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November 04, 1975 - Image 4

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1975-11-04

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'ighty-Six Years of Editorial Freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan

Intelligence Overview
The government nobody


Tuesday, November 4, 1975

News Phone: 764-0552

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mi. 48104
Swainson: Justice undone

John Swainson, convicted Sunday
f three counts of perjury to a grand
rury, should immediately resign his
post on the state's high court. That
"ody cannot hope to hand down
squitable decisions on important
egal Issues as long as they count
mong their number a man who so
aprciously misused the public trust.
Swainson's conviction may have re-
iffirmed many people's faith in the
finality of criminal justice system,
tut it also brought to light a number
f serious flaws in the process which
elects the holders of high office in
this state.
It is disillusioning to think that a
rnan of supposedly impeccable repu-
bation would exploit the resources of
bhe court to his own advantage.
Even more disturbing is the
bhought that Swainson felt he could
get away with such double-dealing in
the first place.
fAD IT NOT BEEN for the diligence
and tenacity of the U. S. Organ-
ized Crime Strike Force, Swainson's
lace of prominence would still be
gathering gold today even as his wal-
let continued to do the same under
the table.
If there is a lesson to be learned
from the Swainson case it is that
public office is just as likely to tempt
its occupants and compromise their
integrity as it is to sanctify them or
purge them of their all too mortal
Editorial Staff
DAVID BLOMQUIST ............... Arts Editor
BARBARA CORNELL .. Sunday Magazine Editor
PAUL HASKINS..............Editorial Director
JOSEPHINE MARCOTTY Sunday Magazine Editor
SARA RIMER .................. Executive Editor
STEPHEN SELBST ................. City Editor
JEF SORENSON ............Managing Editor
MRT LONG.......... Sunday Magazine Editor
STAFF WRITERS: Susan Ades, Tom Allen, Glen
Allerhand, Ellen Breslow, Mary Beth Dillon,
Ted Evanoff, Jim Finklestein, Elaine Fletch-
er, Stephen Hersh, Debra Hurwitz, Lois Josi-
movich, Dc Kralik, Jay Levin, Andy Lilly,
Ann Marie Lpinski, George Loben, APauline
Lubens, Rob Meachum, Robert Miller, Jim
Nicoll, Cathy Reutter, Jeff Ritine, Tim
Schick, Katherine Spelman, Steve stoe, Jim
Tobin. Bill Turque, Jim VaIk, David Wein-
berg, Sue Wilhelm, David Whiting, Margaret
News: Gordon Atcheson, Barb Cornell,
Andrea Lilly, Maureen Nolan, Jeff
Ristine, Jeff Sorensen
Editorial Page: Marc Basson, Bruce
Braverman, Paul Haskins, Debra
Hurwitz, Ted Lambert
Arts Page: David Blomquist
Photo Technician: Pauline Lubens

