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August 20, 1936 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1936-08-20

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THURSDAY, AUG. 20, 1936

Official Publication of the Summer Session

\ "'+ti



Publishes every morning except Monday during the
University year and Summer Session by the Board in
Control of tudent Publications.
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Tip To
Potential Soldiers ...

next war don't be too downcast,
because there are many compensations if you
sliould come back.
Difficult things will be made easy for you. For
example, you won't have to bother going through
all the platforms to find out which man to vote
for in the Presidential campaigns-all you have
to do (just as did the Republican Service League
in New York) is to determine whether Repub-
licans or Democrats have been the most generous
to veterans. It really simplifies this rather com-
plicated problem quite a bit. If it happens
that you remember that Mr. Roosevelt was the
unpatriotic man who, in a silly attempt to in-
troduce economies, tried to limit the pensions
to the men who were entitled to receive them,
and that he also vetoed the Banus Bill because
the bonuses weren't due for ten years (doesn't
the man appreciate that we made the Supreme
Sacrifice), and if it happens that you forget
that it was a Democratic Congress that was
forced by organized pressure to pass the bonus
bill and to tack so many veteran's amendments
onto the Economy Act of 1933 that it looked like
a bill for services rendered from the Legion,
then you probably will decide (which, as the
name indicates, the Republican Service League
has done) that Alf M. Landon will be the best
man to decide the internal and foreign policies
of our country for the next four years.
When you come back, you can say to the
Governor of Michigan (as did the American
Legion Michigan chapter this week) that Civil
Service is a good way to take political interfer-
ence out of government jobs, so long as veterans
get the preference. Don't forget to pass a reso-
lution that in situations where a maximum age
limit of 33 is imposed on prison guards, that
limit be disregarded in the case of veterans.
Veterans don't get old; their chief occupation,
high-pressuring Congressman, is an active pur-
suit and it keeps one young.
Then, remembering that you fought to save
the world for democracy (or whatever your slo-
gan will be), you can proceed to destroy that
democracy by calling every man who has An Idea
a communist, and you can see to it that Our
Children are taught the Truth (and only the
right kind of Truth) with perfect freedom (put
them in jail if they don't salute the flag) by
teachers who are also inspected patriots. Your
daughters can see to the textbooks. If it should
happen that you elect a man who is peculiarly
open-minded in these things as Commander
Murphy is, better counteract what he says by
local agitation.
And if some college professor should get it in
his head that the cause for which you went to
war wasn't what you thought it was, it might
be better if you clamped down on him a bit.
It doesn't do any good to let people know you've
been a damn fool.
Dog Days
And Dog Bites
AI BERT PAYSON TERHUNE, well-known au-
thor and friend of dogs writing in the most
recent issue of Reader's Digest, has some oppor-
tune remarks concerning "dog days" and the
dangers of being bitten.
In the first place, he says, it is important to
remember that rabies is a scarce disease and a
dog bite is only fatal through neglect. All pre-
cautions should be taken, but the fear of rabies
is largely mental.

