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- THE MICHIGAN DAILY
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1952.
Stalemate in Korea
Sacredt Cow
YOU CAN PAY your money and take your
choice as far as the final outcome of the
truce talks in Korea is concerned. Probably
never before in diplomatic history has there
been such a confusion of feints, charges and
countercharges, uncertainty, and, above all,
lack of even the slightest knowledge of the
opposing side's intentions.
Even the physi&l scene of the talks,
with little or no fraternization, is one to
discourage even the most incorrigible
optimist. Both sides arrive at the truce
site precisely on time, attempting to outdo
one another in military precision. Besides,
if they get there after the meeting starts,
they won't be able to get in the first word.
It has been quipped that with no end to
the negotiations in sight, a permanent struc-
ture should be built to replace the present
tent in which the talks take place.
In 'order for a truce to be declared, the
original negotiators decided when the talks
started seven months ago, that four points
must be cleared up:
1. A cease-fire line.
2. Means for safeguarding the truce.
3. Prisoner exchange.
4. Recommendations to governments.
To date, only the cease-fire line, to be
set up where. the battle line is, when a
truce is declared, has been determined. An
extra item was settled several days ago
when final agreement was reached on a
post-truce political conference insisted up-
on ;by the Reds. This ties in with the
fourth point and calls for a high level po-
litical meeting to consider "withdrawal of
all foreign forces from Korea, the peaceful
settlement of the Korean question, etc."
Aside from these rather encouraging agree-
ments, three major problems yet remain to
be settled-behind the lines inspection by a
neutral power, airfield construction, and pri-
soner exchange.
In a move the Communists probably knew
the UN would never agree to, Russia and
some of her satellites were suggested as the
countries to carry on truce supervision and
inspection. Countering, the Allies mentioned
several Western European nations on the
grounds that Russia "has a record of past
participation in Korea." Squabbling on this
touchy item may go on for months.
A FAR MORE crucial problem strategically
is airfield construction in North Korea
if a truce is declared. So far in the war, Red
strategic air-power has been a minor con-
sideration for the UN. Allied generals have
not had to consider the possibility of com-
municatipns and troop movements being in-
terfered with by low flying fighters.
If the Communists are allowed to build
up an air force in Korea within strategic
bombing range of the UN lines, it will up-
set the Allies' preponderance of power in
this field which has allowed them to play
havoc behind the enemy's lines. Also, quick
movements of troops to intercept enemy
attacks such as was used in the defense
of the UN bridgehead after the last major
Communist offensive will no longer be
possible.
Whether or not to allow voluntary repa-
triation is the snag clouding the prisoner
exchange picture. The UN has insisted that
individual prisoners of war be allowed to
choose between returning to the Reds or re-
maining with the Allies. Full excpange is de-
manded by the Communists who have lost
well over 100,000 men through capture.
Both sides have valid reasons for their
demands. The UN is not being guided by
humanitarian principles in demanding vol-
untary repatriation. A wholesale release of
close to 140,000 fighting men would bolster
depleted Red forces to the point where they
may decide to attack. In fact, that is prob-
ably why the Reds are against the UN plan,
since they feel that many prisoners, sick of
fighting and seizing a chance to stay out of
the war, will want to remain behind. In
addition, there is no precedent behind the
UN's demand.
It is difficult to analyze the purpose be-
hind the extended negotiations. An easy
compromise, at first glance, seems logical.
But most of the time, the Communists
have raised Allied hopes only to back away
from proposals. A stall on their part is
possible.
There may be several reasons for this.
The Chinese can be building up for an in-
vasion. And here again, the uncertainty that
has permeated the entire situation comes in.
The stall may be either to tie up UN forces
in Korea so that the Chinese can start an
invasion of tempting South-East Asia. or
they may be hedging while their forces are
being strengthened in Korea. The Chinese
have lost a considerable number of men and'
equipment and by' delaying negotiations
through the winter, they can build up
strength for a quick offensive once the
ground gets hard.