Ascension to the court or some
elected position is not cause for as-
suming public fidelity on the part of
any individual. On the contrary, it
should signal a need for intensified
public scrutiny of office holders in
order to insure that public trust
won't go unheeded by those left to
their own, all too often unscrupulous
THE PROCESS AT work behind the
Swainson conviction is reactive
in nature. By exposing the justice's
indiscretions counteracting them
with punitive measures, the court has
kept Swainson from further misdeeds
in the future.
However, the process did nothing to
prevent such malfeasance in the first
It is not enough for the courts and
the legislature to sit back and wait
for public corruption to show itself
before taking corrective action. In no
area of society are the stakes and re-
sponsibilities so great as in the pub-
lic sector. The Michigan legislature
and the courts should take immediate
and deliberate action to institution-
alize a regular review procedure for
ensuring the integrity of the state
IT IS INEXCUSABLE that an out-
side agency, the federal strike
force, had to step in before state of-
ficialdom could spot the crook among
Photography Staff
Chief Photographer
STEVE KAGAN ..............Staff Phtographer
PAULINE LUBENS.........Staff Photographer
Sports Staff
Sports Editor
MARCIA MERKER ........ . ,.. Executive Editor
LEBA HERTZ..................Managing Editor
JEFF SCHILLER .... ... Associate Editor
Liebster, Ray O'Hara, Michael Wilson
NIGHT EDITORS: Rick Bonino, Tom Cameron,
Tom Duranceau, Andy Glazer, Kathy Henne-
ghan, Ed LangehRich Lerner, ScottLewis, Bill
Marcia Katz, John Niemeyer, Dave Whak
DESK ASSISTANTS: Paul Campbell, Marybeth
Dillon, Larry Engle, Aaron Gerstman, Jerome
Gilbert, Andy Lebet, Rick Maddock, Bob Miller,
Joyce Moy, Patrick Rode, Arthur Wightman
Business Staff
Business Manager
Rob Cerra .................. Operations Manager
Peter Caplan ................. Finance Manager
Beth Friedman .... ".. ".......... Sales Manager
Dave Plontkowsky............ Display Manager
Pete Petersen ................ Sales Coordinator
MANAGERS: Dan Brinza, Kathy Mulhein, Cassie
St. Clair
STAFF: John Benbow, Debbie Dreyfuss, Jan
Eichinger, Denise Gilardone, Dede Goldman,
Amy Hartman, Beth Kirchner, Cathy Lasky,
Nancy Lombardi, Kathleen Matthews, Vicki
May. Judi Miller, Dennis O'Malley, Candy
Perry, Debbie Pikus, Louis Schwartz, Ann Mr-
rie Viieneune, Ruth Wolman
SALESMAN: Dan Blugerman, Francie Leader,
Cher Bledsoe, Joseph Kaufman, Sue Marsh,
Ollie Kiesel, Jeff Goldsmith, Colleen Hogan

security" have become the
accepted euphemism used by
the U.S. government to promote
the unprecedented growth of
state power during the twentieth
century. In the name of "na-
tional security," everything
from the necessity of an "in-
visible," secret sector of gov-
ernment to the violation of civil
liberties and criminal laws has
been rationalized by the govern-
ment. A seemingly omnipresent
concern of the U.S. government,
"national security" has never
been precisely definednor will
it ever be. Its usefulness for
exploitation as an operational
motive lies in its intangible,
undefinable qualities. Although
it has a public welfare connota-
tion, "national security" in real-
ity" has been used to subvert
the democratic process. It
creates an arena in which gov-
ernment behavior and policy
exists and operates without be-
ing carefully questioned or scru-
tinized by the electorate. "Na-
tional security" allows the gov-
ernment to act outside the nor-
mal checks and balances pro-
vided by the constitution and
contradicts the democratic prin-
ciple of "consent of the gov-
the U.S. a whole sector of gov-
ernment that formulates and
conducts government policy
without public participation or
even awareness. Included with-
in this category are the follow-
ing agencies: CIA, FBI, Nation-
al Security Council, National Se-
curity Agency, Forty Commit-
tee. U.S. Intelligence Board, In-
telligence Resources Advisory
Committee, Joint Chiefs of Staff,
Defense Intelligence Agency,
Central Security Services, Army
Intelligence, Navy Intelligence,
Air Force Intelligence, Bureau
of Intelligence and Research of
the State Department. David
Wise has given the name "The

-Invisible Government" to this
part of the government precise-
ly because its deliberations and
decisions are hidden from pub-
lic view through secrecy and
by the classification system. As
a consequence, only a privileged
few with top-security clearance
are privy to information relating
to the "invisible" government's
decision - making process. Thus
policy papers from its meetings
are never publicized; its deci-
sions are never scrutinized.
It is important to note that
it is usually only by chance that
the American people can dis-
cover the activities of the "in-
visible" government. Informa-
tion concerning the Bay of Pigs,
the overthrow of Allende, or
Watergate was not institution-
ally designed to surface; it was
only through government blun-
ders or intensive media investi-
gation that such information be-
came available to the public. To
discern why a sector of govern-
ment run by a handful of
bureaucrats and military offi-
cials, employing over 150,000
people and spending over six
billion dollars annually exists
today, one must look back to
the postwar Truman years.
ond world war victorioustand
more powerful than any other
country, the United States was
in a position to define postwar
reality for the world. The Tru-
man Doctrine was formulated
and Truman's own words, the
"United States would then take
the lead in running the world
in the way that the world ought
to be run." The Truman doc-
. trine gave new meaning to the
concept of national security.
America now was responsible
for securing a world safe for
its ideas on freedom and politi-
cal and economic institutions.
It was "the turning point in
America's foreign policy, which
now declared that whenever
aggression, either direct or in-
direct, threatened the peace,

