7 Sunday,. September 17, 1972
THE MICHIGAN DAILY
Page Three
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A Wh
By DICK BARNES
Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON - The cast is
getting so crowded and the
chronology so complicated that
Democratic headquarters bugg-
ing affair now reads like an E.
Howard Hunt spy novel.
That's fitting, since mystery
novelist, o n e t i m e intelligence
agent and former White House
consultant Hunt is a chief char-
acter in the drama, which is
three months old today.
Democratic presidential candi-
date George McGovern has seiz-
ed on GOP ties to the affair as a
campaign issue and top Repub-
licans, including President Nix-
on, have denied any high-rank-
ing involvement. in the break-in.
For readers who missed some
of the chapters, here is a run-
down on the chief players and
episodes in the affairs in which
federal grand jury indictments,
against seven persons were re-
turned Friday:
The Watergate Five: Not anti-
war activists, but rather the
Washington label pinned on five
men who were arrested June 17
inside the posh Watergate office
building headquarters" of the
Democratic National Committee.
They were caught with crisp
$100 bills and electronic surveil-
lance and photographic equip-
ment after an alert private
building guard spotted a door
lock taped open.
They first gave aliases, but
r
)'s Who
later turned out to be James
McCord Jr., Bernard Barker,
Virgilio Gonzales, Eugenio Mar-
tinez and Frank Sturgis.
The plot thickened the next
day when an Associated Press
check of public campaign fi-
nance records disclosed that
McCord was the well-paid se-
curity coordinator for the Com-
mittee to Re-elect the President.
The other four were Cubans
now living in Miami.
E. Howard Hunt: Notations
found in notebooks belonging to
two of the suspects brought Hunt
into the picture. He had been
working as a Nixon White House
consultant and was exployed by
a public relations firm located a
block from the executive man-
sion. In earlier years he had par-
ticipated in various Central In-
telligence Agency operations
and had written more than 40
spy and adventure novels -
some with characters whose
names bore striking resemblance
to the aliases used by the Wat-
ergate Five. Hunt, McCord and
some of the Miamians had work-
ed together with the CIA at the
time of the Bay of Pigs invasion
in 1961.
For a time after his name en-
tered the case, Hunt dropped
out of sight. But he eventually
emerged to face the grand jury
which indicted him and to clean
out his desk at the public rela-
lations firm which fired him.
Wearing sunglasses and with
straw hat brim pulled down,
Hunt on one recent occasion hid
in an empty office and then ran
down a street to avoid newsmen.
G. Gordon Liddy: The one-
time Treasury, one-time White
House official was working as
chief counsel for the finance com-
mittee of the Committee to Re-
Elect the President. But he'
was fired when he refused to an-
swer FBI questions about the
break-in.
Subsequent disclosures h a v e
indicated that Hunt and Liddy
were elsewhere in the Watergate
complex when the Watergate
Five were arrested. The pair re-
portedly dashed to a motel acrosse
the street and cleared out moni-J
toring equipment which was be-
ing used in connection with elec-
tronic surveillance of the Demo-
cratic headquarters. Liddy, too,
was indicted.
Lawrence O'Brien: Democratic
national chairman at the time
of the break-in, he is now chair-
man of Sen. George McGovern's
presidential campaign. O'Brien
says investigators have found his_
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guide to the
Watergate plot
telephone was tapped for at least
several weeks prior to the break-
in and that his confidential poli-
tical conversations were moni-
tored and transcribed daily.
A Miami commercial film pro-
cessor says negatives of s o m e
papers from O'Brien's office were
brought to him for developing by
two of the Watergate Five.
O'Brien has sued the Watergate
Five for $1 million in civil dam-
ages and is currently trying to
amend the suit to increase dam-
ages to $3.2 million and add sev-
eral Republicans to the list of de-
fendants. He has called the af-
fair "outrageous political espion-
age" and is helping McGovern
push it as a major campaign is-
sue.
John Mitchell: The former at-
torney general was head of Pres-
ident Nixon's re-election c a m -
paign at the time of the break-
in. He resigned two weeks later
after his wife, Martha, threat-
ened to leave him if he did not
get out of politics. She made veil-
ed allusions to the Watergate af-
fair but has refused to elabor-
ate on what, if anything undis-
closed, she knows about it. The
Mitchells lived in an apartment
at the Watergate complex at the
time.
Hugh Sloan Jr.: The 32-year-old
Princeton graduate and former
White House staffer was treas-
urer for the Nixon finance com-
mittee at the time of the break-
in. He quit a few weeks later be-
cause, he said, his wife was preg-
nant. She kept working at her
White House job.
Sloan left his post following dis-
closures that $114,000 worth of
campaign contribution checks
had passed from the Nixon com-
mittee to the Miami bank account
of Barker - one of the break-
in suspects. Sloan had handled
all the checks.