Another, although less likely, reason for
the delay is "orders from Moscow." Kor-
ean truce talks and charges by the Chinese
that the UN has repeatedly violated the
sanctity of the truce site with armed at-
tacks, has added much fuel to the Russian
peace offensive.
A more hopeful explanation from the UN's
point of view, is that there is dissension be-
tween Peking and Moscow. Russia probably
had South Korea invaded in the first place
to test U.S. policy. But the experiment back-
fired when the U.S. not only sent armed
forces but was catalyzed into speeding up
mobilization. However, the Russians, like
good strategists, may have sent the Chinese
in to sap the UN strength and tie its forces
-up so that attacks could be made elsewhere.
China had an easy time of it at first, but
then began to, fall back. No nation can lose
so many men without complaining, and
China has probably done so to the Kremlin.
ON THE OTHER SIDE of the coin, even
assuming that the Chinese are respon-
sible for the delay, the present stall has
turned out to be very convenient for the
U.S., and makes one wonder whether we are
doing everything in our power to effect a
settlement.
If peace is made with the Chinese, the
U.S. can no longer keep them out of the
UN by using the potent argument that
they are an aggressor and are trying to
shoot their way into the organization. In
addition, concluding a peace with China
would be tantamount to the recognition
which the U.S. has denied them. If it oc-
curred, this country could no longer say
that they are protecting the recognized
Nationalists on Formosa from an aggres-
sive power and thus'jeopardize our life-line
in the Pacific. The recognition of China
and their admission into the UN would be
more unpopular in an election year than a
new outbreak of hostilities, especially if
China was blamed.
To further understand Chinese uncer-
tainty of UN motives, one must consider that
when they entered the war, for all practical
purposes, an army of an organization (the
UN) led by the U.S., which refused to recog-
nize them and in the past aided their ene-
mies, the Nationalists, was threatening their
Manchurian border. It is only natural that
a nation go to war to defend the most highly
industrialized section of their country.
Perhaps the first ingredient to a solu-
tion of the Korean problem would be a
healthy pinch of willingness to compro-
mise. But apparently, both sides have rea-
sons to prolong negotiations, and if this
be true, no national compromise, even if
suggested, would ever be adopted.
How long it will continue is a question no
one can answer.
.-Jerry Helman
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ette J TO THE EDITOR
The Daily welcomes communications from its readers on matters of
general interest, and will publish all letters which are signed by the writer
and in good taste. Letters exceeding 300 words in length, defamatory or
libelous letters, and letters which for any reason are not in good taste will
be condensed, edited or withheld from publication at the discretion of the
editors.
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M A'f(ER OF FACT
By JOSEPH and STEWART ALSOP
Extended
Education
EXCESSIVE birth rate of the late
1940's and early 1950's has worried
many educators, and various plans have
been proposed to cope with the expected ov-
erflow of college students about 1960. But the
plan most advocated was voiced again last
week by President James B. Conant of Har-
vard University.
President Conant believes that instead
of expanding existing four-year colleges
to meet this overflow, high school pro-
grams should be extended and two-year
college courses be made "fashionable"
with a liberal arts degree conferred at the
conclusion. This would not mean elimi-
nating any of the existing four-year col-
leges, but merely building up more local
two-year colleges for those not going into
the professions. Programs in the two-year
colleges would be expanded along with
the high school programs.
The existing four-year colleges would then
be developed into institutions with high aca-
demic standards, and their curriculums ar-
ranged with the thought that a majority of
students in these colleges would go on to
professional training after three or four
years. Along with this, more scholarships
would be provided for the high school grad-
uates who intend to go into the professional
fields.
To carry out this program, President Lon-
ant urges steps to "create a climate of opin-
ion in which education beyond 18 years is
not considered a hallmark of respectability."
