AGE FOUR THE MICHIGCAN D ATT.V SUNDAY. NOVEMBER 3, 1940 I 1 .,...... W . v w a... :. .a.e.. i... .+ ++X r.a. . . THE MICHIGAN DAILY . - - --- F Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under the authority of the Board In Control of Student Publications. Published every morning except Monday during the University year and Summer Session. Member of the Associated Press The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this newspaper. All rights of republication of all other matters herein also reserved. Entered at the Post Office at Ann Arbor, Michigan, as second class mail matter. Subcriptions during the regular school year by carrier $4.00: by mail, *4.50. REPRESETrED FOR NATIONAL ADVERTISING SY National Advertising Service, Inc. College Publisbers Representative 420 MAsisoN AVE. NEW YORK. N.Y. CHICAGO * BOSTON * LOS ANGELES * SAN FRANciSCO Member, Associated Collegiate Press, 1939-40 Editorial Staff FIRE~ &WRTCR by mascott Sen. Prentiss M. Brown (Dem. Mich-as the Associated Press dispatches would say) came to town last Wednesday afternoon and, under the sponsorship of the Michigan Forum, delivered a very interesting (ambiguous word, isn't it?) and to us, a highly alarming speech. It seemed to us that Senator Brown made two mistakes: First, he underestimated the in- tellectual calibre of his audience. He didn't seem to realize that he was talking to a group of stu- dents and facultymen that are intensely aware of the real issues of the campaign, that are not susceptible to the same type of speech that may enthrall the crowd that attends a 17th ward clambake. Because he tended to make the latter sort of clambake, election rally speech, many of the audience, it seemed, were deeply resentful. Secondly, Senator Brown was unduly vague upon his personal beliefs and too prone to quote the Democratic platform as an evasion to direct questions. This was especially evident when we privately queried the Senator after his main ad- dress. The sense of the following questions and answers perhaps best indicate our meaning: Question: Under what conditions would you vote for the U.S. to enter the war (this could apply to either Europe ori Asia)? Answer: The Democratic platform says the conscript army shall only be raised to defend the U.S., including Hawaii and possibly the Phil- ippines, but not to Europe. Question: What, then, about the regular army, navy, air and marine forces? Answer: There is no provision in the Demo- cratic platform about this. The implication thus exists from Senator Brown's answers that the regular U.S. armed forces could be sent abroad, but that he (who is not even running for re-election this year) can- not commit himself on this extremely signifi- cant issue. But the alarming question remains in our minds: if Senator Brown, the stout supporter of New Deal social, labor and agricultural policies yet the semi-isolationist opponent of conscrip- tion, could dodge the issue, could imply in a speech before a University audience that it is quite possible that the U.S. forces will be sent abroad, what are the opinions of the majority of the U.S. Senate? And why the secrecy, why the evasion of the issue? To Prof. Pollock of the political science de- partment goes our award for consistently good political wise-cracks. We quote the following: "Wilson was a professor advised by professional politicians; Roosevelt is a professional politician advised by professors. In other words, under Wilson, the professor was on top; under Roose- velt, the professors are on tap." Hervie Haufler . Alvin Sarasohn . Paul M. Chandler. Karl Kessler Milton Orsheisky . Howard A. Goldman. . Laurence Mascott Donald Wirtchafter. . . Esther Osser . Helen Corman . Business S Business Manager Assistant Business Manager . Women's Business Manager,. Women's Advertising Manager . Managing Editor Editorial Director City Editor Associate Editor Associate Editor Associate Editor * Associate Editor Sports Editor Women's Editor . Exchange Editor staffI Irving Guttman Robert Gilmour Helen Bohnsack . Jane Krause NIGHT EDITOR: GERALD E. BURNS The editorials published in The Michigan Daily are written by members of The Daily staff and represent the views of the writers only. A Dynamic Democracy .0 N THE MIDST of the destruction in London, Geoffrey Crowther, editor of the English "Economist," printed an article offering a constructive alternative to Hitlerism in Europe, and to uncertainty in democratic America. He called it a program for "A Dynamic Democ- racy," and he based its potency on an economic Bill of Rights. Not only does the article pro-' pose injecting new life into vacillating democ- racy, it also points out new grounds for demo- cratic superiority to the totalitarian states. Rejecting at the outset any conception of an international order like "Union Now," Crowther asserts that the day's question is what Fascism threatens to do to democracy, and therefore a reconstruction in the latter is necessary and past due. He says that we are not "up against a foolish and passing infatuation from which Europe will, in due course, free itself, but . . against a new fanatical religion which can com- mand the utter devotion of its subjects and which is equipped with fiendish efficiency." IN SO FAR as we realize that the constitution of the United States is based on the genius and progress of men who existed almost two hundred years ago, it may be apparent truth that we are clinging to past achievements, while other peoples are building new, if not, in