Kenneth Dahlberg: This indus-
trialist and Nixon midwest fund
raiser had obtained a $25,000
cash contribution from Dwayne*
Andreas, a Minneapolis soybean
magnate. Because Andreas, a
former supporter of Democrat
Hubert Humphrey, wanted to re-
main anonymous, he tried to
make his contribution b e f o r e
April 7. On that date, a new fed-
eral law went into effect requir-
ing disclosure of the names of
political contributors of $100 or
more.
Dahlberg took the cash on a
Miami golf course, then convert-
ed it to a cashier's check at a
Boca Raton, Fla., bank, a n d
bought the check to Nixon head-
quarters.
Roy Winchester: Several days
before Dahlberg brought his
check to Washington, Winchester,
a vice president of Pennzoil
Corp. in Houston had brought a
suitcase full of $700,000 in cash,
checks and securities to the fi-
nance committee office late one
night. Nixon fund raisers in Tex-
as collected the money just ahead
of the April 7 disclosure dead-
line.
Robert Allen: The president of
Gulf Resources and Chemical Co.
in Hoiston, Allen was Nixon's
Texas fund-raising chairman. His
firm was the client of a Mexico
City lawyer named Manuel Ogar-
rio Daguerre. The suitcase of
funds carried by Winchester in-
cluded four checks worth $89,000
drawn on a Mexican bank, made
out to and endorsed by Daguerre.
The four checks, along with Dahl-
berg's, were the five that wound
up in Barker's bank account.
William Liedtke: President of
Pennzoil and Nixon's southwest
finance chairman, he helped col-
lect the $700,000 and was ap-
proached by Allen, who said he
could raise United States money
in Mexico for the campaign.
Maurice Stans: The former
secretary of commerce quit the
Cabinet to become Nixon's chief
fund raiser. He was instrumental
in the Nixon campaign, raising
about $10 million ahead of the
disclosure deadline. He has re-
peatedly refused to say from
whom the money came, contend-
ing that in some cases he didn't
know and that in an event the
donors had requested anonymity.
eral Accounting Office. His ac-
countants investigated the checks
and other elements of Nixon
committee finances and found
both apparent and possible viola-
tions. One assertion was that the
committee had not received the
$25,000 Andreas contribution in
time to avoid the disclosure law,
but had failed to report it.. Ano-
ther was that $350,000 in cash
in Stans' safe had not been pro-
perly accounted for.
Edward Williams: The noted
trial lawyer has supervised the
Democrats' civil suit. In re-
sponse, the Nixon committees
have filed a $2.5 mililon s u i t
against O'Brien charging malic-
ious abuse of federal court pro-
cesses. And Stans has sued
O'Brien for $5 million, claiming
he was libeled by accusatipns
that O'Brien made in a docu-
ment which U.S. District Court
has not yet accepted as an
amendment to O'Brien's original
suit.
Henry Rothblatt: A New York
lawyer who was prominent in one
of the My Lai trials, he is de-
fending the break-in suspects in
the civil suit and is one of sev-
eral lawyers defending them in
criminal proceedings.
Earl Silbert: He is the assist-
ant U.S. attorney who directed
the grand jury investigation of
the case. The indictments re-
turned Friday all dealt w i t h
breaking into the Democratic
headquarters, electronic surveil-
lance and conspiracy. The hand-
ling of the $114,000 was not a
subject of any of the eight
counts. Under District of Coium-
bia rules, the trial is supposed
to begin within 60 days.
Mitchell
O'Brien
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When the disclosure about the
five checks in Barker's account
became public, Stans said he did
not know how the checks got
there. He also denied he had di-
rected any scheme to route cam-
paign contributions through Mex-
ico so they could be "laundered"
- divorced of any identification
with their source.
Liedtke, however, told investi-
gators for the House Banking
and Currency Committee that he
had asked Stans whether there
would be any problems in bring-
ing money from Mexico and was
told within 24 hours that it was
"okay to bring the money to
Washington."
Stans has continued to maintain
he knew of no plan to transfer
money from contributors to
Mexico and then to the finance
committee. He has not specifi-
cally commented on a conversa-
tion with Liedtke.
Sloan told the House Banking
investigators that he turned the
five checks over to Liddy to be
converted to cash. He said Liddy
did not produce the cash until
several weeks later and that the
$114,000 total had been reduced
by somewherebetween $1,000 and
$2,500. Sloan said Liddy explain-
Ed that a check-cashing fee ac-
counted for the difference. No
one explained why the checks
hadn't been cashed at the com-
mittee's regular bank.
Phillip Hughes: He is head of
the Federal Elections Office,
part of the government's Gen-
Williams
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"In spite of what a grouchy,
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Mich. Daily
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