President Conant's idea of expanding
high school programs is a good one. This
should have been done long ago. Those
high school students preparing for col-
lege would be given a much better back-
ground than the majority of freshmen
now possess.
And the idea of expanding college curri-
culums is also a good one. Much could be
done to make the first two years of college
more beneficial.
But after this is done, coming to a com-
plete halt as President Conant suggests,
would be a step backwards. It usually takes
one or two years to get acclimated to a col-
lege, and to discover just, what one can
really gain and what one really wants. These
two years are the maturing years for the
average students, who find that they gain
most from college in their last two years.
Certainly few students would be ready to go
out into the world after only two years of
college life. Even the idea of expanding the
curriculums of the high schools and local
two-year colleges would add only to one's
intellectual learning and not to the maturity
and better understanding of goals that one
usually obtains after the first two years of
college.
If President Conant's plan were carried
out, the excessive number of students
might be taken care of, but only those
going on to the professions will really
benefit. Others will lose much of the col-
lege life by going to local colleges, and will
get a sparse two-year education also, even
though the curriculums will be expanded.
A much better idea would be to expand the
Romantic .Fire Trap
THE DRIED wooden partitions, floors,
joinsts and the open stairwell of the
Romance Language Building are invitations
to fire.,
Present conditions would turn that fire
into a major disaster
Because of the lack of classroom space
and of finances the administration has found
it impossible to tear down and replace the
ancient structure which the State Fire Mar-
shall has recommended for immediate raz-
ing.) However several elementary steps can
and should be taken to protect students and
faculty using the building.
The stairway is already packed to ca-
pacity by the crowds leaving the building
after each class hour. In the event of a fire
the crowding would be even worse; however
desks and benches are partially blocking this
only major exit. The other ground floor exit
has been blocked up for years by an office
and is no longer usable even in an emergency.
Moreover several of the bannisters are so
weak they can readily be shaken by hand.
Crowd pressure would break these, shoving
many off the stairway to their death or in-
jury.
The north fire escape is surrounded by
stacks of lumber and used forms fromh the
Angell Hall addition. These and the fences
along the north and west sides of the build.-
ing wo'ild seriously hinder any persons us-
ing that exit to escape a fire. '
A little time and work could easily cor-
rect the above conditions.
It would require more time and money to
correct the situation presented by the ex-
ternal fire escapes.
The fire escapes (one each at the north
and south ends of RL) are of the obsolete
ladder type. They cannot begin to handle the
number of people that would attempt to use
them if the central staircase were blocked by
fire. In a major conflagration they could
well be a cause of death or serious injury.
If the building is to be used for some time
(and it is doubtful that it can be replaced in
the next few years) the necessary expendi-
tures would be justified.
For the safety of students and faculty the
dangerous conditions now existing in the
Romance Languages Building must be cor-
rected as soon as possible.
-John Somers
WASHINGTON-The Democratic Party will be torn to pieces, if1
President Truman decides to run again. This conclusion is very
clearly suggested by the nature of the strategy decided upon at a re-;
cent meeing in Washington, attended by such Southern leaders as Gov.
James F. Byrnes of South Carolina, and Sens. Richard Russell of
Georgia and Harry Flood Byrd, of Virginia. Since this Southern stra-
tegy may well determine the outcome of the election, it is worth re-i
porting in some detail.
First, it was decided that there will definitely be an indepen-
dent Southern ticket, well-organized in advance, if Sen. Robert
A.Taft is nominated by the Republicans and President Truman
is renominated by the Democrats. The standard bearer of the
Southern revolt has not yet been picked. Byrnes and Byrd spent;
upwards of two hours trying to persuade Russell, one of the most
powerful and respected men in the Senate, to take on the job.
In the end, Russell refused, and this refusal is believed final.