our opinions worthwhile, institution. It thus be- comes our duty, as Crowther declares, to demon- strate that democracy is " as active and dynamic a creed as any the Nazis possess." He does not propose, however, to revolution- ize our state with revolution. Progress in democ- racy must be combined with consent. His pro- posal concerns capitalizing, to our own advan- tage,' on the difference between our govern- mental policies and totalitarianism, a difference lying in the relationship of the citizen to the state. We hold that the state exists as a servant of the individual; fascism holds the converse. However, where we offer personal freedom in place of their political slavery, we offer no eco- nomic protection to insure that freedom, and herein is motivation for Crowther's social legis- lation known as the Economic Bill of Rights. ITS ESSENCE is that a minimum standard of living should be guaranteed to every citizen as his right, for without this condition the 'pur- suit of happiness' right is an empty phrase. A start in this direction has already been made through old age pensions, labor insurance, un- employment and health insurance, housing sub- sidies, free education and other legislation. Now, by virtue of his citizenship, the individual should be assured a certain minimum of food, clothing and shelter, as well as medical attention and the wherewithal to provide for his children, Crowther asserts. The cost to the community is estimated at one-half of its income. But there would be other 'costs' calling for a citizen's duty to the state in the form of social service. "If an ex- tended Bill of Minimum Rights, were coupled with a Bill of Minimum Duties," Crowther con- cludes," the state and the citizen would have put their relations on a sound and solid basis of reciprocal benefit." YS 7,wr ~.al r srnr +nnfa uc t afumf- % Analyzing The Vote For President By ROBERT SPECKHARD (Co-director of Student Senate elections) YESTERDAY'S DAILY STORY of the Student Senate presidential straw vote could tell but very little of the whole of student sentiment. It is quite true that Willkie received 1158 first choices, Roosevelt 853, Thomas 172, Brow- der 52 and Babson six. But behind those indica- tions of first preference lie a wealth of opinion that is tapped by the preferential system of election. Despite all the barbs that Willkie's supporters throw at FDR, they still prefer him 482 to 157 second votes over Thomas who opposes both of them fundamentally in asking for the trans- formation of the capitalist system to democratic socialism. The President still believes in the institution of capitalism and he is evidently to be preferred over a heretic. REPUBLICANS also prefer abstinence to Nikolai Lenin (Babson 62 seconds to 14 for Browder). Capitalism and socialism run a closer race when we come to Roosevelt. Of his second votes 298 went to Willkie and 244 to Thomas, which means that while Thomas got only 25% of Willkie's seconds he received 45% of Roose- velt's seconds. This affords a clue to how people who academ- ically favored Thomas reacted to the arguments of "practicability" or "protest." Because Thomas represents a basically different approach than FDR or WW, it may quite probably be said that the more seconds that Thomas received from Roosevelt than from Willkie represents the votes of those who took the "practical" course. Of the people that cast first votes for Thomas 83 indicated FDR as their second choice with but 30 seconds going to Willkie and only 11 to Browder. COMMUNISTS were unanimous in their dis- approval of Willkie, giving him the grand total of 0 second votes. The P-Bell, Flautz, German Restaurant aren't here for nothing it seems, for the Prohibitionist candidate, Roger Babson, received only six first votes. Indeed there seems to be a positive dis- like on the campus for Communism and Pro- hibitionists, for the former received 458 fourth or fifth place designations and the latter 392. Thomas received 106 fourth or fifth place votes, Roosevelt 104 and Willkie 78. Although Thomas runs second to both Roose- velt and Wllkie in number of first and second choices his type of socialism is definitely pre- ferred by the supporters of the major candidates over the socialism that Browder advocates, or probably more accurately, the methods of the Communists. Browder received but 100 of the third choices of the major candidates whereas Thomas received a total of 388. TWO WAYS of using the preferential vote may be distinguished. The first is the method of finding a majority and declaring the candidate who first receives a majority of the votes cast, elected. If the first choices do not reveal a majority then the seconds and thirds and so on are counted until a candidate re- ceives a majority. Another possible way of using the preferen- tial system is the method of showing opinion quantitatively. First, second, third, etc. choices are weighted and then the sum total of the choices is indicated in one figure. For example, in the preferential presidential poll choices were weighted five for a first choice, four for a sec- ond and so on. The results indicate at a glance the relative strength of the candidates as measured in the five possible choices they might have received. Willkie received a total of 7693 points to capture first place; Roosevelt follows closely with 7064 points. The fact that Roosevelt is comparatively much closer here than as indicated in first votes is due to the fact that he had 345 more seconds than Willkie