious case-by no means an iso- lated incident-of the yawning gap between the rich and the wretched of this nation, and the insensitivityof the novrnment to to instill in the country a sense of national consciousness and na- tional identity. His pleas for unity and the construction of one Ni- geria were eloquent and impressive in the first few months of inde- pendence. This was a theme that the National Anthem had given much prominence and the Prime Minister was resolved that na- tional unity was a goal that his administration must attain. Yet here, too, his failure was much more impressive than his accom- plishment. The five years of inde-. pendence 1960-65 were marked by an exacerbation of tribal and re- gional hostilities. Appointments were made on a rigidly tribal basis and at the expense of ability and qualification. Nigeria remained a geographical expression whose nationhood consisted only in its name. The Prime Minister's last refuge had turned into a mirage. Nor can this he attributed to the spicacity to see the rough sea ahead. In January, 1966, the storm finally broke. The civilian government was overthrown by the corps of army officers and a number of civilian officials were killed in the ensuing transition to power-mostly those identified in the public mind with the inepti- tude and corruption, the frustra- tions and aimless drift of the past six years. The young army offi- cers seemed to have reflected most faithfully the prevailing popular fervor of the country. For the first time since independence there was a feeling of euphoria in Nigeria as the country appeared poised to assume the full responsibilities of its independence on its own terms and to begin genuinely to satisfy those expectations derived from its large population, a large army of highly educated citizenry (not only in African terms) and its abundant supply of natural re- sources. In a Diece written at the 4 I