Letters published in this column should not be
construed as expressing the editorial opinion of The
Daily. Anonymous contributions will be disregarded.
The names of communicants, will, however, be regarded
as confidential upon request. Contributors are asked
to be brief, the editors reserving the right to condense
all letters of more than 300 words and to accept or
reject letters upon the criteria of general editorial
importance and interest to the campus.
Those Doubtful
Anti-Monopoly Planks
(Arthir Krock In the New York Times)
to. be taken seriously, the next Congress, re-
gardless of who is elected President or which
party has a majority In the House, will proceed
vigorously to shore up the anti-trust laws. Crim-
inal as well as civil statutes will be invoked by
the next administration to punish acts in re-
straint of trade, and "regulation" will be aban-
doned in favor of actual suppression.
It was this assumption of the advanced Demo-
cratic position by his own party which Senator
Borah insisted upon at Cleveland, and if the
support he promises to give to the Republicans
in the campaign develops to a high degree, this is
the plank which will be chiefly responsible.
On the basis of the 1936 platform exhibits,
monopolists will get short shrift from either
Franklin D. Roosevelt or Alf M. Landon. Com-
munications trusts need expect no relaxations of
inquisitorial activity at Washington. Steel com-
panies, if Attorney-General Cummings has not
already upset their arrangement on bids, will
have them upset by his successor. Proved
monopolists will have to tell it to the judge.
Such being the solemn party pledges, binding
upon candidates, we are told, as a matter of
"private honor and public faith," it would na-
turally be assumed that no big business issue
will be present in the forthcoming campaign,
That assumption would be erroneous.
This is not the first time that the Democratic
and Republican parties have breathed fiery
words at monopolies, and yet not once since
1884, when the issue first arose, have the Dem-
ocrats given the Republicans credit for sincerity.
They will not give it to the Republicans this
year, even though, under the Borah goad, the Re-
publicans borrowed Democratic pronounce-
ments of 1900, 1904, and 1912 to describe how
opposed they are to monopolies.
After the Mark Hanna era, President Theo-
dore Roosevelt searched the dictionaries to find
language vivid enough to describe what he in-
tended to do to the trusts. The Democrats re-
torted that words, not deeds, completed his
record, and charged him with innumerable com-
promises with the principle out of court.
In 1933, the Democrats under Franklin Roose-
velt officially relaxed the anti-trust laws them-
selves to legitimize NRA, and they will have
to bear the onus for that in this campaign when
professing their anti-trust intentions. Senator
Borah himself, at last victorious in committing
his party to a course against monopolies which
wasfirst put into words by Bryan, opposed the
Clayton Act of the Wilson administration in 1914
on the ground that the original Sherman laws
were wholly adequate, requiring only honest ex-
The Republicans always have, and they will
again, defend themselves against the Democratic
charge that they foster monopolies, and the as-
sertion that all suspected trust magnates are
supporting Mr. Landon, by pointing to the fact
that the author of the original acts was a Re-
publican, John Sherman. The Democrats will
declare, and can prove, that since 1900 theirs
has been the steady anc consistent position-
with the exception of NRA, of course. The cyn-
ical bystander will wait to see what happens
in the next Congress.
The currency issue was so uppermost in 1896
that the Democratic platform dismissed the
monopoly subject by attacking "the absorption of
wealth by the few," and the Republicans never
mentioned it. But in 1900, though calling "im-
perialism the paramount issue," Bryan penned
the words which were dusted off and used by
the Republicans this year and the ideas which

were indorsed by the Democrats.
"The dishonest paltering with the trust evil
by the Republican party," he then wrote in
uttering a charge that has endured with his po-
litical descendents, "is conclusive proof that
trusts are the legitimate product of all Repub-
lican policies," etc. The Republicans let that one
** '* *
By 1908, with Bryan again the nominee, the
Democrats came to a specific demand for crim-
inal action against monopolists and foreshad-
owed the Clayton and Federal Trade Commission
Acts of the Wilson administration. The Repub-
licans had other issues to present.
In 1912, the Democrats again called for new,
legislation to cure the "weakening of the laws
by judicial construction" (the Supreme Court's
"rule of reason" in the tobacco and oil cases),
but the Taft Republicans, also calling for re-
vision, declaimed against "practices against bus-
iness abhorrent to the common sense of jus-
So the argument has gone on as to which party
really meant business against the trusts, with the
Democrats-except for that one incident of
NRA-having the better of the record. In 1924,
prosperity was mounting to such a degree that
the Republicans did not mention the old con-
troversy at all, as also in 1932, for a contrary rea-
son. But the Democrats kept plugging at the
Bryan language and the Wilson record. Now
the trusts have no friends-in the platforms.
is inviting a nasty bite. The best procedure is

