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January 10, 1952 - Image 4

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Michigan Daily, 1952-01-10

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'lliicu6l)A2, 3A.NUAIii 10, IvaZ

I________________________________________________________________________________ I

Ike as a Candidate





statement to the effect that he would
accept the Republican nomination for the
Presidency of the United States if it was
offered him came as a surprise to no one, it
is of importance since it removes all ele-
ment of doubt on the subject and officially
places in the race a candidate who appears
stronger than any other mentioned.
Many responsible and respected com-
mentators on the contemporary political
scene, throughout the nation, have ex-
pressed the idea that the General is the
onx individual suited to hold the coun-
try s highest office. Although there are
some good reasons for assuming that Eis-
enhower might make a competent chief
executive it is essential that we main-
tain a rational attitude and not be swept
away by the emotional impact of the pre-
sent Ike boom or the sound of a popular
hero's name.
General Eisenhower is reputed to be a man
of character and intelligence. It must be
said for him that everything he has done, he
has done well. In respect to his qualifications
for the presidency, however, it cannot be
denied that his scope has been limited. To
hold public office in the United States is to
hold a job with unique complexities quite
different from those faced by a military
leader, foreign administrator or college
president. Our most responsible public fig-
ures have informed us time and again that
experience is essential in a competent pub-
lic officer. Eisenhower has had no experience
in civilian politics.
It was his success as a military strategist
and leader that originally brought Eis-
enhower to the public's attention. In con-
sidering his qualifications for the presi-

dency, however, his military accomplish-
ments count as nil. History shows us that
expert militarists need not make compe-
tent executives in a democracy. Ike sup-
porters point to the 'Eisenhower foreign
policy' as the great factor in his favor.
But it must be considered that what the
General has been doing in Europe is mere-
ly competently carrying into operation the
Truman-Acheson-Marshall foreign policy.
Eisenhower's preoccupation with the prob-
lems of the world have given him little time
to ponder domestic issues. It is said that he
is conservative and anti-socialist, but this
hardly amounts to a positive declaration of
policy. It is hard to conceive how we can
make up our minds about the man until we
learn how he feels on such all-important
matters as farm subsidies, labor legislation,
civil rights action, national health insur-
ance, federal aid to education and public
The3 present administration has been
subject to much criticism and has been
widely accused of ineptitude and weak-
ness, often without consideration of the
fact that it has faced with a fair degree
of success some of the most trying prob-
lems ever to perplex human minds. While
it is true that the time is always ripe for
a change, the change must be one for the
We must keep in mind that there are no
easy solutions for our problems. In a demo-
cracy we cannot depend upon a strong 'man
on a horse' to lead us out of our difficulties.
Both our past experiences and the experi-
ences of other democracies substantiate this
-David J. Kornbluh

The Iron Curtain

THE UNFORTUNATE position in which
the United States now finds itself of
helplessly handing over $120,000 to little
Hungary to ransom four interned airmen
makes necessary a realistic adjustment of
American policy towards its citizens who
venture behind the Iron Curtain.
Under the circumstances, the decision
to bail out the lost flyers was inevitable.
The insidious precedent had been set last
April when $70,000,000 in art treasures
were handed over and diplomatic conces-
sions were made to the same Hungar-
ians to free businessman Robert Vogeler,
convicted of being a "spy."
With this precedent, combined with the
far greater moral responsibility a govern-
ment has to its service men captured on a
military mission, the obligation to pay the
bribe was obvious.
Equally obvious is the necessity to take
firm steps to prevent any repetition of these
incidents. In dealing with this type of in-
ternational blackmail, our hands are tied--
there are virtually no diplomatic reprisals
we can effect.
Retaliation in kind is impossible under
our constitution and judicial traditions.
Ending diplomatic relations loses for us
another invaluable listening post behind the

Iron Curtain-which seems more of a loss
than the moral value of the dramatic dis-
play of indignation is worth at this time.
Sabre-rattling would hold too many dangers
of igniting a shooting war.
The only other diplomatic action possible,
aside from such minor actions as; closing
consulates, seems to be filing a complaint
with the UN. However, the only likely re-
sult there would be an innocuous tsk! tsk!
What must be made clear is that there
will be no further ransomings of any kind.
Non-diplomatic personnel must realize
that they venture into Red territory at
their own risk. American military planes
should not fly behind the Iron Curtain
unless on a military mission which justi-
fies the risk of losing the personnel-and
in that case servicemen should realize that
henceforth capture by the Communists
may mean imprisonment without ransom.
It is dubious whether Vogeler should have
beenbought out in the first place-parti-
cularly in light of his recent statements.
But now that this and the latest ransomings
are fait accompli, a new, cold-blooded policy
is needed to prevent an interminable succes-
sion of these incidents.
-Crawford Young

