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November 03, 1940 - Image 4

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I 1

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. - - --- F
Edited and managed by students of the University of
Michigan under the authority of the Board In Control
of Student Publications.
Published every morning except Monday during the
University year and Summer Session.
Member of the Associated Press
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the
use for republication of all news dispatches credited to
it or not otherwise credited in this newspaper. All
rights of republication of all other matters herein also
Entered at the Post Office at Ann Arbor, Michigan, as
second class mail matter.
Subcriptions during the regular school year by carrier
$4.00: by mail, *4.50.
National Advertising Service, Inc.
College Publisbers Representative
420 MAsisoN AVE. NEW YORK. N.Y.
Member, Associated Collegiate Press, 1939-40
Editorial Staff

by mascott
Sen. Prentiss M. Brown (Dem. Mich-as the
Associated Press dispatches would say) came to
town last Wednesday afternoon and, under the
sponsorship of the Michigan Forum, delivered a
very interesting (ambiguous word, isn't it?) and
to us, a highly alarming speech.
It seemed to us that Senator Brown made
two mistakes: First, he underestimated the in-
tellectual calibre of his audience. He didn't seem
to realize that he was talking to a group of stu-
dents and facultymen that are intensely aware
of the real issues of the campaign, that are not
susceptible to the same type of speech that may
enthrall the crowd that attends a 17th ward
clambake. Because he tended to make the latter
sort of clambake, election rally speech, many of
the audience, it seemed, were deeply resentful.
Secondly, Senator Brown was unduly vague
upon his personal beliefs and too prone to quote
the Democratic platform as an evasion to direct
questions. This was especially evident when we
privately queried the Senator after his main ad-
dress. The sense of the following questions and
answers perhaps best indicate our meaning:
Question: Under what conditions would you
vote for the U.S. to enter the war (this could
apply to either Europe ori Asia)?
Answer: The Democratic platform says the
conscript army shall only be raised to defend
the U.S., including Hawaii and possibly the Phil-
ippines, but not to Europe.
Question: What, then, about the regular army,
navy, air and marine forces?
Answer: There is no provision in the Demo-
cratic platform about this.
The implication thus exists from Senator
Brown's answers that the regular U.S. armed
forces could be sent abroad, but that he (who is
not even running for re-election this year) can-
not commit himself on this extremely signifi-
cant issue.
But the alarming question remains in our
minds: if Senator Brown, the stout supporter
of New Deal social, labor and agricultural policies
yet the semi-isolationist opponent of conscrip-
tion, could dodge the issue, could imply in a
speech before a University audience that it is
quite possible that the U.S. forces will be sent
abroad, what are the opinions of the majority
of the U.S. Senate? And why the secrecy, why
the evasion of the issue?
To Prof. Pollock of the political science de-
partment goes our award for consistently good
political wise-cracks. We quote the following:
"Wilson was a professor advised by professional
politicians; Roosevelt is a professional politician
advised by professors. In other words, under
Wilson, the professor was on top; under Roose-
velt, the professors are on tap."

Hervie Haufler .
Alvin Sarasohn .
Paul M. Chandler.
Karl Kessler
Milton Orsheisky .
Howard A. Goldman. .
Laurence Mascott
Donald Wirtchafter. . .
Esther Osser .
Helen Corman .
Business S
Business Manager
Assistant Business Manager .
Women's Business Manager,.
Women's Advertising Manager

. Managing Editor
Editorial Director
City Editor
Associate Editor
Associate Editor
Associate Editor
* Associate Editor
Sports Editor
Women's Editor
. Exchange Editor


Irving Guttman
Robert Gilmour
Helen Bohnsack
. Jane Krause

The editorials published in The Michigan
Daily are written by members of The Daily
staff and represent the views of the writers