the security of the United States
was involved," as Truman wrote
in his Memoirs.
Threats to a world order con-
ceived by the U.S. came from
the communist and non-commu-
nist left. The Soviet Union, by
creating a buffer zone of sym-
pathetic governments around it-
self, directly challenged the
U.S. view that it should define
world order. Nationalistic revo-
lutions aimed at colonial or
conservativedregimes had the
same effect. "The American
leadership equated peace with
order, and order with stable
capitalistregimes," according
to Bob Borosage of the Center
for National Security Studies.
To combat any threats to a
U.S. defined world order, the
National Security Act of 1947
was passed - This bill created
the institutional framework for
the "invisible" government and
thus the National Security State.
The National Security Council
and the CIA were established
and the various military ser-
vices were united, forming the
basis for the modern _Defense
Department.Industrial produc-
tion and military research were
co-ordinated. The Central In-
telligence Act passed in 1949
exempted the Agency from dis-
closing personnel, funding, and
organizational functions to the
public or Congress, thus setting
a legal basis for unlimited se-
Czechoslovakia, the Berlin block-
ade, the "fall" of China, the
Korean war, and the McCarthy
era, created an environment
permeated by anti-communism
paranoia, an environment very
suitable for the "invisible" gov-
ernment to act within-a "free
hand" to use in defining the
world order. CIA involvement
in the Guatemalan coup d'etat
in 1954, in Indonesia before 1960,
in Cuba in 1961, and Laos dur-
ing the Vietnam war, are only
a few examples of U.S. foreign
policy being conducted covertly
and then denied officially by the
The danger of allowing the
"national security excuse" to
explain government behavior in
a democratic society is obvious.
How can an open socity allow
its government to conduct busi-
ness behind closed doors with
little or no oversight?
Until very recently, congres-
sional oversight of the execu-
tive branch has been very lax.
Congress has preferred to ask

trine gave new mean-
ing to the concept of
national security. It
was 'the turning point
in America's foreign
policy, which now de-
clared that whenever
aggression, either di-
rect or in direct,
threatened the peace,
the security of the
United States was in-

"The Trminan


the easy questions, to trust an
agency director or under-secre-
tary. In Congress tries to exer-
cise its constitutional role, it
is quickly faced with claims
of executive privilege or de-
mands for closed-door sessions.
When Congressman Michael
Harrington exposed U.S. in-
volvement in the overthrow of
Allende, he was charged by his
colleagues with breaking House
rules on classified information
and was referred to the House
ethics committee for reprimand.
This is a perfect example of
Congress playing along with the
rules set down by the executive
branch, which in effect state
that the citizens of the U.S.
should not know what their gov-
ernment is doing unless they
are told.
constitution realized the expand-
ing tendencies of power to tres-
pass legitimate boundaries un-
less checked. The system of
checks and balances was insti-
tuted and power fragmented
among the three branches of
government for exactly that
reason. However, with the use
of the "national security" con-
cept, the checks and balances
system is circumvented. John
Ehrlichman can tell the Sen-
ate Watergate Committee that
the burglary of a psychiatrist's
office was done for "national
security" reasons and James
Angleton (a former CIA chief
of covert operations) can tell