THE MANY people (like me) who bat-
tled their way through the weather to
New York to see Olivier and Leigh do Caesar
and Cleopatra and Antony and Cleopatra
expecting one of their lives' greatest the-
atrical experiences, disappointment was
probably inevitable. I suspect that even those
who approached the dramatic tandem with
maturer expectations had reason to be dis-
The first evening's entertainment is de-
ceptively promising. The two plays are
treated as a unity with Shaw's work point-
ed and subordinated to Shakespeare's.
Since this unity is sensed immediately,
one finds a peculiar delight in the some-
what unorthodox treatment of Shaw it
produces. The most startling facet of this
treatment is Olivier's portrayal of Caesar.
Shaw tends to slight that side of Caesar's
nature that made him a big-time Roman
gangster and tough; Olivier neglects it al-
together. His Caesar is an impishly amor-
ous Socrates philosophizing above events-
his apparent apathy to them not a tool of
of action (as Shaw would seem to have it)
but a genuine disinterest in the mechan-
ics of life . . .. a characteristic not likely
in a world conqueror.
However inconsistent the interpretation is
with preconceived historical notions of Jul-
ius Caesar, master of the world, it is the-
atrically gratifying. Not a small part of the
enjoyment is derived from a sort of flip-
pant stage-confidence on Olivier's part, a
quality seen in its quintessence in Tallu-
lah Bankhead's incursions into the theater
and that was, I am told, a feature in the
technique of John Barrymore. The attitude
would suggest disrespect if it were not for
the fact that, from the first, it is clear that
respect is being saved for Shakespeare.
Miss Leigh was, in my mind, much better
as the apprentice queen than the Empress
of the Nile. She did not achieve a memorable
interpretation, but she was very much first-
rate. Robert Helpmann was interesting as
Apollodorus because he is Robert Helpmann,
otherwise I didn't find him any better than
the rest of the cast which was professional
but not overwhelming.
After the elaborate preparation, "An-
tony and Cleopatra" was less than it
should have been. The very first thing you
were aware of was the fact that Laurence
Olivier is a superbly versatile actor, but
fast upon this impression came the uneasy
awareness that great technique sometimes
equates with insincerity-as it did here.
There were some splendid exceptions-the
first meeting of the triumvirate being the
most notable-but in general one's admir-
ation for Olivier was an appreciation of
excellence, not the moving empathy that
a tragic actor must elicit.
Vivien Leigh's Cleopatra covered the emo-
tional range of Shakespeare's heroine an
impressive accomplishment), but each sta-
tion of that glorious gamut was an entity in
itself. Never did it seem that her complexity
or intensity came from within. The actress
was there, but not the woman. (Miss Leigh
is reported to have said that she felt she
should have studied the role five or six years
before giving it on the stage. Before'seeing
the play I felt this an example of exagger-
ated modesty, but I now believe she under-
stood the role's profundity more' completely
than those who scoffed at her statement).
Everyone has praised Lady Olivier's extra-
ordinary beauty. In the tradition of Daily
critics, I would like to cavil at that widely
held view. She is indeed surpassingly beau-
tiful, but my mental picture of the serpent
of the Nile includes a sensuality that Miss
Leigh's delicate and regal beauty emphati-
cally denies-even when she is capably act-
ing the seductress.
The best performance of the evening
(this was the Saturday evening perform-
ance of the first week, so that it should
not have been, though it might have been,
an "off night") was that by Robert Help-

mann. His Octavius was genuine. Olivier
was a better actor (and a less self-con-
scious one) while he was on the stage. The
best moments of the play were due, I felt,
directly or indirectly to him.
The rest of the cast seemed not to like
Shakespeare. For this and many, many
other weaknesses I blame Michael Bent-
hall's directing. The fat role of Enobarbus
and most of the play's poetry, which uni-
fies an otherwise sprawling plot, never came
across. Much of it could just not be heard.
Most of the subordinates walked about the
stage like supernumeraries practicing their
lines before the director arrived. The feel-
ing is, he never did.
The circular revolving stage was a tri-
umph. No attempt at "reality" was made,
the actors often striding across the re-
volving circle as it rotated from one scene
to the next. I believe the bare sym-
bolism of the settings placed each scene
immediately for those very familiar with
the play. And I believe everyone would
have been satisfied with the plan if the
actors had not mumbled lines in which
Shakespeare clarifies the location.
Because so much was promised and so
much was possible, the failings were keenly
disappointing and almost inevitably over-
shadowed the successes. Perhaps the great-
est of these disappointments was the feeling
that Shakespearehnd hPnn at dow vn


