Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue


Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

October 01, 1952 - Image 4

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1952-10-01

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.





By Race and
THE AMBIGUITY of the University's pol-
icy regarding scholarships was brought
to light last Friday by the Regents' accept-
ance of tke "Loving Memorial fund" open
only to "young Christian women of Ameri-
can ancestors."
Though the University claims that a
policy of no discrimination is usually fol-
lowed, a survey of offered scholarships
reveals that the Loving Memorial is not
an isolated case. Therg are at least three
other private funds which discriminate
on the basis of race, religion and nation-
ality. Most of these are restricted to white
students of Protestant faith.
As to be expected, there are also scholar-
ships donated by groups of a specific relig-
ious sect, nationality or geographic district
which are restricted to students who belong
to these special groups.
The label of unfair discrimination cannot
sensibly be applied to the geographic dis-
trict scholarships. It seems only logical and
right that alumni from specific districts
make it possible for needy members of their
community to secure higher education.
Also, practically speaking, minority
group scholarships such as those for Ne-
groes, Jews and American Indians, may
be Justified on the grounds that educa-
tional opportunities for minority groups
are 1estricted.4
For example, scholarships open to Negroes
only can be accepted on the basis that socio-
economic conditions in the U.S. work to the
decided disadvantage of the Negro, who
often needs outside help in order to obtain
an education.
However, it seems to this writer that
the University is at fault in accepting
scholarships limited to white Protestant
Americans-a group which is certainly not
discriminated against in this society.
A fund of this type does nothing to cre-
ate equal educational opportunity. And it
is questionable whether a student who has
been aided because he or she is a member
of the select white-Protestant American
group has indeed beentruly educated in the
spirit of democracy.
-Alice Bogdonoff



Police Reporter Portrays
Life of Governor Stevenson

Papa's Little Legacy

The Daily welcomes communications from its readers on matters of
general interest, and will publish all letters which are signed by the writer
and in good taste. Letters exceeding 300 words in length, defamatory or
libelous letters, and letters which for any reason are not in good taste will
be condensed, edited or withheld frompublication at the discretion of the

low Martin
lai Stevenson during the latter's suc-
cessful campaign to become governor of
Illinois. Martin was known at that time as
a true-crime reporter whose articulate ac-
counts of well-known criminal cases had
appeared in "Harpers" and the "Saturday
Evening Post." He had been one of the first
to uncover the connections between the ram-
paging Shelton rackets in Southern Illinois
and the Republican administration in
Consequently, Stevenson was pleased to
offer his co-operation when Martin ex-
pressed a desire to do a biography of the
Governor. This was some time before Ste-
venson was seriously considered as Presi-
dential timber. While writing the book,
Martin several times interrupted work to
cover other stories. One of these was the
Pauline Campbell murder case here in
Ann Arbor which became a four-part se-
ries in the Saturday Evening Post.
Martin's background is important for one
reason: he is and always has been a report-
er in the best sense of the word. When I
grew to know him personally during his
study of the Campbell case, ht confirmed my
feeling that he has always been irreproach-
ably objective. The fact that his work in the
underworld has made it necessary for him
to keep his home phone number unlisted in
the directories is a testimony to his thor-
oughness. He always called them as he saw
Since completing this biography, however,
John Martin has abandoned the press box
and is on the field, one of the active lieu-
tenants in the Stevenson campaign. His in-
terest in this "new kind of man in Ameri-
can politics" has been translated into a loy.
alty that is as remarkable as it has been
frequent among the men who pave come
into the orbit of the Illinois governor. And if
that is hard for the outsider to comprehend,
it is almost as difficult for Martin himself
to understand. His tone throughout the book
remains so completely unruffled that it is
almost unfair to call the book a "campaign
biography"; probably Martin is incapable
of writing one.
The book opens with a chapter charac-
teristic of Martin's journalistic style-a
chronicle of a series of inconsequential
events that made up a trip Martin took
with the Governor last spring. Even in the
bare routine of an official inspection tour,
Martin makes Stevenson come alive. From,
his first remark to an assistant ("This
thing of being neutral in local primaries
reminds me of the fellow who said, 'It's
all right to be neutral, but who are we
neutral against?'") the governor alter.
nately assumes the shape of a thought-
ful executive, a canny politician, a clev-
er speaker, a sensible father, and a warm
From this point, Martin allows the com-
plex vitality of his subject to carry the nar-
rative forward. Stevenson's early years and
his family background briefly drawn, the
book goes on to describe the sociable young
attorney's sense of family tradition, his
growing interest in government, and even-
tually his acceptance of a post with the AAA
under Roosevelt in 1933.
After that, Stevenson shuttled between
his Chicago law practice and governmental
duty in Washington. A "major turning point
in his life" was his acceptance of a position
on Frank Knox's staff in 1940. On December
7, 1941, in Washington, a few hours before
the Pearl Harbor attack, he discussed with a
friend the offer of some Chicaogans to sup-
port him for the Senate against isolationist
Senator Brooks. But the war, of course, post-
poned his political career for some years.
Stevenson, the wartime diplomat at 44,
was, as Martin describes him, "urbane,
educated, adroit, an excellent speaker, one
of the bright youngish advisers in the first
rank below cabinet level."
In 1945, he became Stettinius' replacement