Ha i'rv rTruman
another Senate committee in all
seriousness that "it's inconceiv-
able that a secret intelligence
agency has to comply with all
of the overt orders of the gov-
reptitious mail openings, eaves-
droping on American citizens'
telephone calls abroad and po-
litical dossiers on thousands of
Americans have all been "justi-
fied" by the government using
the "national security" shield.
"National security" must be
brought under control and mold-
ed into the constitutional frame-
work of a democractic society.
Come to the Teach-in today and
hear about the "invisible" gov-
ernment, political surveillance,
dataveillance, and mind control.
See for yourself the people Con-
gressmanLarry McDonald lab-
els the "anti-defense, counterse-
curity advocates" who are try-
ing to "cripple the defense cap-
ability of the armed forces and
to blind and deafen the nation
through unremitting slanderous
attacks on the intelligence agen-
cies," which he asserted in last
month's Congressional Record.

:::. ::: r.::::.;.;..:":"::. .

Contact your reps-
Sen. Phillip Hart (Dem), 253 Russell Bldg., Capitol Hill,
Washington, D.C. 20515.
Sen. Robert Griffin (Rep), 353 Russell Bldg., Capitol Hill,
Washington, D.C. 20515.
....Rep. Marvin Esch (Rep), 2353 Rayburn Bldg., Capitol Hill,
Washington, D.C. 20515.
Sen. Gilbert Bursley (Rep), Senate, State Capitol Bldg.,
Lansing, Mi. 48933.
Rep. Perry Bullard (Dem), House of Representatives, State
Capitol Bldg., Lansing, Mi. 48933.

The country has to regaini
trol over its institutions
make them accountable.
time has come to halt the
of "national security" for
tional subversion.


Randy Rothschild is a mem-
her of the Ann Arbor Teach-In

.h....mmam figm ."_"uMim.a}.:"ammer,7t r


William Burroughs

Jerry Ford and

the algebra of need

William Burroughs will be
speaking this afternoon at
1:30 as part of the Ann Ar-
bor Teach-In.
after his talk at Hill, Mark
Lane expressed fear that the
investigative movement had
moved the Left in a few years
from naivete to cynicism with-
out ever passing through real-
That passing, in the mind and
work of William Burroughs, sur-
veys a landscape of cannibal-
ism, man's predatory condition,
and his addictive relation to cul-
ture in "that frozen moment

when everyone sees what is on
the end of every fork," the
Naked Lunch.
If Burroughs has stood still,
then the Left has caught up to
him, following the tracks of
what Donald Freed calls "the
bloodred footprints that lead
from Dallas to Watergate to
now." What struck most critics
as a porno pastiche of drugs
and homosexuality now appears
as a very sane, albeit troubled,
humanism - the replacement
of paranoia with information.
Over more than two decades
of prose, he has approached the
secrecy of the electronic totali-
tarian state from the perspec-
tive of its imminent collapse, as

if it were a network, not of
techno - fascist assurances, but
of human nerves, cells, and or-
gans in personal crisis.
IT IS THIS locus of flesh and
machine that makes his recog-
nition of the ultimate degrada-.
tion so compelling: "the crush-
ing weight of evil insect con-
trol forcing my thoughts and
feelings into prearranged molds,
squeezing my spirit in a soft
invisible vise."
The hood of anonymity lifts,
an exhilarating sense of the
grotesque, since, after all, "it's
a dull territory unless you en-
joy shooting a paralyzed swan
in a cesspool." The darkness of

such laughter appears as some-
thing beyond nihilism when
compared to the laughs Mark
Lane can get now in categoric-
ally summarizing the "hilarious
incompetence" of the Warren
Commission. Nervous laughter
is still a release of sorts.
TYPICAL citizen, then, is con.
trolled in terms of his 'addic-
tion' to the ruling class econom-
ic operation, an algebra of mu-
tual need parasitically created.
Heroin and the trial of sickness
and withdrawal becomes the ul-
timate metaphor for the dawn-
ing of individual awareness as a
well as for the working of so-
ciety as a whole. "There is
something wrong with the whole
concept of money. It takes al-
ways more and more to buy
less and less. Money is like
junk. A dose that fixes on Mon-
day won't fix on Friday. We are
being swept with vertiginous
speed into a worldwide infla-
tion .
For both opologists and heal-
ers of the recent impotence of
the Left, his art is an insinua-
tion that we have been conned
into nausea and vulnerability.
His triumph is the dislocation
that must give birth to any real
attack. Encapsulated in a
speaking voice both cyical and
rusty, conjuring us a used-car
salesman, his style reveals the
essential disguises of erotic en-