Washington MerryGoRoufd

WASHINGTON-The backers of General of the Army Dwight D.
Eisenhower have got their man in the race-but not, it must be
added, in quite the way they had hoed. The wanted the General to
become a fighting candidate later on. Instead, they have got an avow-
ed, available and firmly Republican candidate now, but at the price of
his aloofness from the dust and sweat of the pre-convention struggle.
The story that ended with Gen. Eisenhower's Monday state-
ment indicating the attitude above-outlined, casts considerable
light on the status of his candidacy. It begins at the time when his
backers organized themselves under the chairmanship of Sen.
Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, when they soon discovered
three unpleasant facts.
First, the rival organization of Sen. Robert A. Taft, which is cer-
tainly the largest, the most powerful and the most plentifully finan-
ced pre-convention organization ever seen in this country, had been
doing a considerably more effective job than was supposed.
Second, the professional Republican politicians all over the
country hankered so strongly for one of their own kind, symboliz-
ed by Sen. Taft, that they were prepared to take considerable risks
in choosing the nominee.
Third, President Truman's progressive loss of strength, owing to
the corruption issue and other factors, was persuading the profession-
al Republican politicians that the risk of nominating Sen. Taft might
not be so great after all. Thus the prospective Postmasters and Col-
lectors of Internal Revenue were more and more inclined to follow
their fancy into the Taft camp.
* * * *
THE IMPACT OF these three facts in turn drove the Eisenhower
backers to alter their strategy. They had intended to refrain from
forcing the General's hand, but now they were impelled to. Thus, in
mid-December, Sen. Lodge wrote the General a letter asking him to
announce his candidacy at an early date.
When the General replied non-committally, consternation
spread through the Eisenhower camp. Feeling was strong that the
whole effort on General Eisenhower's behalf would soon reach
a dead end. Even the strongest and most loyal Eisenhower men
talked of abandoning their struggle, if the General should prove
obdurate in refusing to declare himself.
"We're out on the bank for him now," one of them put it. "But if
he won't come out with us, then he's got to let us slide back into the
stream as best we can."
In this atmosphere, Sen. James Duff of Pennsylvania is known
to have followed Sen. Lodge's letter with an even stronger one,
laying the whole position before the General in the bluntest terms.
If report is correct, Sen. Duff on the one hand assured the Gen-
eral that he could get the nomination, but on the other hand
warned him that there would be no draft and that the General
must become an avowed candidate.
Simultaneously, the Democratic scheme to enter Gen. Eisenhower's
name in the New Hampshire primary, imposed a sort of time deadline
on the Eisenhower men. Senators Lodge and Duff therefore talked at
great length with the General on the trans-Atlantic telephone. The
outcome of these conversations was the Lodge statement on Sunday,
asserting the General's Republicanism and availability, and inviting
confirmationfrom the General's headquarters.
EVEN THEN, however, it was still hoped that the General might ulti-
mately go beyond confirming the Lodge statement, entering the
campaign in person. He had said that he could do nothing until after
the Lisbon meeting of N.A.T.O. leaders in February, but he had not
definitely stated that he would take no personal part in the fight.
What was wanted was an Eisenhower address to the American people
on the pattern of the great Guildhall speech to the European allies-
certainly the most stirring of postwar public utterances-which Jould
satisfy the man in the street's longing for inspiring and elevating
leadership. This, it was felt, would start a surge which would sweep
Sen. Taft's Republican professional friends clean loose from their
Gen. Eisenhower has not exactly foreclosed the possibility of
a great declaration of principle on this pattern.
In short, the fight is on in earnest. Yet in honesty it must be re-
corded that Gen. Eisenhower's decision to remain aloof from the pre-
convention struggle is a setback, just as his positive announcement of
availability is a gain.
(Copyright, 1951, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.)