A Dynamic


N THE MIDST of the destruction in
London, Geoffrey Crowther, editor
of the English "Economist," printed an article
offering a constructive alternative to Hitlerism
in Europe, and to uncertainty in democratic
He called it a program for "A Dynamic Democ-
racy," and he based its potency on an economic
Bill of Rights. Not only does the article pro-'
pose injecting new life into vacillating democ-
racy, it also points out new grounds for demo-
cratic superiority to the totalitarian states.
Rejecting at the outset any conception of an
international order like "Union Now," Crowther
asserts that the day's question is what Fascism
threatens to do to democracy, and therefore a
reconstruction in the latter is necessary and
past due. He says that we are not "up against
a foolish and passing infatuation from which
Europe will, in due course, free itself, but . .
against a new fanatical religion which can com-
mand the utter devotion of its subjects and
which is equipped with fiendish efficiency."
IN SO FAR as we realize that the constitution
of the United States is based on the genius
and progress of men who existed almost two
hundred years ago, it may be apparent truth
that we are clinging to past achievements, while
other peoples are building new, if not, in our
opinions worthwhile, institution. It thus be-
comes our duty, as Crowther declares, to demon-
strate that democracy is " as active and dynamic
a creed as any the Nazis possess."
He does not propose, however, to revolution-
ize our state with revolution. Progress in democ-
racy must be combined with consent. His pro-
posal concerns capitalizing, to our own advan-
tage,' on the difference between our govern-
mental policies and totalitarianism, a difference
lying in the relationship of the citizen to the
We hold that the state exists as a servant
of the individual; fascism holds the converse.
However, where we offer personal freedom in
place of their political slavery, we offer no eco-
nomic protection to insure that freedom, and
herein is motivation for Crowther's social legis-
lation known as the Economic Bill of Rights.
ITS ESSENCE is that a minimum standard of
living should be guaranteed to every citizen
as his right, for without this condition the 'pur-
suit of happiness' right is an empty phrase. A
start in this direction has already been made
through old age pensions, labor insurance, un-
employment and health insurance, housing sub-
sidies, free education and other legislation. Now,
by virtue of his citizenship, the individual should
be assured a certain minimum of food, clothing
and shelter, as well as medical attention and
the wherewithal to provide for his children,
Crowther asserts.
The cost to the community is estimated at
one-half of its income. But there would be
other 'costs' calling for a citizen's duty to the
state in the form of social service. "If an ex-
tended Bill of Minimum Rights, were coupled
with a Bill of Minimum Duties," Crowther con-
cludes," the state and the citizen would have
put their relations on a sound and solid basis
of reciprocal benefit."
YS 7,wr ~.al r srnr +nnfa uc t afumf- %

