'ighty-Six Years of Editorial Freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan Intelligence Overview The government nobody knows Tuesday, November 4, 1975 News Phone: 764-0552 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mi. 48104 Swainson: Justice undone STATE SUPREME COURT Justice John Swainson, convicted Sunday f three counts of perjury to a grand rury, should immediately resign his post on the state's high court. That "ody cannot hope to hand down squitable decisions on important egal Issues as long as they count mong their number a man who so aprciously misused the public trust. Swainson's conviction may have re- iffirmed many people's faith in the finality of criminal justice system, tut it also brought to light a number f serious flaws in the process which elects the holders of high office in this state. It is disillusioning to think that a rnan of supposedly impeccable repu- bation would exploit the resources of bhe court to his own advantage. Even more disturbing is the bhought that Swainson felt he could get away with such double-dealing in the first place. fAD IT NOT BEEN for the diligence and tenacity of the U. S. Organ- ized Crime Strike Force, Swainson's lace of prominence would still be gathering gold today even as his wal- let continued to do the same under the table. If there is a lesson to be learned from the Swainson case it is that public office is just as likely to tempt its occupants and compromise their integrity as it is to sanctify them or purge them of their all too mortal faults. Editorial Staff GORDON ATCHESON CHERYL PILATE oo-ditors-in-hief DAVID BLOMQUIST ............... Arts Editor BARBARA CORNELL .. Sunday Magazine Editor PAUL HASKINS..............Editorial Director JOSEPHINE MARCOTTY Sunday Magazine Editor SARA RIMER .................. Executive Editor STEPHEN SELBST ................. City Editor JEF SORENSON ............Managing Editor MRT LONG.......... Sunday Magazine Editor STAFF WRITERS: Susan Ades, Tom Allen, Glen Allerhand, Ellen Breslow, Mary Beth Dillon, Ted Evanoff, Jim Finklestein, Elaine Fletch- er, Stephen Hersh, Debra Hurwitz, Lois Josi- movich, Dc Kralik, Jay Levin, Andy Lilly, Ann Marie Lpinski, George Loben, APauline Lubens, Rob Meachum, Robert Miller, Jim Nicoll, Cathy Reutter, Jeff Ritine, Tim Schick, Katherine Spelman, Steve stoe, Jim Tobin. Bill Turque, Jim VaIk, David Wein- berg, Sue Wilhelm, David Whiting, Margaret Yao. TODAY'S BOX News: Gordon Atcheson, Barb Cornell, Andrea Lilly, Maureen Nolan, Jeff Ristine, Jeff Sorensen Editorial Page: Marc Basson, Bruce Braverman, Paul Haskins, Debra Hurwitz, Ted Lambert Arts Page: David Blomquist Photo Technician: Pauline Lubens Ascension to the court or some elected position is not cause for as- suming public fidelity on the part of any individual. On the contrary, it should signal a need for intensified public scrutiny of office holders in order to insure that public trust won't go unheeded by those left to their own, all too often unscrupulous devices. THE PROCESS AT work behind the Swainson conviction is reactive in nature. By exposing the justice's indiscretions counteracting them with punitive measures, the court has kept Swainson from further misdeeds in the future. However, the process did nothing to prevent such malfeasance in the first place. It is not enough for the courts and the legislature to sit back and wait for public corruption to show itself before taking corrective action. In no area of society are the stakes and re- sponsibilities so great as in the pub- lic sector. The Michigan legislature and the courts should take immediate and deliberate action to institution- alize a regular review procedure for ensuring the integrity of the state judiciary. IT IS INEXCUSABLE that an out- side agency, the federal strike force, had to step in before state of- ficialdom could spot the crook among them. Photography Staff KEN FINK Chief Photographer STEVE KAGAN ..............Staff Phtographer PAULINE LUBENS.........Staff Photographer Sports Staff BRIAN DEMING Sports Editor MARCIA MERKER ........ . ,.. Executive Editor LEBA HERTZ..................Managing Editor JEFF SCHILLER .... ... Associate Editor CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Al Hrapsky, Jeff Liebster, Ray O'Hara, Michael Wilson NIGHT EDITORS: Rick Bonino, Tom Cameron, Tom Duranceau, Andy Glazer, Kathy Henne- ghan, Ed LangehRich Lerner, ScottLewis, Bill Stieg ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Enid Goldman, Marcia Katz, John Niemeyer, Dave Whak DESK ASSISTANTS: Paul Campbell, Marybeth Dillon, Larry Engle, Aaron Gerstman, Jerome Gilbert, Andy Lebet, Rick Maddock, Bob Miller, Joyce Moy, Patrick Rode, Arthur Wightman Business Staff SENIOR STAFF DEBORAH NOVESS Business Manager Rob Cerra .................. Operations Manager Peter Caplan ................. Finance Manager Beth Friedman .... ".. ".......... Sales Manager Dave Plontkowsky............ Display Manager Pete Petersen ................ Sales Coordinator MANAGERS: Dan Brinza, Kathy Mulhein, Cassie St. Clair ASSOCIATE MANAGERS: Dave Harlan, Susan Shultz ASSISTANT MANAGERS: Dave Schwartz, Bob Totte STAFF: John Benbow, Debbie Dreyfuss, Jan Eichinger, Denise Gilardone, Dede Goldman, Amy Hartman, Beth Kirchner, Cathy Lasky, Nancy Lombardi, Kathleen Matthews, Vicki May. Judi Miller, Dennis O'Malley, Candy Perry, Debbie Pikus, Louis Schwartz, Ann Mr- rie Viieneune, Ruth Wolman SALESMAN: Dan Blugerman, Francie Leader, Cher Bledsoe, Joseph Kaufman, Sue Marsh, Ollie Kiesel, Jeff Goldsmith, Colleen Hogan By RANDY ROTHSCHILD TrHE WORDS "NATIONAL security" have become the accepted euphemism used by the U.S. government to promote the unprecedented growth of state power during the twentieth century. In the name of "na- tional security," everything from the necessity of an "in- visible," secret sector of gov- ernment to the violation of civil liberties and criminal laws has been rationalized by the govern- ment. A seemingly omnipresent concern of the U.S. government, "national security" has never been precisely definednor will it ever be. Its usefulness for exploitation as an operational motive lies in its intangible, undefinable qualities. Although it has a public welfare connota- tion, "national security" in real- ity" has been used to subvert the democratic process. It creates an arena in which gov- ernment behavior and policy exists and operates without be- ing carefully questioned or scru- tinized by the electorate. "Na- tional security" allows the gov- ernment to act outside the nor- mal checks and balances pro- vided by the constitution and contradicts the democratic prin- ciple of "consent of the gov- erned." TODAY THERE EXISTS in the U.S. a whole sector of gov- ernment that formulates and conducts government policy without public participation or even awareness. Included with- in this category are the follow- ing agencies: CIA, FBI, Nation- al Security Council, National Se- curity Agency, Forty Commit- tee. U.S. Intelligence Board, In- telligence Resources Advisory Committee, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Defense Intelligence Agency, Central Security Services, Army Intelligence, Navy Intelligence, Air Force Intelligence, Bureau of Intelligence and Research of the State Department. David Wise has given the name "The -Invisible Government" to this part of the government precise- ly because its deliberations and decisions are hidden from pub- lic view through secrecy and by the classification system. As a consequence, only a privileged few with top-security clearance are privy to information relating to the "invisible" government's decision - making process. Thus policy papers from its meetings are never publicized; its deci- sions are never scrutinized. It is important to note that it is usually only by chance that the American people can dis- cover the activities of the "in- visible" government. Informa- tion concerning the Bay of Pigs, the overthrow of Allende, or Watergate was not institution- ally designed to surface; it was only through government blun- ders or intensive media investi- gation that such information be- came available to the public. To discern why a sector of govern- ment run by a handful of bureaucrats and military offi- cials, employing over 150,000 people and spending over six billion dollars annually exists today, one must look back to the postwar Truman years. EMERGING FROM THE sec- ond world war victorioustand more powerful than any other country, the United States was in a position to define postwar reality for the world. The Tru- man Doctrine was formulated and Truman's own words, the "United States would then take the lead in running the world in the way that the