on the Executive Committee of the United
Nations Preparatory Commission. He served
in various offices later with the UN. A man
who observed him in London said, "He was
smooth as can be. I never saw a man handle
the Russians like he did." The late Sena-
tor Vandenberg wrote him dring this pe-
riod, "I am glad you are going to the Gen-
eral Assembly. I want you to know . . . I
put your name down as a 'must."'
* * *
WHEN STEVENSON was first brought into
the 1948 campaign by friends in Illi-
nois, it was as a candidate for the Senate.
However, Paul Douglas was reckoned as a
stronger Democratic possibility for this of-
fice, and Stevenson was, at length, per-
suaded to switch his ambition to the gov-
ernorship. A pessimistic staff listened to re-
turns on election night: when the final re-
turns were in, however, it was clear the ap-
parently unbeatable Green machine had lost
to Stevenson by 572,000 votes, helping Tru-
man carry the state as well.
Sypathetic newspapers proclaimed a new
era when Stevenson was elected, and as
Martin points out, "It would be surprising
if an administration begun in such high
hopes did not disappoint." Remarkably,
however, Stevenson's triumphs through-
out his administration always seemed to
. count for more than his defeats. Of the
latter, there were 'many, largely because
he was hamstrung by a Republican legisla-
ture. When two of his favorite bills were
blocked, he said to a friend, "I'm dis-
couraged. I sometimes wonder if I can
keep turning down deals. How am I go-
ing to do anything useful?" But he didn't
mean it. He made no deal, and although
his bills were defeated, he salvaged a
compromise act in both situations.
In rejecting a loyalty oath bill, Steven-
son wrote:
"Does anyone seriously think that a real
traitor will hesitate to sign a loyalty oath?
Of course not. Really dangerous subversives
and saboteurs will be caught by careful,
constant, professional investigation, not by
pieces of paper. ...
We must fight traitors with laws. We al-
ready have the laws. We must fight false-
hood and evil ideas with truth and better
ideas. We have them in plenty. But we must
not confuse the two. Laws infringing our
rights and intimidating unoffending persons
without enlarging our security will neither
catch subversives nor win converts to our
better ideas. And in the long run, evil ideas
can' be counteracted and conquered not by
laws, but only be better ideas."
In the Alger Hiss case, Stevenson once
told a group of reporters after outlining the
facts behind his now famous deposition:
"And I would say this-I am a lawyer,
and I think that it is the duty of all the
citizens and particularly of lawyers .. .
to give testimony in a court of law, hon-
estly and willingly. And I think it will be a.
very unhappy day for Anglo-Saxon justice
when a man in public life is too timid to'
state what he knows or has heard about
a defendant in a criminal case for fear
that the defendant would be ultimately
convicted. That is the ultimate timidity."
The rest of Stevenson's rise is fairly well-
known. Of the convention draft in July,
Martin makes his single flat statement of
the book: "I am convinced that Sevenson's
reluctance to run in 1952 was genuine."
He concludes with a brief outline of
Stevenson's outlook today, perhaps most
impressed with what he calls the Gover-
nor's "very deep sense of security." It
is this sense, Martin believes, which "un-
derlies his belief in the inviolability of
the individual. His respect for the indi-
vidual is more than a political idea; it is a
personal article of faith."
As John Martin has apparently learned, it
is difficult to remain unsusceptible to Adlai
Stevenson. In creating this brief and reluc-
tantly parital portrait of the Governor, a
modern police reporter, having lighted his
lamp, believes he has illuminated the face
of an honest man.
-Bill Wiegand

--Daily-Bill Hampton
"Really, son, companionship is the essence of the fraternity sys-
tem ... serenades, bull sessions, Arb parties ..." ,


