Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue


Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

October 21, 1970 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1970-10-21

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.









UNDER SECTION 4, paragraphs D, E
and F of the War Measures Act, Public
Order Regulations 1970, of the Dominion
of Canada I would be guilty of an offense
if I were to communicate, by telephone,
broadcasting or other audible or visible
means, virtually anything concrete about
the Front for the Liberation of Quebec
(FLQ) .
In addition, if I make any statement
which tends to support the FLQ I could be
jailed for up to ninety days without trial
or even being charged.
I would be permitted no communication
with the outside, unless the police or army
so wished it, and upon trial and conviction
I could be sentenced to serve five years
in jail.
Today, and this is probably illegal of me
to write even this, a man braved his liberty
in giving me his copy of the FLQ plat-
For obvious reasons, I cannot send it to
you. Only two days ago the editor of The
Meliorist, the student newspaper at the
University of Lethbridge, in Alberta, was
ordered not to publish his paper, which
was to contain the platform.
Doing so would mean his arrest.

The Ontarion, published by students at
the University of Guelph in Ontario, was
confiscated by police over the weekend.
In Toronto, Ont., police siezed 1,000 copies
of an internationalist newspaper Mon-
day because, (dare I say it?) it bore the
headline "the Quebec people's unarmed
struggle will become armed."
THE FACT OF the matter is, however,
that the majority of Canadiens seem to be
firmly supporting the government in its
course of action.
A fourth year student at McGill Univer-
sity here in Montreal told me "I'm 100 per
cent behind the government; I'm sick and
tired of walking across campus and hear-
ing bombs go off."
The Quebecois that I spoke to yesterday
also seem to be behind the government,
and there seem to be few English-speaking
Canadiens who will vehemently object to
Trudeau's actions.
While there is obviously some support
for the FLQ, (many French-Canadien
students are adamant on that even now)
the FLQ remains a minority philosophy
with a violent polemic, which is totally
repulsive to most Canadiens.
The scene yesterday at the funeral of
slain Minister Pierre Laporte, where the
tears flowed quite freely from a pre-

dominantly French-Canadien crowd, is em-
pirical evidence that the FLQ with its
gangsterism tactics will receive no wide-
spread support from Canadiens of what-
ever national origin.
SUCH EVIDENCE is everywhere to be
found. Cabdrivers condemn the FLQ; bus-
drivers condemn the FLQ; the vast major-
ity of students condemn the FLQ; and no-
body seems to mind the reality of a police
state, however temporary.
Despite calls to arms on campuses across
Canada, the evidence seems to point to
near-solid student support for Trudeau.
The reason for this may lay in the fact
that Canada is not yet at a level of tension
like that which is common every day in
the United States. The confidence that
most Canadiens feel in their government
to lift the emergency laws as soon as
possible is probably well founded.
No consideration seems to be given to
the fact, however, that the action taken
sets a dangerous precedent. The emotional
cry of "Yes, but these terrorists have 10,000
sticks of dynamite" (which they apparent-
ly do) far outweighs political considera-
tions of that kind.
IT SEEMS NOW that a scaled down
version of the War Measures Act will be

introduced in Parliament early next month.
Indications are that it will either replace
the War Measures Act in this crisis, or be
used instead of the War Measures Act
in possible future crises.
there is little concern among Canadiens
that the government might be tempted too
often into using a new act. (I'm not sug-
gesting that they will, by the way, only
that they might. I have to be very care-
ful what I say.)
But one of the most incredible aspects
of this whole business has been the willing-
ness of the authorities to arrest and in-
timidate those involved in mass communi-
Attacks on the freedom of the press
seemed, in the original interpretations of
the War Measures Act by a liberal MP to
be outlawed unless the medium was actual-
ly supporting the FLQ.
The fact is that Trudeau- has let loose
a pandora's box of repression that he seems
unable to control. One provision in the act
provides for enforcement of the act by any
and all law agencies, including the armed
Thus, the decisions on who to arrest and
who to threaten, are made on a purely local
basis, and decisions of that magnitude
are oftimes too significant to be made by
the village cop.


she a t gin at1
Eighty years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan


ideology for



420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michiqan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mst be noted in all reprints.



