THE MICHIGAN DAILY 'lliicu6l)A2, 3A.NUAIii 10, IvaZ I________________________________________________________________________________ I Ike as a Candidate r a "W~ow!" D RIAMA WHILE GENERAL EISENHOWER'S recent statement to the effect that he would accept the Republican nomination for the Presidency of the United States if it was offered him came as a surprise to no one, it is of importance since it removes all ele- ment of doubt on the subject and officially places in the race a candidate who appears stronger than any other mentioned. Many responsible and respected com- mentators on the contemporary political scene, throughout the nation, have ex- pressed the idea that the General is the onx individual suited to hold the coun- try s highest office. Although there are some good reasons for assuming that Eis- enhower might make a competent chief executive it is essential that we main- tain a rational attitude and not be swept away by the emotional impact of the pre- sent Ike boom or the sound of a popular hero's name. General Eisenhower is reputed to be a man of character and intelligence. It must be said for him that everything he has done, he has done well. In respect to his qualifications for the presidency, however, it cannot be denied that his scope has been limited. To hold public office in the United States is to hold a job with unique complexities quite different from those faced by a military leader, foreign administrator or college president. Our most responsible public fig- ures have informed us time and again that experience is essential in a competent pub- lic officer. Eisenhower has had no experience in civilian politics. It was his success as a military strategist and leader that originally brought Eis- enhower to the public's attention. In con- sidering his qualifications for the presi- dency, however, his military accomplish- ments count as nil. History shows us that expert militarists need not make compe- tent executives in a democracy. Ike sup- porters point to the 'Eisenhower foreign policy' as the great factor in his favor. But it must be considered that what the General has been doing in Europe is mere- ly competently carrying into operation the Truman-Acheson-Marshall foreign policy. Eisenhower's preoccupation with the prob- lems of the world have given him little time to ponder domestic issues. It is said that he is conservative and anti-socialist, but this hardly amounts to a positive declaration of policy. It is hard to conceive how we can make up our minds about the man until we learn how he feels on such all-important matters as farm subsidies, labor legislation, civil rights action, national health insur- ance, federal aid to education and public housing. The3 present administration has been subject to much criticism and has been widely accused of ineptitude and weak- ness, often without consideration of the fact that it has faced with a fair degree of success some of the most trying prob- lems ever to perplex human minds. While it is true that the time is always ripe for a change, the change must be one for the better. We must keep in mind that there are no easy solutions for our problems. In a demo- cracy we cannot depend upon a strong 'man on a horse' to lead us out of our difficulties. Both our past experiences and the experi- ences of other democracies substantiate this fact. -David J. Kornbluh The Iron Curtain THE UNFORTUNATE position in which the United States now finds itself of helplessly handing over $120,000 to little Hungary to ransom four interned airmen makes necessary a realistic adjustment of American policy towards its citizens who venture behind the Iron Curtain. Under the circumstances, the decision to bail out the lost flyers was inevitable. The insidious precedent had been set last April when $70,000,000 in art treasures were handed over and diplomatic conces- sions were made to the same Hungar- ians to free businessman Robert Vogeler, convicted of being a "spy." With this precedent, combined with the far greater moral responsibility a govern- ment has to its service men captured on a military mission, the obligation to pay the bribe was obvious. Equally obvious is the necessity to take firm steps to prevent any repetition of these incidents. In dealing with this type of in- ternational blackmail, our hands are tied-- there are virtually no diplomatic reprisals we can effect. Retaliation in kind is impossible under our constitution and judicial traditions. Ending diplomatic relations loses for us another invaluable listening post behind the Iron Curtain-which seems more of a loss than the moral value of the dramatic dis- play of indignation is worth at this time. Sabre-rattling would hold too many dangers of igniting a shooting war. The only other diplomatic action possible, aside from such minor actions as; closing consulates, seems to be filing a complaint with the UN. However, the only likely re- sult there would be an innocuous tsk! tsk! resolution. What must be made clear is that there will be no