The Vote
For President
(Co-director of Student Senate elections)
Senate presidential straw vote could tell
but very little of the whole of student sentiment.
It is quite true that Willkie received 1158
first choices, Roosevelt 853, Thomas 172, Brow-
der 52 and Babson six. But behind those indica-
tions of first preference lie a wealth of opinion
that is tapped by the preferential system of
Despite all the barbs that Willkie's supporters
throw at FDR, they still prefer him 482 to 157
second votes over Thomas who opposes both
of them fundamentally in asking for the trans-
formation of the capitalist system to democratic
socialism. The President still believes in the
institution of capitalism and he is evidently to
be preferred over a heretic.
REPUBLICANS also prefer abstinence to
Nikolai Lenin (Babson 62 seconds to 14 for
Capitalism and socialism run a closer race
when we come to Roosevelt. Of his second
votes 298 went to Willkie and 244 to Thomas,
which means that while Thomas got only 25%
of Willkie's seconds he received 45% of Roose-
velt's seconds.
This affords a clue to how people who academ-
ically favored Thomas reacted to the arguments
of "practicability" or "protest." Because Thomas
represents a basically different approach than
FDR or WW, it may quite probably be said that
the more seconds that Thomas received
from Roosevelt than from Willkie represents
the votes of those who took the "practical"
Of the people that cast first votes for Thomas
83 indicated FDR as their second choice with
but 30 seconds going to Willkie and only 11 to
COMMUNISTS were unanimous in their dis-
approval of Willkie, giving him the grand
total of 0 second votes.
The P-Bell, Flautz, German Restaurant aren't
here for nothing it seems, for the Prohibitionist
candidate, Roger Babson, received only six first
votes. Indeed there seems to be a positive dis-
like on the campus for Communism and Pro-
hibitionists, for the former received 458 fourth
or fifth place designations and the latter 392.
Thomas received 106 fourth or fifth place
votes, Roosevelt 104 and Willkie 78.
Although Thomas runs second to both Roose-
velt and Wllkie in number of first and second
choices his type of socialism is definitely pre-
ferred by the supporters of the major candidates
over the socialism that Browder advocates, or
probably more accurately, the methods of the
Communists. Browder received but 100 of the
third choices of the major candidates whereas
Thomas received a total of 388.
TWO WAYS of using the preferential vote
may be distinguished. The first is the
method of finding a majority and declaring the
candidate who first receives a majority of the
votes cast, elected. If the first choices do not
reveal a majority then the seconds and thirds
and so on are counted until a candidate re-
ceives a majority.
Another possible way of using the preferen-
tial system is the method of showing opinion
quantitatively. First, second, third, etc. choices
are weighted and then the sum total of the
choices is indicated in one figure. For example,
in the preferential presidential poll choices were
weighted five for a first choice, four for a sec-
ond and so on.
The results indicate at a glance the relative
strength of the candidates as measured in the
five possible choices they might have received.
Willkie received a total of 7693 points to capture
first place; Roosevelt follows closely with 7064
points. The fact that Roosevelt is comparatively
much closer here than as indicated in first votes
is due to the fact that he had 345 more seconds

than Willkie and approximately matched Will-
kie in thirds, fourths and fifths.
THOMAS garnered 4106 points which indicates
his large number of seconds and thirds.
Browder received but 1343 points and was thus
beaten out by Babson by 152 points (Babson re-
ceived 1495 total points). Browder received 46
more firsts than Babson but the Prohibitionist
candidate garnered more seconds and thirds.
Incidentally, by having put first things first,
they have challenged us to put second things
What do we mean by the culture craving some-
thing? From the date of migration of a few
devout Congregationalists from England to
Massachusetts Bay down to recent times, sep-
aration has been the badge of religious vitality
in America. If a group could "come out," could
declare independence, could withdraw and carry
on, then that group of Christians could claim
success, but that criterion no longer holds. To
withdraw is to fail. We have to reverse the so-
cial process used in former generations. Today
the power to unite, to join forces, to reach co-
hesion by conference, to carry conviction through
education, and to exchange ideas at the point
where divergence is hottest is the measure of
spiritual vitality and social usefulness.
But does that not substitute compromise for
conviction and put security where liberty for-
mally held sway? Here is the chief moral issue
of our decade. Two different answers are strug-
gling in our minds, and on these our society
may split seriously. We venture but one com-