Associated Press News Analyst
usually likes to leave defense of his own
acts to others, and it has taken him a long
time to get around to explaining his 1950
speech which left Korea outside what he
called the' American defense perimeter in
the Pacific. This has been put down by
many observers as the greatest mistake of
his administration. The Republicans have
sought to make political capital of it.
Acheson attributes the whole business
first to misconception and then to distor-
tion of what he was talking about. He says
for one thing that he was talking about
the line which America would defend re-
gardless of what other nations did, and
that for another thing he warned that the
peace-loving nations would have to take
joint action if aggression occurred in other
Asiatic areas.
It wasn't up to the United States to keep
troops in Korea and assume responsibility
for its defense, he says.
And he says this evaluation was based
upon military considerations, in which
Gen. Eisenhower concurred.
Well, the secretary has rationalized the
1950 situation in a way. The removal of
American troops from Korea had occurred
earlier, in connection with a United Na-
tions resolution to which Russia also
agreed. The trouble was that Russia had
established a relatively strong military force
in North Korea, governed by her puppets,
whereas the United States had ignored the
effect of this on the future of South Korea.
The U. S. made a feeble effort to start
a defense machine in South Korea, but
even as border clashes became more and
more serious, important field arms were
withheld from the new little republic. It
was common talk among men in high posi-
tion that this was done in fear that thej
South Koreans, if properly armed, might
take it into their heads to try for unifica-
tion of the country by military means, just
as the North Koreans finally did.
Whether Acheson so intended it or not,
his 1950 speech was ,open to the inter-
pretation which it received in Moscow.
That it was open is incontrovertible, be-
cause this column, and other observers,
pointed out the possibility of this inter-
pretation at the time.
Impartial observers, of course, have never
believed that blame for this sort of thing, or
for many other things that happened dur-
ing the postwar period when America was
trying to get out of the military business,
could be tra ed to any one man or group of
men. It was part of a national frame of

WASHINGTON-General Eisenhower's income taxes, when and if
* published, will contain some small and interesting enterprises
that the public doesn't know about. There's nothing wrong about
them, but the public doesn't ordinarily think of a five-star General
investing in a lipstick company or a restaurant.
However, Eisenhower has a stock interest in the "Charm-
More" company which puts out lipsticks. He was one of the
original investors when the company was first organized.
He also owns part of a Howard Johnson restaurant in Washing-
ton, D.C. George Allen, the former White House jester, got Ike into
this deal, along with another famous Democrat, Ed. Pauley, the big
California oil man. The restaurant is located in downtown Wash-
Ike also has his farm in Gettysburg, which he bought through
George Allen.
Only embarrassing thing in Ike's income tax returns in addition
to the generous capital gains tax which the Treasury let him pay on
the $1,000,000 received on his book, is an exemption on his house
received while President of Columbia.
In 1948 the General wrote the Treasury asking that his house,
plus 12 servants and upkeep not be considered as income since he
was required by the university to live there. The Treasury ruled
in his favor, gave him tax exemption on his Columbia expenses.
In contrast, the Treasury has balked at letting waiters, waitresses,
bellhops, chamber-maids, who also may have to live in hotels, deduct
their meals and lodging. These must be treated as taxable income,
except under certain circumstances.
For instance, waiters in restaurants do not have to treat as in-
come a noon-day luncheon served while they are on duty; but cannot
deduct dinner at the end of the day if served to them when their
work is over.
Nurses who have to live in hospitals were finally given more
favorable treatment than waiters, though only after a long Treasury
wrangle; whereas Eisenhower got his ruling without any trouble.
The man who gave him the rulings on both the book, which
saved him about $500,000, and the house at Columbia was Charles
Oliphant, who resigned after bitter criticism by Republican Con-
Note-At Columbia, Eisenhower received his regular Army pay of
$15,751, plus three aides or stenographers, plus a car, in addition to
Columbia University remuneration
THE EISENHOWER train is far better organized than Governor
Stevenson's entourage. Little is left to chance around Eisenhower,
especially the advance men who precede the train with banners, signs
and even balloons.
In contrast, the Stevenson party hasn't even arranged for
hotel reservations.
The fact that most of the advisers around the Democratic candi-
date are Harvard graduates caused Mike Reilly, former White House
secret service man now guarding Stevenson, to remark:
"Harvard is going to have to start a new course-how to select
a Presidential candidate.'"
* * * *
THERE WAS some frantic backstage manipulating aboard the
Eisenhower train as it rolled into Maryland. The General had been
tipped off that Edward Grammer, on trial for murdering his wife,
then putting her in a runaway automobile, would try to subpoena
Eisenhower as a character witness.
This started some urgent telegrams to Maryland authorities be-
ginning at 3 a.m. Finally, Maryland's secretary of state dug up an
old law which held that a man need not testify as a character witness
if he signed an affidavit that he didn't know the defendant. Eisen-
hower promptly signed such an affidavit and quit worrying about