world ought to be run." The Truman doc- . trine gave new meaning to the concept of national security. America now was responsible for securing a world safe for its ideas on freedom and politi- cal and economic institutions. It was "the turning point in America's foreign policy, which now declared that whenever aggression, either direct or in- direct, threatened the peace, the security of the United States was involved," as Truman wrote in his Memoirs. Threats to a world order con- ceived by the U.S. came from the communist and non-commu- nist left. The Soviet Union, by creating a buffer zone of sym- pathetic governments around it- self, directly challenged the U.S. view that it should define world order. Nationalistic revo- lutions aimed at colonial or conservativedregimes had the same effect. "The American leadership equated peace with order, and order with stable capitalistregimes," according to Bob Borosage of the Center for National Security Studies. To combat any threats to a U.S. defined world order, the National Security Act of 1947 was passed - This bill created the institutional framework for the "invisible" government and thus the National Security State. The National Security Council and the CIA were established and the various military ser- vices were united, forming the basis for the modern _Defense Department.Industrial produc- tion and military research were co-ordinated. The Central In- telligence Act passed in 1949 exempted the Agency from dis- closing personnel, funding, and organizational functions to the public or Congress, thus setting a legal basis for unlimited se- crecy. THE COMMUNIST COUP in Czechoslovakia, the Berlin block- ade, the "fall" of China, the Korean war, and the McCarthy era, created an environment permeated by anti-communism paranoia, an environment very suitable for the "invisible" gov- ernment to act within-a "free hand" to use in defining the world order. CIA involvement in the Guatemalan coup d'etat in 1954, in Indonesia before 1960, in Cuba in 1961, and Laos dur- ing the Vietnam war, are only a few examples of U.S. foreign policy being conducted covertly and then denied officially by the government. The danger of allowing the "national security excuse" to explain government behavior in a democratic society is obvious. How can an open socity allow its government to conduct busi- ness behind closed doors with little or no oversight? Until very recently, congres- sional oversight of the execu- tive branch has been very lax. Congress has preferred to ask trine gave new mean- ing to the concept of national security. It was 'the turning point in America's foreign policy, which now de- clared that whenever aggression, either di- rect or in direct, threatened the peace, the security of the United States was in- vOlve(.' "The Trminan Doc- the easy questions, to trust an agency director or under-secre- tary. In Congress tries to exer- cise its constitutional role, it is quickly faced with claims of executive privilege or de- mands for closed-door sessions. When Congressman Michael Harrington exposed U.S. in- volvement in the overthrow of Allende, he was charged by his colleagues with breaking House rules on classified information and was referred to the House ethics committee for reprimand. This is a perfect example of Congress playing along with the rules set down by the executive branch, which in effect state that the citizens of the U.S. should not know what their gov- ernment is doing unless they are told. THE FRAMERS of the U.S. constitution realized the expand- ing tendencies of power to tres- pass legitimate boundaries un- less checked. The system of checks and balances was insti- tuted and power fragmented among the three branches of government for exactly that reason. However, with the use of the "national security" con- cept, the checks and balances system is circumvented. John Ehrlichman can tell the Sen- ate Watergate Committee that the burglary of a psychiatrist's office was done for "national security" reasons and James Angleton (a former CIA chief of covert operations) can tell Ha i'rv rTruman another Senate committee in all seriousness that "it's inconceiv- able that a secret intelligence agency has to comply with all of the overt orders of the gov- ernment." DOMESTIC BREAK-INS, sur- reptitious mail openings, eaves- droping on American