and approximately matched Will- kie in thirds, fourths and fifths. THOMAS garnered 4106 points which indicates his large number of seconds and thirds. Browder received but 1343 points and was thus beaten out by Babson by 152 points (Babson re- ceived 1495 total points). Browder received 46 more firsts than Babson but the Prohibitionist candidate garnered more seconds and thirds. Incidentally, by having put first things first, they have challenged us to put second things second. What do we mean by the culture craving some- thing? From the date of migration of a few devout Congregationalists from England to Massachusetts Bay down to recent times, sep- aration has been the badge of religious vitality in America. If a group could "come out," could declare independence, could withdraw and carry on, then that group of Christians could claim success, but that criterion no longer holds. To withdraw is to fail. We have to reverse the so- cial process used in former generations. Today the power to unite, to join forces, to reach co- hesion by conference, to carry conviction through education, and to exchange ideas at the point where divergence is hottest is the measure of spiritual vitality and social usefulness. But does that not substitute compromise for conviction and put security where liberty for- mally held sway? Here is the chief moral issue of our decade. Two different answers are strug- gling in our minds, and on these our society may split seriously. We venture but one com- On the eve of the election Tnea Daily has obtained from the nationalg campaign committees of the fourf leadingtcandidates for president arf statement of their positions. They are presented impartially for our readers, examination.F Democratic0 By LANGDON P. MARVIN, JR.a This campaign has been marked by unprecedented activity on the partt of college students for the reelectionL of President Roosevelt. There are actually more Roosevelt Clubs in thea colleges now than in the 1936 cam-c paign. Never before have students seen so clearly that there was so much in favor of one side and so lit-f tle in favor of the other. Young peo-8 ple feel that such New Deal agencies1 as the National Youth Administra- tion have enabled them to be realt participating members in Americant democracy. The American way oft life will be benefited and strength-1 ened immeasurably by the support of young people. Students see also1 that all other classes of people be-1 sides themselves have received in-1 creased opportunity, security and protection under the New Deal Ad-1 ministration.- We see that against this program of solid accomplishment Wendellt Willkie offers nothing but contra-l dictory promises, pledging all things for all people. He calls for reem- ployment of young people in private industry, but we hear nothing from him about giving young people the equipment and training which they need to face changing conditions in a changing world. We see that Pres- ident Roosevelt has always put first things first. This means that he has put human rights and welfare above everything else. In his hands we know that the present defense pro- gram will be directed solely to the defense of our people and their rights. These are the rights which young people are ready and eager to defend under the leadership of President Roosevelt. They have no confidence that Wendell Willkie can lead a successful fight to preserve them by peaceful methods. Republican Fortunately for the country, Mr. Willkie, Mr. Roosevelt and practically the whole people agree as to what must be done from now on to protect our country. The question is which man-a politician or a business man -is better qualified to do that job. The task is a great administrative job requiring the highest executive ability. Rearmament also requires a vigorous industrial life, with man- agement, labor and government work- ing in unison. It also requires that the President delegate to non-poli- tical experts large but temporary powers. President Roosevelt has dis- played no ability to organize indus- try for peaceful pursuits, much less for defense. With all the powers he has been given, he insists upon keep- ing the rearmament job for him- self, making the Defense Commis- sion only advisory and refusing to appoint a chairman to permit the Commission to function properly. National Defense is not only a job of manning and arming the military forces-it is quite as much a job of Industrial Mobilization to produce airplanes ,tanks, trucks, guns and the hundred other implements re- quired. This can not be trusted to the man who has failed to produce anythingtbut disunion and disrup- tion in the business field. A new leader with industrial experience and the understanding of industrial pro- cesses must be called to the job. In Mr. Willkie, the country has a trained, qualified and experienced organizer and executive. He is the Man of the Hour. A question unique to this campaign is whether there shall be vested in President Roosevelt greater power than has ever before been vested in any President and greater power than any previous President has been will- ing to accept. The tradition against a Third Term, established by Wash- ington and maintained by every Presi- dent since, is the most deep-rooted and fundamental of all American po- litical traditions. While the fact that this is a tradition, may not be a con- clusive argument against a Third Term for President Roosevelt, it is a compelling argument at a time when fundamental American traditions