CLC Meeting...
To the Editor
ONE OF the most distressing
events of our time is the
breakdown in many areas of our
basic liberties. To even the most
casual observer the development
of McCarthyism, the emphasis on
loyalty oaths, and on our own
campus the existence of a Lecture
Committee are a shocking indica-
tion of this.
Last year a group of students
who felt strongly about these
trends organized the Civil Liber-
ties Committee whose aim is the
preservation and promotion of
academic freedom and civil liber-
ties. Membership is open to all
students, the only limitation be-
ing that a member be consistent
in defense of civil liberties in all
aspects and all places.
The major concern of the Civil
Liberties Committee last year was
with the banning of speakers on
campus by the Lecture Commit-
tee. The group felt that students
should still retain their right to
hear speakers of their choice. The
Civil Liberties Committee initiated
a referendum at the student elec-
tions, the result of which indi-
cated that students were over-
whelmingly opposed to the exist-
ence of the Lecture Committee.
Though no action has been taken
by the Regents, it is hoped that
they will give careful considera-
tion to the student body's wishes.
Another area in which the Civil
Liberties Committee has been ac-
tive in helping to plan a legal
counseling service which would
provide foreign students on cam-
pus with counseling service on the
extent of their rights and obli-
gations before the law while they
are in America.
Nationally, the Civil Liberties
Committee has taken a stand op-
posing McCarthyism and legisla-
tion that tends to weaken aca-
demic freedom and civil liberties.
This Thursday, October 2, at
7:30 p.m. in the Union the Civil
Liberties Committee is going to
meet for the first time this semes-
ter. The group will decide what
course it hopes to follow for the
coming year. It is hoped that all
those who are sincerely concerned
with the persent dangers to our
liberties will attend.
-Joe favin, Chairman,
Civil Liberties Committee
* * *
Stevenson Club .. .
To theEditor:
TONIGHT'S meeting of Students
for Stevenson will mark a
quick transition for this new or-
ganization. From an embryonic
group, mainly unorganized, will
emerge students prepared to work
for Stevenson as effectively as
possible. This is the meeting at
which our organization will be
completed, committees formed,
chairmen picked and the program
of action outlined. It is a meeting
that those who wish to do more
than just talk about Stevenson
should attend, along with those
who wish to be able to talk more
effectively about him.
It is Stevenson's tacit premise,
along withmany other things,
that has attracted me to his
ranks, and I believe it will attract
others, especially students. That is
the premise that an election can
be conducted in an intelligent
manner, presenting the problems
and proposed solutions. Underly-
ing this is the idea that the elec-
torate is entitled to be treated as
if they had somendegree of brain
power and are not a batch of
To support this premise, work
must be done. On campus, it will
start at 8 p.m. tonight in Rm 3R
of the Union.
-Mr. and Mrs. Al Blumrosen
b *. *

Lunn & Labor ...
To the Editor:
HARRY LUNN'S recent self-
styled warning to labour brings
out the conceptions and miscon-
ceptions of both conservative and
liberal American opinion. The
framework within which all their
thinking occurs is that our two
party system is fine and dandy,
that labour should remain neutral
and let the bosses choose their
friends. He pointed out that gov-
ernment is now shaping labour's
destiny (he rightly assumes that
labour is not government and that
therefore a non-labour, a minori-
ty of Americans, are ruling the
majority). He gingerly mentions
that a certain minority of right
wing AFL members have moved to
the right in backing Ike, but that
they too should remember Gom-
per's theory and remain neutral.
For obvious reasons, the GOP
could never garner labour's back-
ing, but labour has made the mis-
take of supporting the other exist-