citizens' telephone calls abroad and po- litical dossiers on thousands of Americans have all been "justi- fied" by the government using the "national security" shield. "National security" must be brought under control and mold- ed into the constitutional frame- work of a democractic society. Come to the Teach-in today and hear about the "invisible" gov- ernment, political surveillance, dataveillance, and mind control. See for yourself the people Con- gressmanLarry McDonald lab- els the "anti-defense, counterse- curity advocates" who are try- ing to "cripple the defense cap- ability of the armed forces and to blind and deafen the nation through unremitting slanderous attacks on the intelligence agen- cies," which he asserted in last month's Congressional Record. :::. ::: r.::::.;.;..:":"::. . Contact your reps- Sen. Phillip Hart (Dem), 253 Russell Bldg., Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C. 20515. Sen. Robert Griffin (Rep), 353 Russell Bldg., Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C. 20515. ....Rep. Marvin Esch (Rep), 2353 Rayburn Bldg., Capitol Hill, Washington, D.C. 20515. Sen. Gilbert Bursley (Rep), Senate, State Capitol Bldg., Lansing, Mi. 48933. Rep. Perry Bullard (Dem), House of Representatives, State Capitol Bldg., Lansing, Mi. 48933. The country has to regaini trol over its institutions make them accountable. time has come to halt the of "national security" for tional subversion. con- and The use na- Randy Rothschild is a mem- her of the Ann Arbor Teach-In staff. .h....mmam figm ."_"uMim.a}.:"ammer,7t r 'a:.... William Burroughs Jerry Ford and the algebra of need William Burroughs will be speaking this afternoon at 1:30 as part of the Ann Ar- bor Teach-In. By BRUCE SHLAIN QPEAKING SUNDAY night after his talk at Hill, Mark Lane expressed fear that the investigative movement had moved the Left in a few years from naivete to cynicism with- out ever passing through real- ity. That passing, in the mind and work of William Burroughs, sur- veys a landscape of cannibal- ism, man's predatory condition, and his addictive relation to cul- ture in "that frozen moment when everyone sees what is on the end of every fork," the Naked Lunch. If Burroughs has stood still, then the Left has caught up to him, following the tracks of what Donald Freed calls "the bloodred footprints that lead from Dallas to Watergate to now." What struck most critics as a porno pastiche of drugs and homosexuality now appears as a very sane, albeit troubled, humanism - the replacement of paranoia with information. Over more than two decades of prose, he has approached the secrecy of the electronic totali- tarian state from the perspec- tive of its imminent collapse, as if it were a network, not of techno - fascist assurances, but of human nerves, cells, and or- gans in personal crisis. IT IS THIS locus of flesh and machine that makes his recog- nition of the ultimate degrada-. tion so compelling: "the crush- ing weight of evil insect con- trol forcing my thoughts and feelings into prearranged molds, squeezing my spirit in a soft invisible vise." The hood of anonymity lifts, an exhilarating sense of the grotesque, since, after all, "it's a dull territory unless you en- joy shooting a paralyzed swan in a cesspool." The darkness of such laughter appears as some- thing beyond nihilism when compared to the laughs Mark Lane can get now in categoric- ally summarizing the "hilarious incompetence" of the Warren Commission. Nervous laughter is still a release of sorts. BURROUGHS' P R 0 T 0- TYPICAL citizen, then, is con. trolled in terms of his 'addic- tion' to the ruling class econom- ic operation, an algebra of mu- tual need parasitically created. Heroin and the trial of sickness and withdrawal becomes the ul- timate metaphor for the dawn- ing of individual awareness as a well as for the working of so- ciety as a whole. "There is something wrong with the whole concept of money. It takes al- ways more and more to buy less and less. Money is like junk. A dose that fixes on Mon- day won't fix on Friday. We are being swept with vertiginous speed into a worldwide infla- tion . For both opologists and heal- ers of the recent impotence of the Left, his art is an insinua- tion that we have been conned into nausea and vulnerability. His triumph is the dislocation that must give birth to any real attack. Encapsulated