should be maintained in a world elsewhere engulfed in dictatorship. But the chief reason for "No third term for any President" is as sound as it is traditional. Constitutional government was established by our o forefathers in this land as a haven q for free men from the dictatorship d of kings. The Government of theo people, by the people, for the people, t was an American ideal. The powers t of the President were limited. Separ-a ate powers were given to Congress and the Courts as permanent safe- t guards against the usurpation of dic-s tatorial powers by the President. The s unwritten law against the Third Term e is part and parcel of the safeguardsf against dictatorships and the Ameri- can system of democratic govern-t ment. Under Mr. Willkie's leadership a friendly spirit of mutuai confidence3 and cooperation will be establishedt between Government and IndustryC and Labor to replace the present mis- trust and antagonism between them. A change of attitude and feeling be- tween Government and Industry will lead to the expansion of businesst activity and the creation of manyt new employers, many new jobs and national prosperity on a broad, popu- lar base. The question of maintaining WPA relief, social security, unemployment insurance and old age pensions is no issue in this campaign; Mr. Willkie, quite as much as any New Dealer, recognizes that these minimum bene- fits must be preserved. Willkie believes that it will be necessary to continue agricultural benefits until the farmers' markets can be expanded by a revival of Am- erican prosperity in our domestic trade and, through the eventual or- ganization of world peace, in foreign trade as well. Mr. Willkie cannot, of course, wipe out the debts created during Roose- velt's eight years. He can and will, however, rationalize our tax system so that it is not full of inequalities and he can and will introduce business principles and honesty into our finan- cial policies. Socialist (By YOUTH CAMPAIGN FOR THOMAS) You are an engineer, two years out of college and no job in sight . . . you are a farmer, bound to the land which will feed you but which doesn't need you to till it-not you and your brother and your father too . . . you are a student who can't afford to return next semester . . . you are the girl around the corner who works in a factory turning delicate wires all day long . . . you are her sister who can't get on N.Y.A. because one job in a family is enough . . . you are my brother who has gone off to the army because two without jobs are too many . . . I am nobody, never had a job, and just about stopped looking. Waiting for a job. Waiting for a wage you can marry on. Waiting to leave school to look for the job that isn't there. Waiting for relief checks-food! Watching the soil sweep off of the farm-seeing it barren when the cities need food. Watching the white boy four blocks over get the job you can't apply for because your skin is dark. Watching while war creeps out of the headlines into your life. Watching . . . The wealth of America-great cities, fine lands, production plants with untested capacities, mines and sea- coasts, manpower . . . It nas been ten years now since the '29 depression shattered our Gol- den Age into smithereens and reduced half the American people to a sub- sistence living standard-and less! Then, and now, the Republican con- tribution to a way out has been to return responsibility for keeping the economy going (and the people alive) to the states and the municipalities. A Democratic administration shoul- dered the job nationally, and for eight of the ten depression years, has been trying to make the capitalist system work. Today, the grand old parties have found unexpected unity, despite Re- publican rejection of the coalition cabinet. The government has found the way to underwrite the profit system without getting into business -an orgy of armaments spending. Consumers good production-public works go down. Profits go up. Re- publicans and Democrats, at odds over spending for human needs, ap- plaud it for human destruction, bil- lion by billion. The idea is to defend democracy- ur own or somebody else's, nobody quite knows. But the armaments drain on the national income is sec- onded by attacks on labor standards n industry under government con- tract, the signal for reduced wages and longer hours generally. Roosevelt and Willkie have no solu- tion to America's problems but con- cription and militarization. Con- scription is their attempt to solve un- employment by putting men into uni- form. Eight years in power have not taught the New Deal that jobs are our best national defense! Eight years out of power have not taught the GOP that the budget the Ameri- can people want balanced is the hu- man budget! Youth can vote its hopes and not its. fears in this election by voting to make democracy work-by voting the Socialist ticket of Norman Thom- as and Maynard C. Krueger. To vote for the old parties is to throw your vote away-to waste it for the prin- ciples you condemn. What does a Socialist vote mean? A Socialist vpte is primarily a vote against conscription-a vote demand- ing its repeal. A Socialist vote is a vote to raise steadily the living stan- dard of the American people. A Socialist vote is a vote for youth! Communist Candidate Willkie has charged that Roosevelt is leading us into the war. That is true, terribly true. The great majority of Americans want to stop this course. But it is also true that each and every step Roosevelt has