ergy within the structure of ten-
sion and relaxation imposed by
recent Americana. The distop-
ias of science fiction are thus
twisted under his hand into an
image of the present.
aration of a statement for the
Mind Control panel Tuesday af-
ternoon comes as no small
event, for the coherence of all
his though is unmistakable as a
holistic diagnosis of the larger
spiritual meanings of surveil-
lance and the grand designs of
repressed bureaucrats. Like the
JFK inquiry, Burroughs' time
has come to be regarded ser-
Realizing that the black mag-
ic of mass communications
must be counterattacked with a
magic of analysis and resist-
ance, Burroughs has steadily
explored the nature of obedi-
ence, dramatizing the central
concern of our time, which is
the nature of power. Listening
to his voice, one can understand
Kafka's journal entry about
canitalism as a condition of the
soul, and hear Jerry Ford
through a million tape record-
ers of his voice fading into an
invisible morning shrinking in
heavy time.
Brnce Shlain is a free-lance
writer living in Boston.

Eqbal Ahmad: On revolution




4, MINt MR



., ;
r ,
a' i "'

F QBAL AHMAD, humanist, political activist
and scholar, will attempt to synthesize those
views already presented at the Teach-In. Ah-
mad's discussion will focus on the obligations of
Americans concerning policy abroad. He is fin-
ishing a book about Henry Kissinger and US
foreign policy and is an expert on revolutions in
the third world.
IN A TELEPHONE interview conducted last
week, Ahmad spoke of the affect of the Vietnam
revolution on American society and third world
revolutionary movements. "To attribute too much
power to the Indochina victory would merely re-
inforce the domino theory. Revolutions have gone
on in face of failure and have failed in face of
success. While no one can deny that the success
of the revolution has been inspirational, it is im-
portant to realize that revolutionary movements
do not really need examples of success." Ahmad
continued, "revolutions are created by the inter-
nal dynamic of the country and by the spirit of
the people, not by other revolutions".
OF COURSE it is heartening, Ahmad added,
that the Vietnamese pepople have achieved their
revolution despite the power of American forces,
"What we should stress", however, "is the way
objective realities have changed. They have
changed drastically in our favor. For example,
Vietnam produced a major economic crisis and
a period of questioning of the military's power.
Vitnam has not weakened the American neo-

that the government's attempt to handle revolu-
tionary in Vietnam through the "Managerial
techniques" of counterinsurgency was doomed to
failure. "The moral isolation and illigitimacy of
the client regime is total and irriversible," Ah-
mad argued. "Vietnamization", therefore, "could
only lead to a reliance upon technical means of
"Counuterinsurgency," according to Ahmad,
"conceals the reality of a foreign dedicated to
combating revolutions abroad; it helps to rele-
gate revolutionaries to the status of outlaws.
THOSE WHO EMPLOY counterinsurgency
show an a priori hostility toward revolution and
view its origins as conspiritorial. Its practition-
ers, mainly liberal reformists, take a manage-
ment attitude toward revolution and a techno-
cratic - military approach to its solution.
"IN REVOLUTION, HOWEVER, life begins to
manifest itself in forms that are incomprehen-
sible to bureaucrats and social engineers." Quot-
ing from "Berkely; The Battle of People's Park",
Ahmad shows this to be true in educational bu-
cracies as well. "The bureaucratic approach for
'understanding' does not begin in wonder, but in
the reduction of the world to the ordinary and
AHMAD INSISTS THAT the logic of counterin-
surgency has not changed, "the view is still
The Vietnam experience has not shown the
,iiitar that thei whol1e wav of looking at the






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