further ransomings of any kind. Non-diplomatic personnel must realize that they venture into Red territory at their own risk. American military planes should not fly behind the Iron Curtain unless on a military mission which justi- fies the risk of losing the personnel-and in that case servicemen should realize that henceforth capture by the Communists may mean imprisonment without ransom. It is dubious whether Vogeler should have beenbought out in the first place-parti- cularly in light of his recent statements. But now that this and the latest ransomings are fait accompli, a new, cold-blooded policy is needed to prevent an interminable succes- sion of these incidents. -Crawford Young THE MANY people (like me) who bat- tled their way through the weather to New York to see Olivier and Leigh do Caesar and Cleopatra and Antony and Cleopatra expecting one of their lives' greatest the- atrical experiences, disappointment was probably inevitable. I suspect that even those who approached the dramatic tandem with maturer expectations had reason to be dis- satisfied. The first evening's entertainment is de- ceptively promising. The two plays are treated as a unity with Shaw's work point- ed and subordinated to Shakespeare's. Since this unity is sensed immediately, one finds a peculiar delight in the some- what unorthodox treatment of Shaw it produces. The most startling facet of this treatment is Olivier's portrayal of Caesar. Shaw tends to slight that side of Caesar's nature that made him a big-time Roman gangster and tough; Olivier neglects it al- together. His Caesar is an impishly amor- ous Socrates philosophizing above events- his apparent apathy to them not a tool of of action (as Shaw would seem to have it) but a genuine disinterest in the mechan- ics of life . . .. a characteristic not likely in a world conqueror. However inconsistent the interpretation is with preconceived historical notions of Jul- ius Caesar, master of the world, it is the- atrically gratifying. Not a small part of the enjoyment is derived from a sort of flip- pant stage-confidence on Olivier's part, a quality seen in its quintessence in Tallu- lah Bankhead's incursions into the theater and that was, I am told, a feature in the technique of John Barrymore. The attitude would suggest disrespect if it were not for the fact that, from the first, it is clear that respect is being saved for Shakespeare. Miss Leigh was, in my mind, much better as the apprentice queen than the Empress of the Nile. She did not achieve a memorable interpretation, but she was very much first- rate. Robert Helpmann was interesting as Apollodorus because he is Robert Helpmann, otherwise I didn't find him any better than the rest of the cast which was professional but not overwhelming. After the elaborate preparation, "An- tony and Cleopatra" was less than it should have been. The very first thing you were aware of was the fact that Laurence Olivier is a superbly versatile actor, but fast upon this impression came the uneasy awareness that great technique sometimes equates with insincerity-as it did here. There were some splendid exceptions-the first meeting of the triumvirate being the most notable-but in general one's admir- ation for Olivier was an appreciation of excellence, not the moving empathy that a tragic actor must elicit. Vivien Leigh's Cleopatra covered the emo- tional range of Shakespeare's heroine an impressive accomplishment), but each sta- tion of that glorious gamut was an entity in itself. Never did it seem that her complexity or intensity came from within. The actress was there, but not the woman. (Miss Leigh is reported to have said that she felt she should have studied the role five or six years before giving it on the stage. Before'seeing the play I felt this an example of exagger- ated modesty, but I now believe she under- stood the role's profundity more' completely than those who scoffed at her statement). Everyone has praised Lady Olivier's extra- ordinary beauty. In the tradition of Daily critics, I would like to cavil at that widely held view. She is indeed surpassingly beau- tiful, but my mental picture of the serpent of the Nile includes a sensuality that Miss Leigh's delicate and regal beauty emphati- cally denies-even when she is capably act- ing the seductress. The best performance of the evening (this was the Saturday evening perform- ance of the first week, so that it should not have been, though it might have been, an "off night") was that by Robert Help- mann. His Octavius was genuine. Olivier was a better actor (and a less self-con- scious one) while he was on the stage. The best moments of the play were due, I felt, directly or indirectly to him. The rest of the cast seemed not to like Shakespeare. For this and many, many other weaknesses I blame Michael Bent- hall's directing. The fat role of Enobarbus and most of the play's poetry, which uni- fies an otherwise sprawling plot, never came across. Much of it could just not be heard. Most of the subordinates walked about the