As Others See It
'Mein Kampf, Illustrated'
(From the New York Times)
MORE than most agitators who attain power,
Hitler is consistent with himself. In "Mein
Kampf" he traces clearly what should be the
lines of German foreign policy and asserts re-
peatedly that foreign policy is but a means to an
end. That end, he. declares, is to "assure the
German nation the territory which is due it on
the earth." Through the mazes of his testament
two purposes run like twisting threads leading
out of a labyrinth. The first is to lberate Ger-
many from the bondage of Versailles, and this
objective he has fully achieved in three bold
leaps: withdrawal from the League of Nations
in 1933, remilitarization of the Reich in 1935,
remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936. The
second is to create a new and greater Germany,
and toward that goal he is now well on his way.
The truce with Poland, the naval pact with Eng-
land, the renunciation of further claims on
France when the Saar was recovered, the peace
with Austria: all these surrenders are but to
clear a course set long ago in the mind of an
obscure zealot at a time when he had failed
miserably in his first push for power.
Ordinarily it would be unfair to judge a re-
sponsible ruler by the ideas and aims he ex-
pressed before anyone but himself imagined they
would become the gospel of a great nation. But
the difference between "Mein Kampf" and other
campaign documents and bids for power is pre-
cisely that it is not a party platform. It was
hardly read in Germany until Hitler had won
his fight. It was not published abroad until he
had the government in his hands. It enunciates
a personal philosophy and a program, and the
author was never surer of his inspired mission
than when he wrote it, after the abortive
"putsch" of 1923. If authority and experience
have since modified the Fuehrer's early judg-
ments and caused him to alter his methods,
nothing in the record indicates that on any
point he has changed his mind or his direction.
Nor can he be said to have long abandoned views
he permitted to be published in the abridged and
authorized English edition of 1933.
At any rate, it is fair to judge Hitler's inten-
tions by his acts. And if up to the present he
has taken the road mapped out in 1924 and 1927,
when the two parts of the scripture were issued,
it is also fair to assume that the next steps will
follow in due order. Reviewed in the light of
what has happened, the book projects in advance
the moves whereby national independence, mean-
ing military independence, has been accomp-
lished. Even more plainly it illuminates the pro-
gressive development of foreign policy and where
it leads. The avowed aims are to isolate France,
"the permanent enemy," the key to whose policy
must always be the desire to possess the Rhine
frontier; to make friends with England and
Italy, "whose own most natural interests are
least in opposition to the conditions essential to
the existence of the German nation"; "to gain
territory for conquest which shall extend the
area of the mother country itself. * * * We turn
our eyes eastward, to Russia and her border
From first to last the acquisition of colonies
has not appealed to Hitler. He says in his book
that territory in Africa will not solve the Ger-
man problem, that "the sole hope of success for
a territorial policy nowadays is to confine it to
Europe." This conviction he repeated in a sup-
pressed interview this year.
From first to last he has held that "the
union of the two German states," the Reich and
Austria, "is worthy of accomplishment by all the
means in our power." It is true that he never
contemplated guaranteeing Austrian indepen-
dence, but the truce with Vienna is obviously of
the same character as the earlier truce with
Poland. In both cases Hitler shrewdly sacrificed
a lesser advantage for a greater. With one agree-
ment he detached Poland from France and es-
tablished a Polish-German front against Russia.

With the other he regained the support of Mus-
solini, estranged by the Dollfuss murder, and
with it the hope of playing on the side of Britain
and Italy and balancing them against Russia in a
new alignment of European powers. The occu-
pation of the Rhineland, the naval treaty with
England, the twenty-five-year peace plan are all
moves to one end-to drive a wedge between
France and Britain in favor of Germany.
Step after step Hitler is following the direc-
tion he forecast in "Mein Kampf." It is easy to
understand each new move if it is interpreted as
a strategic maneuver in the long-range plan there
outlined. It goes without saying that his mis-
calculations were many. He saw Russia as "a
state doomed to collapse." He did not foresee
that so many victories could be won merely by
the threat of force. He thought his aims not
only justified but required violence. But the
consistency between program and policy is quite
clear enough to warrant fairly accurate guesses
as to his future course.
"Mein Kampf" remains the picture of the mind
in control of Germany's destinies and the best
key to its operations. Hitler has answered crit-
ics by asserting that he is revising the book by
his acts. These acts so far prove he has found
little he would revise. Rather he might boast
that, stroke by stroke, he has added life-size
illustrations to the text.
It is time, says Louis M. Hacker, Columbia
University lecturer, that the Daughters of the
American Revolution were "told what their an-
cestors fought for."

Browns Defeat
Tigers In Bio
Second Inning
Four Detroit Moundsmen
Are Hammered For 15
Hits By St. Louis
(Continued from Page 1)
second inning today after Al Sim-
mons doubled, Owen singled, and
Simmons scored on Clift's error, but
Wade weakened in the last half of the
same frame.
Jake got two out with only Bot-
tomley's single marring the inning,
but then the trouble started. Bejma
tripled, Thomas walked, Lary singled,
Clift walked, Solters singled, Bell,
walked filling the bases and Wade
walked West to force a run across, be-
fore Cochrane waved the rookie to
the showers. Bottomley greeted Phil-
lips with a single scoringrthe sixth
and seventh runs before Owen threw
out Hemsley to end the inning.
Gehringer doubled in the Tiger
third and scored on Simmons' single,
then Owen lifted his home run into
the center stands.
The Browns added a run in the
fifth when Hemsley walked, took third
on Bejma's single and scored on
Thomas' long fly.



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