s; Lt
} t "R ,, _
w . 1\

(The folloWing article represents the position of the Ann Arbor Arab
Student's Organization.)
PALESTINIAN GUERRILLAS have emerged as a crucial factor in
the Middle East, and neither Israel nor the Arab governments can
ignore the guerrillas' future role. It would be too simplistic to dismiss
the Palestinian Resistance Movement as an ephemeral myth doomed to
dissipate in due time. A brief look at the history of the movement, its
present significance both to Palestinians and the world at large, as
well as a look at what they have to offer as alternatives and solutions,
may help us form a coherent view of them, and maybe lead us to co-
herent action.
After the Suez war of 1956, a new Palestine Resistance movement
began to take shape. However here it would be interesting to go back
to the 1930's and see what was going on then. The Arabs of Palestine,
on the eve of the Balfour Declaration, were just taking their first
steps in modern technology and were suddenly exposed to a systematic
invasion, backed by the latest technology, resources, military power;
there was no semblance of any equality between the Arabs and the
forces brought against them.
They resisted in organized political action, as well as in all visible
forms of resistance, ranging from peaceful demonstration, to outbursts
of violence, and lastly to open full scale revolution and guerrilla re-
sistance, which continued for three years between 1936 and 1939. This
date is significant in itself, for it precedes by one decade the national
risings of India, Indonesia, and Indochina, by more than a decade and
a half the national rising of North Africa, and by two decades the na-
tional rising of the rest of Africa.
It was thus undoubtedly a pioneering model of a popular revolu-
tion in the Twentieth Century and this in itself is a tribute to the
Palestinian Arabs.
THUS WE CAN SEE that the Palestinian Resistance Movement
has a long standing tradition on which to fall back and' to draw in-
spiration from. The basic mission of the new Palestinian leadership is
to eradicate the old Palestinian's self-image as a helpless refugee, liv-

I" .

t . N G
c F t ,
.. _ ...w;klYfi L 101J.JV 'k




t ,,

i w , "'
i "
' 91
., w
'. ,..

"The basic missiOn
of n e w Palestinian
leadership is to create
a national political;
identity, and an ide.
ology of liberation."



2970. ?Jhe Registr
ed Trjbime Syndicate

'r- ; rwrrrl4
S ,




_ ;,w,....n.
,.,. ,"
iGR., :i ....



Lindsay's Rocky road;
Another Mly Lai atrocity

ing off handouts, and to create in its place a national political iden-
tity, and an ideology of liberation.
By 1962 conditions became ripe for the development of a grass
roots movement. Since then Palestinian armed struggle and its cor-
related Israeli repressiveness in the occupied areas dramatize in a very
"real," "non-mythic" sense the case ofthe Palestinian Arabs.
Time Magazine, no friend of the Arabs; in its September 28th is-
sue p. 23 admits the undeniable mass support of the movement:
No Arab doubts that the guerrillas will remain a formidable poli-
tical force. In the six years since they first began operations
against Israel they have grown to the point where they can only
be temporarily subdued but not eliminated.
The Christian Science Monitor in its August 4th issue, speaks of a
more specific kind of support; financial resources:
.. . These are mainly gleaned from the hard-working and wealthy
Palestinians working in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the oil states of
the Persian Gulf.
At another point the Monitor speaks of yet a more substantial
support, the mobilization of the man power resources:
As the guerrilla organizations develop their own social services,
civic-training programs, and ideologies, the Palestinians - - in-
cluding the 40,000 university graduates who have risen to the top
of business, professional and intellectual achievement in the Arab
world - have come to feel themselves not refugees but members
of a nation determined to recover its lost land.
THE "PROFESSION DE FOI" of Fateh. which is acknowledged
to represent the Palestine Liberation Movement as a whole, has re-
iterated time and again its position, ideology and views on the viability
of a New Palestine. In Fateh Vol. 1 no. 6, 1970, Lebanon, we are giv-
en explicitly their position:
The Palestinian Revolution has officially adopted the crea-
tion of a democratic, non-sectarian state where Christians, Jews
and Moslems can live, work and worship without discrimination
as the ultimate objective of its liberation struggle. Undoubtedly,
the establishment of a progressive open society for all Palestinians
is the only humanitarian and permanent solution to the problem.
It is certainly superior to "throwing the Arabs into the desert," or
"throwing the Jews into the sea." For the goal to be feasible, it
must be acceptable to all parties concerned, as well as to the people
of the world as an interested third party. It must be shown that
it will work.
A revolutionary change of attitude on the part of the Pales-
tinians may be observed in the fact that these do not see the
Jews as monsters, supermen, or eternal enemies. They clearly
identify their enemy as the racist-settler State of Israel and its
Western allies. Reading Jewish literature, joining hands with
progressive Jews around the world, and acquiring self-confidence-
all have helped the Palestinians change their attitudes. Racist-
chauvinistic solutions epitomized by "the throwing-the-Jews-into-
the sea" slogan have been categorically rejected, to be replaced
by the goal of creating the new democratic Palestine.
It would be fitting here to view and question a misconception
which has been perpetrated since the Balfour declaration-namely the
reference to the Jewish community as the Jewish people, and to the
Arab people as communities. This is not only an identification of
people and religious belief, but the denial of the possibility of a multi-
religious people.
THIS DOESN'T RUN contrary to the facts of Palestine alone,
but to all the concepts on which our modern world is based. On the
other side the lumping of all Jews, irrespective of nationality or national
allegiance as people has created a most explosive situaiton for many
Jewish communities including Jews of the Arab world. Many writers
have remarked on the effects of such a situation in splitting the loyalty
of Jewish communities. The dangers involved from a two-levelled action
of this kind for the Jews and the world at large are too great to be
lightly dismissed.
Fateh is very clear about this vital issue:
The new Palestine is not to be built around three state religions
or two nationalities. Rather, it will simply provide freedom from
religious oppression and freedom to practice religion without, dis-