Byrnes has also signified his refusal, and so has Byrd, who must;
run again for the Senate this year. Accordingly, a number of other
names, conspicuously including that of Gov. Alan Shivers of Texas,
are being canvassed. Whoever is finally chosen to head the Southern
ticket in case of a Taft-Truman race, the Southern leaders fully ex-
pect to capture at the very least seven or eight states for their ticket,
instead of the four taken by the Dixiecrats in 1948. The participation
in the current movement of such top Southern leaders as Byrnes and
Russell, who stayed away from the Dixiecrats, suggests that this is not,
an overestimate.
* *. *
THIS IS LIKELY to mean, moreover, a permanent, almost unhealable,{
infinitely bitter split in the Democratic Party. Such a powerful
Southern movement would also obviously immensely reduce Truman's
chances of taking the clear majority of the electoral vote, required by
the Constitution. But here it should be noted that it would not in-
crease Taft's chances of taking the needed majority, since t ese
Southern votes would go to a third candidate. Indeed, this Southern
strategy foreshadows the Constitutional nightmare of the election
being thrown into the House of Representatives.
If the Democrats nominate Stevenson, on. the other hand,
the Southerners do not now plan to bolt. This may seem myster-
ious, in view of the fact that Stevenson is just as committed as
Truman on the hated civil rights legislation. Actually, the civil
rights bills, which have no chance of passing anyway, are not the
real stimulus to a Southern bolt. The Southern revolt is actually
stimulated instead, by the accumulated political frustrations and
personal animosities of Truman's seven years in office. As one
Southerner put it, "Stevenson has one great asset 'in the South-
his name is not Truman."
In case of an Eisenhower-Truman race, some very shrewd South-
erners very seriously believe that Eisenhower, who has extraordinary
personal popularity in the South, would take a whole slew of Southern
states running on the straight Republican ticket. This obviously poses
a problem for the Southern leaders, since it might endanger their
local party tickets. Thus the Southern strategists are seriously con-
sidering organizing a "Democrats for Eisenhower" movement, rather
than a straight Dixiecrat operation with a third candidate.
DEMOCRATIC TICKETS would stand, under this arrangement, with.
local candidates running as Democrats. But Eisenhower would head
the ticket. Preliminary spadework for this sort of operation is already
under way in Alabama and elsewhere. The difficulty is, of course, that
this might split the pro-Eisenhower vote between "Democrats for Eis-
enhower" and the straight Republican vote. However, provided this
danger can be overcome, and provided also that Eisenhower does not
favor compulsory fair employment legislation-which he almost cer-
tainly will not-the Southern leaders give Eisenhower an odds-on-
chance of capturing in his own name most of the Southern electoral
votes from Truman.
No final strategy has been determined in case of a contest
between Eisenhower and Stevenson or any other Democratic can-
didate. But obviously in this situation there would be less chance
of organizing a successful "Democrats for Eisenhower" ticket, al-
though Eisenhower might well still break into the South, especially
into the border states.
This strength in the normally solid south is, of course, one of
Eisenhower's most important hard political assets. For the South's
146 electoral votes are entirely likely to decide the outcome this year.
Taft cannot hope to break into this vote, as even his most fervent
Southern admirers agree, whereas Eisenhower can. This asset is
something which the Republican professionals, who are after all in-
terested above all in winning the election, are undoubtedly bearing
well in mind. Meanwhile, Harry Truman himself, who is nothing if
not a loyal party man, must also be earnestly considering whether it
is worth tearing his party apart, in order to try again for an office
he does not very greatly enjoy.
(Copyright, 1952, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.)
'All-American' Rangers
To the Editor:
'M a senior now, but when I was;
still in high school I read ail
kinds of articles about' fraterni-
ties and how bad and undemo-
cratic they are. After all this is
America and that kind of stuff
doesn't go here.
So when I first came to Michi-
gan I knew what the score was.
I sat back and found it was all
true. These guys get into a fra-
ternity and right away every-
thing is for "thehouse" and noth-
ing else. They have all kinds of
athletic teams andveverything is
"do or die" for that team.