bour had to accept, where else
could they go? .
What would happen if our la-
bour unions formed an independ-
ent political party now? A poll of
410 AFL and CIO leaders in May
1947 showed that 12 per cent of
AFL and 23 pe cent of the CIO
were actively in favor of it, while
another large percentage would
go along with it. After all they
have'nothing to lose. Standard Oil
and her sister companies still have
more weight in Washington than
all our unions. With over 16 mil-
lion organized labour members
and perhaps over twice that un-
organized, all of which makes for
a majority of American house-
holds, there is not a single working
man in Congress... .
Labour is faced with two politi-
cal parties whose differences are
only secondary. They have their
own bureaucratic bosses, the Dem-
ocratic party, and Stalinists all
trying to manipulate them and do-
ing their best to prevent any true
democratic labour movement from
progressing. Gompers is way out of
date, the economic struggles of
labour can not be separated from
the political struggle. Big business
has their two parties, why can't
labour? In the light of the contin-
ual American scene moving to the
right, it is now imeprative that we
generate the only large democratic
force in society that can prevent
fascism and bring us economic,
social and political advancement.
It is time American Labour made
their unions into a political party.
-Robert E. Mitchell
Freshman Humor...
To the Editor:
A1,TE RATTENDING the fresh..
man lectures- in the Natural
Science Auditorium and viewing
the extremely disrespectful con-
duct of the audience, a question,
a somewhat frightening question,
has arisen in my mind. It is this:
How did this caliber of student
gain admittance into the Univer
sity of Michigan? I am speakig
of the caliber which finds any-
thing dealing with the word "sex"
a subject of gleeful laughter and
of the caliber which is so brazen
and so indecent as to throw wads
of paper and bits of metal at the
speaker from far back in the au-
ditorium. It is puzzling to a fresh-
man who feels fortunate in being
here and who has been told that
not just anyone can go to the
University of Michigan.
This brings to mind a similar
situation that existed in some of
the theatres of Shakespearian
England. Because some of the
commoners at the theatre could
not comprehend a classical play,
they frequently became abusive to
those acting. To remedy this
trouble, bits of extraneous, usually
suggestive humor were interspers-
ed; or else an extra jester or tw
was employed.
The freshmen were discontented
with what was being said; there-
fore, they became abusive. Unfor-
tunately, there was no jester to
keep them quiet; but they did
find some juicy tidbits to pervert
into lewd humor; and then they
all had a good belly-laugh.
If the speaker had walked out
in the middle of his lecture, he
would have been undeniably jus-
tified. It was that bad. Is this the
upper 33 per cent of all the high
school classes?
-Callidus A. Notations






The Financial Soul-Searching


WASHINGTON-The spate of Stevenson-
Sparkman material on their personal
finances and political funds is in carefully
calculated contrast to the emotional TV ac-
counting of Senator Nixon.
The sleeper, of course, is the income-tax
returns which the Democratic candidates
are making public. The implied challenge
to General Eisenhower-and Senator Nixon
is plain. What is not quite so clear is
whether the public will vehemently sup- .
port the policy of such disclosures.
Every attempt made so far in Congress
to press for full publicity in matters of this
kind has died a-borning. Too timid to
legislate themselves the salaries they admit
they need in Washington, members of the
House and Senate have protected each oth-
er from public revelation of the expedients
most of them adopt.
They have gotten away with it because
the public did not seem much interested,
possibly because for many Americans the
present congressional salary of $12,500 plus
$2,500 seems adequate. Yet students of gov-

his story in such minute detail. Once he be-
came convinced that he could not stand by
his original reticence with respect to the
funds he used to attract better and bright-
er people into the state government of Illi-
nois, he insisted upon telling all.
Whether his hope of showing clearly the
difference between his operations and Sena-
for Nixon's will be realized remains to be
seen. He feels they are poles apart. His ma-
jor reason for exposing his tax returns is
to show nothing contributed to his cam-
paign or his special funds saved him any
money whatever, in any way, shape or form.
It is being said at Democratic head-1
quarters that should Governor Stevenson
be elected, this whole matter of political
expenses, salaries, etc., will appear in a
challenging message to Congress with pro-
posals for remedial action.
Some politicos do not believe the issue can
or should be kept alive during the cam-
paign. Both parties, they think, have been
hurt and should retire it.
It seems unlikely that this will happen. A

Sixty-Third Year
Edited and managed by students of
the University of Michigan under the
authority of the Board in Control of
Student Publications.
Editorial Staff
Crawford Young ......Managing Editor
Cal Samra.........Editorial Director
Zander Hollander ......Feature Editor
Sid Klaus......Associate City Editor
Harland Britz........Associate Editor
Donna Hendleman ....Associate Editor
Ed Whipple........:.... Sports Editor
John Jenks ... Associate Sports Editor
Dick Seweli ....Associate Sports Editor
Lorraine Butler . ......Women's Editor
Mary Jane Mills, Assoc. Women's Editor
Business Staff
Al Green ...........Business Manager
Milt Goetz .......Advertising Manager
Diane Johnston ...Assoc. Business Mgr.
Judy Loehnberg.. Finance Manager
Tom Treeger...Circulation Manager

* A *


FRIENDS OF Senator Kem of Missouri are planning a last-min-
ute sneak attack on Stuart Symington, now running against Kem for
the Senate. They will charge that Symington was once convicted for
stealing an automobile in Baltimore.
Of course, politics can be pretty dirty. But the real facts are
that Symington, when seventeen years old, went for a ride with
two other boys in a car belonging to their next-door neighbor.
That was in the days when there weren't so many automobiles.


Back to Top

© 2023 Regents of the University of Michigan