Letters to The Daily

IT IS A LITTLE appalling to hear New
York Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller con-
demn Mayor John Lindsay for lacking
principles in endorsing Rockefeller's op-
ponent, Arthur Goldberg, in that state's
forthcoming gubernatorial race.
Lindsay made it clear Monday t h a t
many political observers in New York had
urged him to remain on the sidelines dur-
ing the race (including Rockefeller, who
just Sunday asked Lindsay to r e m a i n
Editorial Staff
Editorial Director Managing Editor
NADINE COHODAS ... ... .. Feature Editor
JIM NEUBACHER .Editorial Page Editor
ROB BIER ...........Associate Managing Editor
LAURIE HARRIS ......Arts Editor
JUDY KAHN .... Personnel Director
DANIEL ZWERDLING . . Magazine Editor
ROBERT CONROW . Books Editor
NIGHT EDITORS' Dave Chudwin, Erika Hoff, Steve
Koppman, Rgbert Kraftowitz, Lynn Weiner

neutral). But he made his endorsement,
he said, because he felt it unacceptable to
remain silent "when fundamental prin-
ciples are at stake."
To which Rockefeller replied: "For a
man who seconded Agnew's nomination
to speak of principles-. . ."
It should be pointed out again to the
governor that Agnew became the Repub-
lican vice presidential nominee at Miami
two years ago only after failing as one of
the leaders of the pro-Rockefeller move-
And (petty, vituperative politics aside)
Lindsay would be failing in his obliga-
tion to the people of New York City if he
did not do his utmost to help elect the
governor who he feels can be most effect-
ive on the state level in helping to attack
the city's massive problems.
THE ARMY prosecutor dropped his case
against one of the defendant's in the
My Lai massacre trial yesterday. He said
witnesses for the prosecution had estab-
lished that the defendant, S. Sgt. David

To The Daily:
THE DEMANDS that the Uni-
versity solve the "housing short-
age" have been intensifying. What
is really being suggested? Is the
University being asked to sub-
sidize housing, that is, lose money
in order to provide lower-than-
market rents for students? If so,
why, and which students? Most
other subsidized housing is for the
bottom end of the scale, for those
least able to pay. If the University
were to do that for its students, is
it to apply a "means test," or to
provide only very spartan housing,
or both?
Or is the University being asked
to provide private apartments with
all the facilities, at subsidized
rents? And if so, who is expected
to pay those subsidies? The tax-
payers, who on the average are
less well off than the parents of
the students? Or is it the federal
governmentsthrough its programs,
which ultimately means other tax-
payers, or others competing for
tho ca~mar ,,,,rrP

.economics. Restrictive federal
monetary policy largely hurts
those who need credit, builders
and buyers of homes, for instance,
so it is partly to blame. More im-
portant, if rents are higher in one
area than another, relative to cost
of building, it just means t h a t
something is slowing up the rate
of construction (or speeding up
the demand). Students' own de-
mands to be allowed to live where
they pleased are primarily re-
sonsible for the latter. Four single
students can outbid a family for
space, any time.
How does pillorying a few land-
lords increase the supply? If there
is some effective collusion among
landlords to keep rents up, per-
haps it would, but we doubt it. If
new building is slow, and rents
stay high, it is more likely that
bankers, realtors, the city council
and others, have been preserving
the quality of the city (and prop-
erty values) by moving slowly
when it comes to expansion, an-
nexation, etc. Some of the very
people who cry the loudest about
high rent also support all sorts

a decreased demand, or both. If
the tenant's union or anyone else
would like to propose some meth-
ods of doing either of these, we'll
all listen. But we'll also ask
whether they imply subsidies as
well, and if so who is paying and
who is getting the benefits.
-James Morgan
Oct. 14'
To The Daily:
I AM NOT A lawbreaker, crimi-
nal, nor even a member of SDS.
Yet, in the last two weeks I have
been issued three tickets totaling
twenty-eight dollars by the Ann
Arbor Police Department. I have
also been threatened with a jail
sentence if I do not pay these
fines immediately. These "very
serious crimes, ma'm" consists of
twice riding my bicycle the wrong.
way on East William Street and
once riding in the evening without
a light.
The fact that the Ann Arbor
Police consider these crimes to be
en fa .ih - - i icis ,fn __


Back to Top

© 2021 Regents of the University of Michigan