I have to admit that they may
give good parties, but, then, they
pay extra for them.
The worst thing, though, is
rushing. Everything is false and
fraternity men walk around pick-
ing out just who they want-real
undemocratic.
But those frat songs they sing
are the straw that broke the
camel's back.
Well, I lived in the Quad for a
while, but I couldn't stand it. So
finally I hit upon an idea which
worked out swell. About 15 of my
quad buddies and I moved into
an old house we rented. We en-
tered a couple of teams in the IM
competition and had a great time.
We called ourselves theRangers,
and soon everyone started calling
us that.
After a while we figured out a
way where we could serve meals
in our house, and soon we were
all eating and living right there!
We really had tremendous spirit--
we would do anything for each
other. We even had a whole mot-
to and coat of arms designed, and
we ordered a special ring made up
and some fancy T-shirts with our
crest on them.
Pretty soon we began having
such a good time that we started
giving parties and making an
assessment for each party.
We even made up a whole col-
lection of songs just about us, the
Rangers.
With a lot of fellows leaving
each year, we decided to pick new
fellows to replace the ones gradu-
ating. There were a whole lot who
wanted to join, but we just picked
the ones we wanted. It may seem
kind of rough on the ones that
don't make it, but after all we
can only take a certain number
and since we have to live with
the guys, we might as well take
the ones we think are tops. Be-
sides, if you can't pick your own
friends it really wouldn't be
American, would it?
Yes, we really have a great or-
ganization. You frat guys could
profit from all this if you'd only
realize what false and undemo-
cratic places you have. I know
that I certainly am glad that I
never joined a fraternity-but like
I said before, I knew what the
score was right from the start.
N -Bob Siegel
Answer to Frats .. .
To the Editor:
IN Sunday's paper Mr. Lunn list-
ed three advantages of frater-
nity living. He pointed out that
they were lacking in the Quads.
Well, here's one independent's
views concerning those three ad-
vantages:
1. Fellowship. In a Quad there
is a greater opportunity to find
and select the friends one desires
-in a fraternity one's choice is
rather limited and binding.
2. Superior living standards. The
several fraternities I have visited
overnight were places where
everyone dumped clothes and
books on the most convenient and
dusty parts of the floor. As for
food-it was tolerable, but the
filthy, antiquated kitchens gave
my stomach a few dubious turns.
As for the beds, I'll take my Holly-
wood bed at South Quad anytime.
3. Self-government. Can you or
I really be free of authoritarian-
ism? Is there any place on earth
that works smoothly and effici-
ently that doesn't have rules, obli-
gations, limitations?
Quads are just what the men
living in them make them. Each
individual determines whether the
dormitory will be a series of in-
sufferable or pleasant experiences.
I doubt whether the incessant
Complainer in the dormitory ever
changes when he~ moves into a
fraternity or rooming house. I sus-
pect he will spend the rest of his
life complaining.
Life today is recognized to be
complex. This is no longer the
age of isolated groups. Just as one
fails to get the 20th century out-
look in a small college, one will
fail to comprehend today's highly
organized and demanding life by
living in a fraternity with a small
group of "select" friends. If you
cannot make a success out of liv-
ing in the Quad system, you're
going to have a tough time coping
with a lot of things you will meet
after graduation.
-Roy Wilson
The Silent Beavers...
To the Editor-
CAL Samra-as a journalist--
owes the Young Democrats
on this campus a letter of apology.
As an alleged Democrat himself,
he owes it to himself to look at the
record.
Headlines and front page news
stories have rarely gone to the
Democrats. Elections, on the other
hand, have. I am just one of
those naive persons who still
thinks that theslatter is more
important.
Elections are not won in the
newspapers. They are won at the
grass roots level-and that is
where yo will find the Young
Democrats working-hard!