On the eve of the election Tnea
Daily has obtained from the nationalg
campaign committees of the fourf
leadingtcandidates for president arf
statement of their positions. They are
presented impartially for our readers,
This campaign has been marked by
unprecedented activity on the partt
of college students for the reelectionL
of President Roosevelt. There are
actually more Roosevelt Clubs in thea
colleges now than in the 1936 cam-c
paign. Never before have students
seen so clearly that there was so
much in favor of one side and so lit-f
tle in favor of the other. Young peo-8
ple feel that such New Deal agencies1
as the National Youth Administra-
tion have enabled them to be realt
participating members in Americant
democracy. The American way oft
life will be benefited and strength-1
ened immeasurably by the support
of young people. Students see also1
that all other classes of people be-1
sides themselves have received in-1
creased opportunity, security and
protection under the New Deal Ad-1
We see that against this program
of solid accomplishment Wendellt
Willkie offers nothing but contra-l
dictory promises, pledging all things
for all people. He calls for reem-
ployment of young people in private
industry, but we hear nothing from
him about giving young people the
equipment and training which they
need to face changing conditions in
a changing world. We see that Pres-
ident Roosevelt has always put first
things first. This means that he has
put human rights and welfare above
everything else. In his hands we
know that the present defense pro-
gram will be directed solely to the
defense of our people and their
rights. These are the rights which
young people are ready and eager
to defend under the leadership of
President Roosevelt. They have no
confidence that Wendell Willkie can
lead a successful fight to preserve
them by peaceful methods.
Fortunately for the country, Mr.
Willkie, Mr. Roosevelt and practically
the whole people agree as to what
must be done from now on to protect
our country. The question is which
man-a politician or a business man
-is better qualified to do that job.
The task is a great administrative
job requiring the highest executive
ability. Rearmament also requires a
vigorous industrial life, with man-
agement, labor and government work-
ing in unison. It also requires that
the President delegate to non-poli-
tical experts large but temporary
powers. President Roosevelt has dis-
played no ability to organize indus-
try for peaceful pursuits, much less
for defense. With all the powers he
has been given, he insists upon keep-
ing the rearmament job for him-
self, making the Defense Commis-
sion only advisory and refusing to
appoint a chairman to permit the
Commission to function properly.
National Defense is not only a job
of manning and arming the military
forces-it is quite as much a job of
Industrial Mobilization to produce
airplanes ,tanks, trucks, guns and
the hundred other implements re-
quired. This can not be trusted to
the man who has failed to produce
anythingtbut disunion and disrup-
tion in the business field. A new
leader with industrial experience and
the understanding of industrial pro-
cesses must be called to the job. In
Mr. Willkie, the country has a trained,
qualified and experienced organizer
and executive. He is the Man of the
A question unique to this campaign
is whether there shall be vested in
President Roosevelt greater power

than has ever before been vested in
any President and greater power than
any previous President has been will-
ing to accept. The tradition against
a Third Term, established by Wash-
ington and maintained by every Presi-
dent since, is the most deep-rooted
and fundamental of all American po-
litical traditions. While the fact that
this is a tradition, may not be a con-
clusive argument against a Third
Term for President Roosevelt, it is
a compelling argument at a time when
fundamental American traditions
should be maintained in a world
elsewhere engulfed in dictatorship.
But the chief reason for "No third
term for any President" is as sound

as it is traditional. Constitutional
government was established by our o
forefathers in this land as a haven q
for free men from the dictatorship d
of kings. The Government of theo
people, by the people, for the people, t
was an American ideal. The powers t
of the President were limited. Separ-a
ate powers were given to Congress
and the Courts as permanent safe- t
guards against the usurpation of dic-s
tatorial powers by the President. The s
unwritten law against the Third Term e
is part and parcel of the safeguardsf
against dictatorships and the Ameri-
can system of democratic govern-t
Under Mr. Willkie's leadership a
friendly spirit of mutuai confidence3
and cooperation will be establishedt
between Government and IndustryC
and Labor to replace the present mis-
trust and antagonism between them.
A change of attitude and feeling be-
tween Government and Industry will
lead to the expansion of businesst
activity and the creation of manyt
new employers, many new jobs and
national prosperity on a broad, popu-
lar base.
The question of maintaining WPA
relief, social security, unemployment
insurance and old age pensions is no
issue in this campaign; Mr. Willkie,
quite as much as any New Dealer,
recognizes that these minimum bene-
fits must be preserved.
Willkie believes that it will be
necessary to continue agricultural
benefits until the farmers' markets
can be expanded by a revival of Am-
erican prosperity in our domestic
trade and, through the eventual or-
ganization of world peace, in foreign
trade as well.
Mr. Willkie cannot, of course, wipe
out the debts created during Roose-
velt's eight years. He can and will,
however, rationalize our tax system so
that it is not full of inequalities and
he can and will introduce business
principles and honesty into our finan-
cial policies.
You are an engineer, two years out
of college and no job in sight . . . you
are a farmer, bound to the land
which will feed you but which doesn't
need you to till it-not you and your
brother and your father too . . .
you are a student who can't afford
to return next semester . . . you are
the girl around the corner who works
in a factory turning delicate wires
all day long . . . you are her sister
who can't get on N.Y.A. because one
job in a family is enough . . . you
are my brother who has gone off to
the army because two without jobs
are too many . . . I am nobody,
never had a job, and just about
stopped looking.
Waiting for a job. Waiting for
a wage you can marry on. Waiting
to leave school to look for the job
that isn't there. Waiting for relief
Watching the soil sweep off of the
farm-seeing it barren when the cities
need food. Watching the white boy
four blocks over get the job you can't
apply for because your skin is dark.
Watching while war creeps out of the
headlines into your life.
Watching . . .
The wealth of America-great cities,
fine lands, production plants with
untested capacities, mines and sea-
coasts, manpower . . .
It nas been ten years now since
the '29 depression shattered our Gol-
den Age into smithereens and reduced
half the American people to a sub-
sistence living standard-and less!
Then, and now, the Republican con-
tribution to a way out has been to
return responsibility for keeping the
economy going (and the people alive)
to the states and the municipalities.