stage like supernumeraries practicing their lines before the director arrived. The feel- ing is, he never did. The circular revolving stage was a tri- umph. No attempt at "reality" was made, the actors often striding across the re- volving circle as it rotated from one scene to the next. I believe the bare sym- bolism of the settings placed each scene immediately for those very familiar with the play. And I believe everyone would have been satisfied with the plan if the actors had not mumbled lines in which Shakespeare clarifies the location. Because so much was promised and so much was possible, the failings were keenly disappointing and almost inevitably over- shadowed the successes. Perhaps the great- est of these disappointments was the feeling that Shakespearehnd hPnn at dow vn 11 ON THE Washington MerryGoRoufd with DREW PEARSON MATTER OF FACT By JOSEPH and STEWART ALSOP EISENHOWER ANNOUNCES WASHINGTON-The backers of General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower have got their man in the race-but not, it must be added, in quite the way they had hoed. The wanted the General to become a fighting candidate later on. Instead, they have got an avow- ed, available and firmly Republican candidate now, but at the price of his aloofness from the dust and sweat of the pre-convention struggle. The story that ended with Gen. Eisenhower's Monday state- ment indicating the attitude above-outlined, casts considerable light on the status of his candidacy. It begins at the time when his backers organized themselves under the chairmanship of Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, when they soon discovered three unpleasant facts. First, the rival organization of Sen. Robert A. Taft, which is cer- tainly the largest, the most powerful and the most plentifully finan- ced pre-convention organization ever seen in this country, had been doing a considerably more effective job than was supposed. Second, the professional Republican politicians all over the country hankered so strongly for one of their own kind, symboliz- ed by Sen. Taft, that they were prepared to take considerable risks in choosing the nominee. Third, President Truman's progressive loss of strength, owing to the corruption issue and other factors, was persuading the profession- al Republican politicians that the risk of nominating Sen. Taft might not be so great after all. Thus the prospective Postmasters and Col- lectors of Internal Revenue were more and more inclined to follow their fancy into the Taft camp. * * * * THE IMPACT OF these three facts in turn drove the Eisenhower backers to alter their strategy. They had intended to refrain from forcing the General's hand, but now they were impelled to. Thus, in mid-December, Sen. Lodge wrote the General a letter asking him to announce his candidacy at an early date. When the General replied non-committally, consternation spread through the Eisenhower camp. Feeling was strong that the whole effort on General Eisenhower's behalf would soon reach a dead end. Even the strongest and most loyal Eisenhower men talked of abandoning their struggle, if the General should prove obdurate in refusing to declare himself. "We're out on the bank for him now," one of them put it. "But if he won't come out with us, then he's got to let us slide back into the stream as best we can." In this atmosphere, Sen. James Duff of Pennsylvania is known to have followed Sen. Lodge's letter with an even stronger one, laying the whole position before the General in the bluntest terms. If report is correct, Sen. Duff on the one hand assured the Gen- eral that he could get the nomination, but on the other hand warned him that there would be no draft and that the General must become an avowed candidate. Simultaneously, the Democratic scheme to enter Gen. Eisenhower's name in the New Hampshire primary, imposed a sort of time deadline on the Eisenhower men. Senators Lodge and Duff therefore talked at great length with the General on the trans-Atlantic telephone. The outcome of these conversations was the Lodge statement on Sunday, asserting the General's Republicanism and availability, and inviting confirmationfrom the General's headquarters. EVEN THEN, however, it was still hoped that the General might ulti- mately go beyond confirming the Lodge statement, entering the campaign in person. He had said that he could do nothing until after the Lisbon meeting of N.A.T.O. leaders in February, but he had not definitely stated that he would take no personal part in the fight. What was wanted was an Eisenhower address to the American people on the pattern of the great Guildhall speech to the European allies- certainly the most stirring of postwar public utterances-which Jould satisfy the man in the street's longing for inspiring and elevating leadership. This, it was felt, would start a surge which would sweep Sen. Taft's Republican professional friends clean loose from their moorings. Gen. Eisenhower has not exactly foreclosed the possibility of a great declaration