In December, the Young Demo-
crats of this campus helped in
preparing for a two-day political
workshop, held at Haven Mills,
near' Pontiac. We didn't make the
headlines, but we certainly
learned a lot about how to win
elections. On February 2nd, the
Y.D.'s of Michigan joined the
Women's Organization of the
state in sponsoring a Keynote Day
in Detroit, inviting speakers like
Kefauver, McKinney, Moody, Wil-
liams, and others. There were no
headlines, but the practical exper-
ience gained was well worth our
while.
The Young Democrats have al-
ways felt that hard work is the
best way to win an election.
Events have proved them to be
right for 20 years.
Having speakers is all well and
good, and you may be well assured
that when the time comes, the
Young Democrats will have their
share. Right now we have plenty
to do besides bickering over who
should invite whom to campus to
speak on a "non-political" topic.
We will be ringing doorbells,
canvassing, telephoning, and do-
ing a hundred and one other jobs
which are necessary, and we in-
vite the up-and-coming Mr. San
ra to join us. He may not get his
name in the paper, but he will
have the satisfaction of learn-
ing t h at journalistic jargon
never won an election for any-
body. And while he is learning
this, he may regain the friendship
of that loyal band of people who
are still very proud and honored
to bear the title of DEMOCRAT!
--James Orford
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Dewey's Aspirations
WASHINGTON-It is by now generally
recognized that the Eisenhower band-
wagon is on the ramshackle side with more
drivers than passengers. Adding to the dis-
hevelment, all aboard are singing by ear.
The public Taft taunt is that the Eisen-
hower forces have no campaign manager,
no organization and no candidate. This is
not wholly true but too close for comfort.
Privately the Taft operatives say that they
are getting the concrete proposition that
hurts, as distinguished from Eisenhower pro-
motion, only from the old Dewey profession-
als. This experienced cadre has carved up
the senator from Ohio rather neatly in sev-
era locales, including Oklahoma.
It is handicapped by orders to operate
undercover, a concession to the widely held
assumption that Governor Dewey is bad
news within the party. The trade assumesj
also that Governor Dewey, if not General
Eisenhower, is keeping a careful record of
the Dewey services to the cause.
Hence the frequent question: "What
does Dewey want?" The New York Gov-
ernor, who probably never again will count
his chickens before they are hatched, isn't
talking. His actions, however, are talking
for him.
They indicate that Dewey is ready to be-
come General Eisenhower's Secretary of
State if a victorious Eisenhower twists his
similar to NATO. This made a nice punchy
headline and it sounded fair enough, su-
perficially, to insist that the Pacific be
treated like the Atlantic.
Those actually responsible for Far East
decisions quickly pointed, however, to cer-
tain stubborn facts which Governor Dewey
either did not know or airily ignored. For
example, Dewey recognizes Chiang as the
legal government of Formosa; Australia and
New Zealand will not sign a Pacific pact
with Chiang. The South Koreans will hard-
ly sign one calling for less than the integra-
tion of Korea.
These and related dilemmas are of course
well knswn to the Department's Far Eastern
trouble shooter and author of the Japanese
Treaty, John Foster Dulles. Dulles has been
Dewey's foreign-polcy mentor. It is a nice
question whether he still is, at least as of
the occasion of the Pacific speech.
Washington has been assuming that
Dulles had fairly earned the post of Sec-
retary of State from any Republican in-
ternationalist president who wants con-
tinuity in foreign policy. A close friend
and adviser of the late Senator Vanden-
berg, Dulles has scrupulously maintained
his fences with Republicans on the hill,
He consulted them before he agreed to
Mr. Truman's request to fly to Japan and
reassure its government, following the sud-
Sixty-Second Year
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Mr. O'Malley! And Gus the Ghost! And
the invisible Leprechaun! You didn't go
away! Even though I'm six years old-
But we're on ou to6d bye, little boy.
way. Your Fairy ... Come, McSnoyd-
Godfather had to No windy
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