A Democratic administration shoul-
dered the job nationally, and for eight
of the ten depression years, has been
trying to make the capitalist system
Today, the grand old parties have
found unexpected unity, despite Re-
publican rejection of the coalition
cabinet. The government has found
the way to underwrite the profit
system without getting into business
-an orgy of armaments spending.
Consumers good production-public
works go down. Profits go up. Re-
publicans and Democrats, at odds
over spending for human needs, ap-
plaud it for human destruction, bil-
lion by billion.

The idea is to defend democracy-
ur own or somebody else's, nobody
quite knows. But the armaments
drain on the national income is sec-
onded by attacks on labor standards
n industry under government con-
tract, the signal for reduced wages
and longer hours generally.
Roosevelt and Willkie have no solu-
tion to America's problems but con-
cription and militarization. Con-
scription is their attempt to solve un-
employment by putting men into uni-
Eight years in power have not
taught the New Deal that jobs are
our best national defense! Eight
years out of power have not taught
the GOP that the budget the Ameri-
can people want balanced is the hu-
man budget!
Youth can vote its hopes and not
its. fears in this election by voting
to make democracy work-by voting
the Socialist ticket of Norman Thom-
as and Maynard C. Krueger. To vote
for the old parties is to throw your
vote away-to waste it for the prin-
ciples you condemn. What does a
Socialist vote mean?
A Socialist vpte is primarily a vote
against conscription-a vote demand-
ing its repeal. A Socialist vote is a
vote to raise steadily the living stan-
dard of the American people. A
Socialist vote is a vote for youth!
Candidate Willkie has charged that
Roosevelt is leading us into the war.
That is true, terribly true. The great
majority of Americans want to stop
this course. But it is also true that
each and every step Roosevelt has
taken in this direction has received
the blessings of Willkie. Are the
American people such political chil-
dren that we shall believe the self-
same policy with Roosevelt leads to
war while with Willkie it will main-
tain peace? But war is the result
of policy, not of mistakes of indi-
viduals. And it is policy that is drag-
ging our country swiftly into this
The two leading candidates have
made it possible to choose between
war and peace by choosing between
them. Roosevelt has proved in action
that he iskrushing America into war.
But Willkie has pledged himself to
follow the same path. Once en-
trenched in power, Willkie will drive
ruthlessly forward the program of
imperialist reaction and war which
Roosevelt drives forth ruthlessly now.
There is but this small difference be-
tween them: Roosevelt is already in
the driver's seat all set to go, while
Willkie wants to occupy the same
seat. To choose Willkie might mean,
at most, to gain that time occupied
in changing drivers, a few weeks or
months at best. Truly a miserable
choice for the sovereign American
The radical remedy needed for this
situation is a Labor Party. This is
now too late for the Nov. 5th ballot-
ing, but it is not too early to speak
of it for future elections, assuming
that all elections will not be abol-
ished once the country gives a "man-
date" for war. For this election only
the Communist Party offers a chan-
nel for the Labor Party vote, for a
clear alternative policy of a reason-
able, realistic, rounded-out peace
policy for America.
That is why Democrats and Re-
publicans joined in violently and il-
legally driving the Communist Party
off the ballot in twenty-four states,
They want to leave the protest vote
rio place to go, no way to vote except
for war. In Ohio and Illinois especi-
ally, where our Party is strong, they
took our ticket off the ballot by force
and fraud, in fear of the great anti-
war vote which it would certainly
have registered.
In this dilemma of political dis-