I! *1

Iranian Scramble

WASHINGTON=-Wives sometimes cause a lot of trouble-even wives
of congressmen. That is the conclusion of certain bachelor con-
gressmen and married diplomats who watched the tumultuous trip of
the House Banking and Currency Subcommittee through Latin Am-
It was a good committee, but members let the wives spoil part of
the trip.
What happened was that the congressmen tried to conceal
their wives, took them as official stowaways aboard a government
Reason for the concealment was that hardhearted Defense Secre-
tary Bob Lovett had refused to let the wives ride in a Navy plane. The
congressmen, he ruled, were going for business, not pleasure. So mem-
bers of the Banking and Currency Subcommittee rode in a government
plane as far as Panama in solitary male splendor, their wives trailing
in a commercial plane-not at the taxpayers' expense.
At Panama, however, congressmen phoned Navy Secretary
Dan Kimball. It was his personal plane they were using, and by
that time Secretary Lovett'had gone to Paris. There was plenty of
room in the government plane, they argued-ten members of the
crew, six congressmen and four assistants. Kimball weakened,
finally agreed.
It was suggested, however, that the wives be kept out of sight.
*Y *i* *
S0 WHEN THE special Navy plane got to Guayaquil, first stop after
Panama, the congressmen alighted alone. Gingerly they stepped
out of the plane like small boys concealing something, had their pic-
tures taken with the U.S. ambassador, shook hands with Ecuadorean
With the ceremonies finished and the congressional husbands
gone on a tour of the city, congressional wives were tipped off
they could come out of hiding.
Next stop was Lima, Peru. There each wife of the American Em-
bassy had been assigned to chaperone the wife of a congressman. But
as the plane landed and the congressmen filed out, no ladies were to
be seen.
"Where are the wives?" asked one State Department lady.
"Shh-sh," cautioned a State Department official. "Officially they
are not here. They have to stay in hiding. The congressmen don't
want Drew Pearson to know about this."
This time the congressional wives were even cautioned not to
peek out the windows, but 'to stay completely out of sight until
official welcoming ceremonies were over.
But after twenty-five minutes of handshaking and photographing,
the congressmen finally left the airport and State Department officials
went to the rescue of the hidden wives-on the excuse of unloading
the "baggage."
AT THE NEXT STOP, Santiago, Chile, a furor occurred over a lunch-
eon given by Joe Cussens, long-time executive of American and
foreign power, in honor of the congressmen and leading Chilean offi-
cials. Congressman Abe Multer of Brooklyn, Democrat, ruled that his
committee could not go.
However, Congressmen Talle of Iowa and Hardie Scott of
Pennsylvania, both Republicans, went anyway, which made Mul-
ter furious. As chairman of the subcommittee, he said he had or-
dered the luncheon cancelled, claimed other members disobeyed
his orders and took it out on the State Departmeht's Tapley Ben-
nett by bawling him out in the lobby of the Carrera Hotel.
Aside from the hidden wives, however, the committee stuck to its
knitting and during the rest of the trip did a conscientious job of
studying Latin American economy.
IN FACT, it made a much better impression than the House Foreign
Affairs Subcommittee headed by James Richards of Lancaster,
S.C., with Omar Burleson of Anson, Texas, and Donald Jackson, Re-
publican, of Pacific Palisades, Calif.
In advance of their arrival in Lima, Nov. 20, Ambassador Harold
Tittmann had sent out engraved invitations to 250 distinguished
Peruvians to meet the distinguished congressmen at 7 p.m.
However, the distinguished congressmen, ariving from Vene-
zuela at 4 p.m., claimed they were too tired. They wanted to rest,
not meet Peruvian officials, they said.
Whereupon the entire embassy staff was put on the telephone be-
tween 4 p.m. and 6 p.m. to disinvite the 250 guests.
Following which, the congressmen were not too tired to show up
that evening at some of the local hot spots.
QUOTE FROM THE Washington Merry-Go-Round of Oct. 25, 1951:
"Eisenhower name will definitely be entered in the New Hampshire
primary-the first primary to be held."
(Copyright, 1951, by The Bell Syndicate, Inc.)