of principle on this pattern. In short, the fight is on in earnest. Yet in honesty it must be re- corded that Gen. Eisenhower's decision to remain aloof from the pre- convention struggle is a setback, just as his positive announcement of availability is a gain. (Copyright, 1951, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.) ': I! *1 Iranian Scramble WASHINGTON=-Wives sometimes cause a lot of trouble-even wives of congressmen. That is the conclusion of certain bachelor con- gressmen and married diplomats who watched the tumultuous trip of the House Banking and Currency Subcommittee through Latin Am- erica. It was a good committee, but members let the wives spoil part of the trip. What happened was that the congressmen tried to conceal their wives, took them as official stowaways aboard a government plane. Reason for the concealment was that hardhearted Defense Secre- tary Bob Lovett had refused to let the wives ride in a Navy plane. The congressmen, he ruled, were going for business, not pleasure. So mem- bers of the Banking and Currency Subcommittee rode in a government plane as far as Panama in solitary male splendor, their wives trailing in a commercial plane-not at the taxpayers' expense. At Panama, however, congressmen phoned Navy Secretary Dan Kimball. It was his personal plane they were using, and by that time Secretary Lovett'had gone to Paris. There was plenty of room in the government plane, they argued-ten members of the crew, six congressmen and four assistants. Kimball weakened, finally agreed. It was suggested, however, that the wives be kept out of sight. *Y *i* * -HIDDEN WOMEN- S0 WHEN THE special Navy plane got to Guayaquil, first stop after Panama, the congressmen alighted alone. Gingerly they stepped out of the plane like small boys concealing something, had their pic- tures taken with the U.S. ambassador, shook hands with Ecuadorean officials. With the ceremonies finished and the congressional husbands gone on a tour of the city, congressional wives were tipped off they could come out of hiding. Next stop was Lima, Peru. There each wife of the American Em- bassy had been assigned to chaperone the wife of a congressman. But as the plane landed and the congressmen filed out, no ladies were to be seen. "Where are the wives?" asked one State Department lady. "Shh-sh," cautioned a State Department official. "Officially they are not here. They have to stay in hiding. The congressmen don't want Drew Pearson to know about this." This time the congressional wives were even cautioned not to peek out the windows, but 'to stay completely out of sight until official welcoming ceremonies were over. But after twenty-five minutes of handshaking and photographing, the congressmen finally left the airport and State Department officials went to the rescue of the hidden wives-on the excuse of unloading the "baggage." -SNAFUED LUNCHEON- AT THE NEXT STOP, Santiago, Chile, a furor occurred over a lunch- eon given by Joe Cussens, long-time executive of American and foreign power, in honor of the congressmen and leading Chilean offi- cials. Congressman Abe Multer of Brooklyn, Democrat, ruled that his committee could not go. However, Congressmen Talle of Iowa and Hardie Scott of Pennsylvania, both Republicans, went anyway, which made Mul- ter furious. As chairman of the subcommittee, he said he had or- dered the luncheon cancelled, claimed other members disobeyed his orders and took it out on the State Departmeht's Tapley Ben- nett by bawling him out in the lobby of the Carrera Hotel. Aside from the hidden wives, however, the committee stuck to its knitting and during the rest of the trip did a conscientious job of studying Latin American economy. -NOT TOO TIRED FOR NIGHT CLUBS- IN FACT, it made a much better impression than the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee headed by James Richards of Lancaster, S.C., with Omar Burleson of Anson, Texas, and Donald Jackson, Re- publican, of Pacific Palisades, Calif. In advance of their arrival in Lima, Nov. 20, Ambassador Harold Tittmann had sent out engraved invitations to 250 distinguished Peruvians to meet the distinguished congressmen at 7 p.m. However, the distinguished congressmen, ariving from Vene- zuela at 4 p.m., claimed they were too tired. They wanted to rest, not meet Peruvian officials, they said. Whereupon the entire embassy staff was put on the telephone be- tween 4 p.m. and 6 p.m. to disinvite the 250 guests. Following which, the congressmen were not too tired to show up that evening at some of the local hot spots. -WASHINGTON PIPELINE- QUOTE FROM THE Washington Merry-Go-Round of Oct. 25, 1951: "Eisenhower name will definitely be entered in the New Hampshire primary-the first primary to be held." (Copyright, 1951, by The Bell Syndicate, Inc.) BARNABY { A STRANGELY ENOUGH, Iran's Premier Mohammed Mossadegh, for his selection as "Time" magazine's Man of the Year, owes a great deal to an inconsistent American foreign policy. The temperamental "Mossy," who will long be