taken in this direction has received the blessings of Willkie. Are the American people such political chil- dren that we shall believe the self- same policy with Roosevelt leads to war while with Willkie it will main- tain peace? But war is the result of policy, not of mistakes of indi- viduals. And it is policy that is drag- ging our country swiftly into this war. The two leading candidates have made it possible to choose between war and peace by choosing between them. Roosevelt has proved in action that he iskrushing America into war. But Willkie has pledged himself to follow the same path. Once en- trenched in power, Willkie will drive ruthlessly forward the program of imperialist reaction and war which Roosevelt drives forth ruthlessly now. There is but this small difference be- tween them: Roosevelt is already in the driver's seat all set to go, while Willkie wants to occupy the same seat. To choose Willkie might mean, at most, to gain that time occupied in changing drivers, a few weeks or months at best. Truly a miserable choice for the sovereign American voters. The radical remedy needed for this situation is a Labor Party. This is now too late for the Nov. 5th ballot- ing, but it is not too early to speak of it for future elections, assuming that all elections will not be abol- ished once the country gives a "man- date" for war. For this election only the Communist Party offers a chan- nel for the Labor Party vote, for a clear alternative policy of a reason- able, realistic, rounded-out peace policy for America. That is why Democrats and Re- publicans joined in violently and il- legally driving the Communist Party off the ballot in twenty-four states, They want to leave the protest vote rio place to go, no way to vote except for war. In Ohio and Illinois especi- ally, where our Party is strong, they took our ticket off the ballot by force and fraud, in fear of the great anti- war vote which it would certainly have registered. In this dilemma of political dis- franchisement, each individual voter is thrown upon his own conscience, to choose between the primitive ex- pedients of (a) the excessively dif- ficult "write-in" vote; or (b) absten- tionism which violates his instincts to action; ort(c) the choice between two evils both of which every fibre of one's being calls to repudiate. It is a hard choice, where the Com- munist Party is not on the ballot. All the more reason, therefore, where it is possible to do so, to roll up the biggest possible vote for peace, for security, for free elections, for civil rights, for jobs-by casting your vote for the candidates of the Communist Party. All Sides In The Campaign CCau The City Editor's £c0*tch load 1I_ A CHICAGO MAN claims as his theme song of the week: "I'd rather be a captain than a capsule." With apologies to Elliott Roosevelt, probably. * * * Mr. Pollock calls the Willkie campaigners "amateurs." Maybe you're right professor, but those boys aren't spending money like novices. Only seasoned advertising men could arrange a campaign involving this dough. *- - Did P. T. Barnum ever brain trust a presi- dential race? And why not? He knew how to use those "one a minute" tactics all year around, as well as quadrennially. [E KNOW a sports editor who every week swells up like a mother's son who just re- ceived a new bag of shiny marbles. Then he takes his toys out in the playground, learns they play for keeps, and finishes up bawling. Daily headline: "Black Friday Don'ts Is- suedBy Committee." But nothing was said about the unwritten rule of the past five years: "If you're a sophomore don't show your nose, because the Frosh will outnumber you 100 to 1." * * * Now that the campus politicians have shouted their last, what's to happen to the 16 new sena- tors? Those boys have a way of disappearing that's rivalled only by a U.S. vice-president. Dminic Says A great church has just entered into the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in Amer- ica and formally united with sister church bodies in a world fellowship of Christians. In taking this step the Episcopalians have demon- strated their ability to be realistic. That is what each Christian and each American is called upon to demonstrate both privately and in group life today. Rv hsia recnsim wv rar +o thp nlaionLn of DAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1940 VOL. LI. No. 31 Publication in the Daily Official Bulletin is constructive notice to all members of the University. Notices tion desires to employ a number of persons who speak fluently any of the following languages: German, French, Italian, Spanish, Russian, Japanese. Applicants should hold at least the bachelor's degree. There are positions also for holders of degrees in law and accountancy. The initial salary is $3,000 a year, plus expenses. Applicants should write, telephone, or visit the Federal Bureau of Investi- gation, 911 Federal Building, Detroit, or if more convenient the headquart- ers of the Bureau at Washington, D.C. To the Members of the Faculty, College of Literature, Science and the Arts: The second regular meet- ing of the Faculty of the College of Literature, Science, and the Arts for the academic session of 1940-1941 will be held in Room 1025 Angell Hall, November 4, at 4:10 p.m. The reports of the various com- mittees, instead of being read orally at the meeting, have been prepared in advance and are included with this call to the meeting. They should be retained in your files as part of the minuteso f the Novemhr meeting.