Mohammed Mossadegh, for his selection
as "Time" magazine's Man of the Year, owes
a great deal to an inconsistent American
foreign policy.
The temperamental "Mossy," who will
long be remembered as the man who wept
his way through the chaotic span of oil
nationalization, never has been quite sure
how the State Department stood on the
Iranian issue.
At first, the United States was adding
moral support to the British and the Anglo-
Iranian Oil Company. Once the dispute had
gained momentum, accompanied by violence,
Mossy's tears, and parliamentary bombas-
tics, the State Department's support of H.M.
Government became cautious.
Then, all at once awakening to the inaus-
picious possibility that the Soviet Union
might step into the region if the Britons re-
sorted to force, the United States assumed
the role of a conciliator, sending Averill
Harriman to Iran on a mediatory mission.
By now, the Administration was also show-
ing grave concern that the Abadan oil fields
would be completely shut down, cutting off
a good share of the oil flow to Western
Harriman was greeted with a sea of
tears and a rigid obstinacy on the part of
both the Iranians and the British. His
mission was unsuccessful.
The United States was left with another
dilemna on its hands. Backing the British
would mean slighting the nationalistic will
of a supposedly free nation. It would mean
risking the good faith of Iran, and perhaps,
of the other Moslem countries. It would
mean that the priceless black gold might be
diverted to feed the Russian war machine.
And, as a point of justice, it would mean
that the United States was supporting a
r rmrnv lnnh rarrtvins T.v mmnh _ov

cials. And, of course, no wanted to risk
ill-repute with the British.
While the State Department wavered,
Mossalegh, with unusual forcefulness,
moved. The disgruntled British pulled out
of Abadan, takig with them the custom-
ary pile of blue books, paper promises, and
official documents-but no oil. The eco-
nomic deterioration of Iran had begun.
Faced by an inflationary financial crisis,
Mossadegh packed his bags and flew to
Washington. Dean Acheson demonstrated
another phase of American inconsistency by
promising the sentimental premier a $2,-
000,000 loan. Mossy went back happily to the
impulsive crowds of Teheran.
But the British didn't appreciate the loan.
It was contrary to their policy of starving
the Iranians to the point where they would
beg for re-admission of British controlling
interests in Anglo-Iranian.
Meanwhile, the turmoil is assuming dan-
gerous proportions. Iran's economy is
bloated to the breaking point. Her des-
perate government is negotiating with
Czechoslovakia and other Communist gov-
ernments in an attempt to sell the oil.
What traces of democracy existing in Iran
are slowly fading away. The government
has instituted a reign of terror designed
to squelch an opposition, which doesn't
know what it is opposing. Any attempt
to conduct a peaceful parliamentary ses-
sion in the Majlis is futile and usually
ends up in a free-for-all fist-fight and
impassioned crys of "get the hell out of
here, Mossadegh!"
And still, there is no idea where the United
States stands, whether the State Depart-
ment is backing Britain or the national as-
pirations of Iran.
The tragedy of the situation lies in the
fact that American foreign policy toward

(Continued from Page 2)
tuarial Students in Government." Re-
freshments and informal. discussion fol-
International Center Weekly Tea for
foreign students and American friends,
4:30-6 p.m.
Young Republicans will hear Michi-
gan Secretary of State Fred Alger, can-
didate for the GOP governor nomina-
tion, at 7:30 p.m., League.
Coming Events
Motion Pictures, auspices of the UnI-
ka-The Eskimo Hunters." 7:30 p.m.,
son Bay," "Road to Gaspe," and "Alas-
ka, The Eskimo Hunters." 7:30 p.m.,
Fri., Jan. 11, Kellogg Auditorium.
Hillel Foundation. Friday evening
services, 7:45 p.m., Lane Hall.
Graduate Mixer Dance. Fri., Jan. 11,
9-12 p.m. Guest of honor will be the
School of Social Work. Dance features
Paul McDonough's quartet and refresh-
Economics Club. 8 p.m., Mon., Jan.
14, Rackham Amphitheater. Dr. Ewan
Clague, Commissioner of Labor Statis-
tics, Department of Labor, will talk on
"Problems of the Cost of Living In-
dex." All staff members and students
in Economics and Business Administra-
tion are invited. Others who are in-
terested will be welcome.
Joint House-Presidents will meet at
4 p.m., Fri., Jan. 11, Club 600, South
IZFA. Executive Board Meeting, Fri.,
Jan. 11, 3:30 p.m., Room 3K, Union. All
members please attend.

U'l 4r e
Mt-r4t-#an Daily

Sixty-Second Year
Edited and managed by students of
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Haw, I

You are under arrest.
Anything you say can
be used against you.

And it just happened that
tonight something went
wrong with the time lock-

But-but it's


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