remembered as the man who wept his way through the chaotic span of oil nationalization, never has been quite sure how the State Department stood on the Iranian issue. At first, the United States was adding moral support to the British and the Anglo- Iranian Oil Company. Once the dispute had gained momentum, accompanied by violence, Mossy's tears, and parliamentary bombas- tics, the State Department's support of H.M. Government became cautious. Then, all at once awakening to the inaus- picious possibility that the Soviet Union might step into the region if the Britons re- sorted to force, the United States assumed the role of a conciliator, sending Averill Harriman to Iran on a mediatory mission. By now, the Administration was also show- ing grave concern that the Abadan oil fields would be completely shut down, cutting off a good share of the oil flow to Western Europe. Harriman was greeted with a sea of tears and a rigid obstinacy on the part of both the Iranians and the British. His mission was unsuccessful. The United States was left with another dilemna on its hands. Backing the British would mean slighting the nationalistic will of a supposedly free nation. It would mean risking the good faith of Iran, and perhaps, of the other Moslem countries. It would mean that the priceless black gold might be diverted to feed the Russian war machine. And, as a point of justice, it would mean that the United States was supporting a r rmrnv lnnh rarrtvins T.v mmnh _ov cials. And, of course, no wanted to risk ill-repute with the British. While the State Department wavered, Mossalegh, with unusual forcefulness, moved. The disgruntled British pulled out of Abadan, takig with them the custom- ary pile of blue books, paper promises, and official documents-but no oil. The eco- nomic deterioration of Iran had begun. Faced by an inflationary financial crisis, Mossadegh packed his bags and flew to Washington. Dean Acheson demonstrated another phase of American inconsistency by promising the sentimental premier a $2,- 000,000 loan. Mossy went back happily to the impulsive crowds of Teheran. But the British didn't appreciate the loan. It was contrary to their policy of starving the Iranians to the point where they would beg for re-admission of British controlling interests in Anglo-Iranian. Meanwhile, the turmoil is assuming dan- gerous proportions. Iran's economy is bloated to the breaking point. Her des- perate government is negotiating with Czechoslovakia and other Communist gov- ernments in an attempt to sell the oil. What traces of democracy existing in Iran are slowly fading away. The government has instituted a reign of terror designed to squelch an opposition, which doesn't know what it is opposing. Any attempt to conduct a peaceful parliamentary ses- sion in the Majlis is futile and usually ends up in a free-for-all fist-fight and impassioned crys of "get the hell out of here, Mossadegh!" And still, there is no idea where the United States stands, whether the State Depart- ment is backing Britain or the national as- pirations of Iran. The tragedy of the situation lies in the fact that American foreign policy toward I DAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN (Continued from Page 2) tuarial Students in Government." Re- freshments and informal. discussion fol- lowing. International Center Weekly Tea for foreign students and American friends, 4:30-6 p.m. Young Republicans will hear Michi- gan Secretary of State Fred Alger, can- didate for the GOP governor nomina- tion, at 7:30 p.m., League. Coming Events Motion Pictures, auspices of the UnI- ka-The Eskimo Hunters." 7:30 p.m., son Bay," "Road to Gaspe," and "Alas- ka, The Eskimo Hunters." 7:30 p.m., Fri., Jan. 11, Kellogg Auditorium. Hillel Foundation. Friday evening services, 7:45 p.m., Lane Hall. Graduate Mixer Dance. Fri., Jan. 11, 9-12 p.m. Guest of honor will be the School of Social Work. Dance features Paul McDonough's quartet and refresh- ments. Economics Club. 8 p.m., Mon., Jan. 14, Rackham Amphitheater. Dr. Ewan Clague, Commissioner of Labor Statis- tics, Department of Labor, will talk on "Problems of the Cost of Living In- dex." All staff members and students in Economics and Business Administra- tion are invited. Others who are in- terested will be welcome. Joint House-Presidents will meet at 4 p.m., Fri., Jan. 11, Club 600, South Quad. IZFA. Executive Board Meeting, Fri., Jan. 11, 3:30 p.m., Room 3K, Union. All members please attend. U'l 4r e Mt-r4t-#an Daily Sixty-Second Year Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under the authority of the Board of Control of Student Publications. 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Entered at the Post Office at Ann Arbor, Michigan, as second-class mail matter. Subscription during regular school year: by carrier, $6.00; by mail, $7.00. -I.- ,k Haw, I haw! You are under arrest. Anything you say can be used against you. 'V---- And it just happened that tonight something went wrong with the time lock- - But-but it's Jmpossibtel ..