franchisement, each individual voter
is thrown upon his own conscience,
to choose between the primitive ex-
pedients of (a) the excessively dif-
ficult "write-in" vote; or (b) absten-
tionism which violates his instincts
to action; ort(c) the choice between
two evils both of which every fibre
of one's being calls to repudiate.
It is a hard choice, where the Com-
munist Party is not on the ballot.
All the more reason, therefore, where
it is possible to do so, to roll up the
biggest possible vote for peace, for
security, for free elections, for civil
rights, for jobs-by casting your vote
for the candidates of the Communist

All Sides In The Campaign


City Editor's

A CHICAGO MAN claims as his theme song
of the week: "I'd rather be a captain than
a capsule." With apologies to Elliott Roosevelt,
* * *
Mr. Pollock calls the Willkie campaigners
"amateurs." Maybe you're right professor, but
those boys aren't spending money like novices.
Only seasoned advertising men could arrange
a campaign involving this dough.
*- -
Did P. T. Barnum ever brain trust a presi-
dential race? And why not? He knew how to
use those "one a minute" tactics all year
around, as well as quadrennially.
[E KNOW a sports editor who every week
swells up like a mother's son who just re-
ceived a new bag of shiny marbles. Then he takes
his toys out in the playground, learns they play
for keeps, and finishes up bawling.
Daily headline: "Black Friday Don'ts Is-
suedBy Committee." But nothing was said
about the unwritten rule of the past five
years: "If you're a sophomore don't show
your nose, because the Frosh will outnumber
you 100 to 1."
* * *
Now that the campus politicians have shouted
their last, what's to happen to the 16 new sena-
tors? Those boys have a way of disappearing
that's rivalled only by a U.S. vice-president.
Dminic Says
A great church has just entered into the
Federal Council of Churches of Christ in Amer-
ica and formally united with sister church
bodies in a world fellowship of Christians. In
taking this step the Episcopalians have demon-
strated their ability to be realistic. That is what
each Christian and each American is called upon
to demonstrate both privately and in group life
Rv hsia recnsim wv rar +o thp nlaionLn of

VOL. LI. No. 31
Publication in the Daily Official
Bulletin is constructive notice to all
members of the University.

tion desires to employ a number of
persons who speak fluently any of
the following languages: German,
French, Italian, Spanish, Russian,
Japanese. Applicants should hold at
least the bachelor's degree. There are
positions also for holders of degrees
in law and accountancy. The initial
salary is $3,000 a year, plus expenses.
Applicants should write, telephone,
or visit the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation, 911 Federal Building, Detroit,
or if more convenient the headquart-
ers of the Bureau at Washington, D.C.

To the Members of the Faculty,
College of Literature, Science and
the Arts: The second regular meet-
ing of the Faculty of the College of
Literature, Science, and the Arts for
the academic session of 1940-1941
will be held in Room 1025 Angell
Hall, November 4, at 4:10 p.m.
The reports of the various com-
mittees, instead of being read orally
at the meeting, have been prepared
in advance and are included with this
call to the meeting. They should be
retained in your files as part of the
minuteso f the Novemhr meeting.

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