in a speaking voice both cyical and rusty, conjuring us a used-car salesman, his style reveals the essential disguises of erotic en- ergy within the structure of ten- sion and relaxation imposed by recent Americana. The distop- ias of science fiction are thus twisted under his hand into an image of the present. AND.SO HIS SPECIAL prep- aration of a statement for the Mind Control panel Tuesday af- ternoon comes as no small event, for the coherence of all his though is unmistakable as a holistic diagnosis of the larger spiritual meanings of surveil- lance and the grand designs of repressed bureaucrats. Like the JFK inquiry, Burroughs' time has come to be regarded ser- iously. Realizing that the black mag- ic of mass communications must be counterattacked with a magic of analysis and resist- ance, Burroughs has steadily explored the nature of obedi- ence, dramatizing the central concern of our time, which is the nature of power. Listening to his voice, one can understand Kafka's journal entry about canitalism as a condition of the soul, and hear Jerry Ford through a million tape record- ers of his voice fading into an invisible morning shrinking in heavy time. Brnce Shlain is a free-lance writer living in Boston. Eqbal Ahmad: On revolution I'VE DECIDED WHAT I'M GONNA BE WHEN I GROW UP.,.A CROOK. I CROOKS END UP IN JAILI ,miffifi~m\ 4, MINt MR NOT ME!IKNOW HOW TO BEAT THE SYSTEM. ..-- !'. ., ; r , a' i "' ROBERT MILLER F QBAL AHMAD, humanist, political activist and scholar, will attempt to synthesize those views already presented at the Teach-In. Ah- mad's discussion will focus on the obligations of Americans concerning policy abroad. He is fin- ishing a book about Henry Kissinger and US foreign policy and is an expert on revolutions in the third world. IN A TELEPHONE interview conducted last week, Ahmad spoke of the affect of the Vietnam revolution on American society and third world revolutionary movements. "To attribute too much power to the Indochina victory would merely re- inforce the domino theory. Revolutions have gone on in face of failure and have failed in face of success. While no one can deny that the success of the revolution has been inspirational, it is im- portant to realize that revolutionary movements do not really need examples of success." Ahmad continued, "revolutions are created by the inter- nal dynamic of the country and by the spirit of the people, not by other revolutions". OF COURSE it is heartening, Ahmad added, that the Vietnamese pepople have achieved their revolution despite the power of American forces, "What we should stress", however, "is the way objective realities have changed. They have changed drastically in our favor. For example, Vietnam produced a major economic crisis and a period of questioning of the military's power. Vitnam has not weakened the American neo- that the government's attempt to handle revolu- tionary in Vietnam through the "Managerial techniques" of counterinsurgency was doomed to failure. "The moral isolation and illigitimacy of the client regime is total and irriversible," Ah- mad argued. "Vietnamization", therefore, "could only lead to a reliance upon technical means of attrition." "Counuterinsurgency," according to Ahmad, "conceals the reality of a foreign dedicated to combating revolutions abroad; it helps to rele- gate revolutionaries to the status of outlaws. THOSE WHO EMPLOY counterinsurgency show an a priori hostility toward revolution and view its origins as conspiritorial. Its practition- ers, mainly liberal reformists, take a manage- ment attitude toward revolution and a techno- cratic - military approach to its solution. "IN REVOLUTION, HOWEVER, life begins to manifest itself in forms that are incomprehen- sible to bureaucrats and social engineers." Quot- ing from "Berkely; The Battle of People's Park", Ahmad shows this to be true in educational bu- cracies as well. "The bureaucratic approach for 'understanding' does not begin in wonder, but in the reduction of the world to the ordinary and manageable." AHMAD INSISTS THAT the logic of counterin- surgency has not changed, "the view is still managerial. The Vietnam experience has not shown the ,iiitar that thei whol1e wav of looking at the I ...,, ldi I'M GONNA WORK FOR THE CIA ... OR THEFBI ... OR THEIRS . OR BE PRESIDENT... OR ,,.. ,TP A lsrr ,'r; t .>hf rl: -e..