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December 12, 1963 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1963-12-12

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Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
_ UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Fe STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Trutb Wil Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al reprints.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL SATTINGER
Stinginess May Kll
0 "/0
Civil Rights Commission
THE SENATE has already started muti- There is also a contradiction in state
lating the functions of the new state policies on civil rights reflected in the
Civil Rights Commission as outlined in Senate's action. Kelley has ruled that
the new Constitution. The Senate tacked civil rights action by local units of gov-
11 amendments onto a bill which was to ernment is pre-empted in light of the new
implement the CRC. constitution. On the other hand, the
These amendments have so changed Senate has now virtually eliminated ef-
the final draft that Attorney Gen. Frank fective action on the local level by deny-
J. Kelley was driven to admonish the ing the commission the power to create
senators by noting that the bill is "clear- local advisory agencies and conciliation
ly in conflict with express provisions of councils.
the revised constitution." Kelley, in an appar'ent dilemma facing
possible reaction from civil rights groups
AMONG THE AMENDMENTS is a provi- on the local level, has argued that the
sion which removes from the CRC the measure "would immediately subject the
power to create local advisory agencies CRC to the difficult and burdensome re-
and conciliation councils on racial or re- sponsibility of launching its program in
ligious discrimination. Also, another the midst/ of extensive court actions to
amendment strikes out the bill's provi- throw off the yoke of needless and illegal
sion to empower the commission to pay burdens placed upon it by the Legisla-
travel and other business expenses of ad- ture."
visory agencies and conciliation councils,
thus limiting state civil rights action to HIS POINT is well taken, in light of the
the purses of individual citizens. fact that Ann Arbor is now awaiting
The appropriations committee initiat- City Attorney Jacob Fahrner's opinion of
ed the action due to the $117,000 supple- Kelley's ruling. If Ann Arbor does enforce
mental appropriation involved in setting its fair housing ordinance it seems that it
up the commission. It seems evident now
that earlier conjecture, predicting that will have added justification for doing so.
appropriation stinginess would be the A major question arises at this point. If
fate of the CRC, was correct. effective action on the local level cannot
be taken by either state or local units of
HOWEVER, the fate of the new commis- government, just how is Michigan going
sion is still far from being determined, to face the problems of discrimination?
The bill now goes to the House where Civil rights action in the state seems
there is a far greater abundance of doomed as a result of the acts of out-state
"mossback" legislators who take a dim rural legislators.
view of civil rights action of any kind. RAYMOND HOLTON
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Paralyzed Congress
by Walter Lippmann

- d
- ' - -1
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KREBIOZEN:
The Growth of Controversy

SOUTH AFRICA:
Tensions Head
Toward Violence

THIS SESSION OF CONGRESS has a
spectacular record of refusing to con-
sider the major proposals of the chief
executive. On some of these proposals
there may be a majority opposed in one
house or in the other. Some measures, had
the Congress been allowed to vote, would
have commanded a majority, in both
houses. The critical fact is that by a
manipulation of the delaying devices
which are embedded in the committee
system, the legislative branch of the gov-
ernment has been prevented from debat-
ing and voting on most of the legislation
proposed by the President.
We have here in its American form the
critical disease of democratic government
-namely the paralysis of the executive
by the elected assembly. Democratic gov-
ernment based on the popular election of,
representative assemblies is a difficult
form of government, and the great ma-
jority of mankind has never enjoyed it.
Many countries have tried it and have
failed to make it work. Except here, it
has never before been tried on a conti-
nental scale, and there is no certainty
that we shall long be able to make it work.
The system did not work when slavery
was at issue, and there are serious rea-
sons for asking ourselves whether the
system as it exists today will be able to
cope with the world as it is in the middle
of the twentieth century.
Will it be able to cope with the grave
issues which beset a nation composed of
great urbanized industrialized masses and
destined to live in a revolutionary world?
A government in which the chief execu-
tive cannot induce the legislature to con-
sider his proposals is dangerously weak.
IF WE LOOK at the advanced countries-
those which have attained a certain
Editorial Staff
RONALD WILTON, Editor
DAVID MARCUS GERALD STORCH
Editorial Director City Editor
BARBARA LAZARUS.............Personnel Director
PHILIP SUTIN..............National Concerns Editor
GAIL EVANS .,................Associate City Editor
MARJORIE BRAHMS .... Associate Editorial Director
GLORIA BOWLES .................... Magazine Editor
MALINDA BERRY..............Contributing Editor
DAVE GOOD..................... Sorts Editor
JIM BERGER+................. Associate Sports Editor
MIKE BLOCK ................. Associate Sports Editor
BOB ZWINCK.............Contributing Sports Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: H. Neil Berkson, Steven Haler,
Edward Herstein, Marilyn Koral, Louise Lind, An-
drew Orlin, Michael Sattinger, Kenneth Winter.
ASTRTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Mary Lou Butcher.

level of education and wealth-we must
recognize, I believe, that democracy has
been unworkable where the executive was
paralyzed. In what we call the free world
of Western Europe, one can count on the
fingers of one hand the countries where
representative democracy, as it was con-
ceived in the nineteenth century, is still
working reasonably well.
Aside from Portugal and Spain, Greece
and Turkey, what do we see on the con-
tinent? In France, General de Gaulle, and
elsewhere, the muffling of representative
democracy by coalitions of the mass par-
ties.
Austria and Belgium are ruled by coali-
tions which exclude or compromise the
issues between the Christian Democrats
and the Social Democrats, the two parties
to which the great mass of the people be-
longs.
Italy is now experimenting witb such a
coalition, and there is reason to think that
West Germany will have to come to it,
also. Only in Britain, the Scandinavian
countries and Switzerland is representa-
tive democracy working well.
ETHER THE SOLUTION is authori-
tarian, as under Salazar, Franco and
de Gaulle, or is a coalition which suspends
party conflict, the common element is
the liberation of the executive from the
paralyzing grip of the representative as-
sembly.
This problem, which is the central
theme of West European politics, is also
our central problem. I do not know what
will happen if we cannot remedy the par-
alysis of the executive. But I do know
that there is no greater necessity for men
who live in communities than that they
be governed, self-governed if possible,
well-governed if they are fortunate, but
in any event governed.
If the diagnosis is correct, if the trou-
ble from which we suffer is that the leg-
islature paralyzes the executive, then the
remedy is, I submit, clear. It is also sim-
ple.
Let each house of the Congress pass a
rule that any measure proposed by the
President and certified as important
must be put to a vote by some specified
date or within some specified time.
The rules and practices of the House of
Commons make impossible the fantastic
spectacle of a tax proposal by the Presi-
dent in the summer of 1962 which will not
be ready to be voted on at the beginning
of 1964. When I was in London recently, I
asked the chancellor of the exchequer

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first in a two-part series dealing
with the controversial "cancer
drug" Krebiozen. The early history
of the drug will be discussed here.)
By STEVEN HALLER
IN OPENING the American Med-
ical Association Congress with
a firm denunciation of Krebiozen,
AMA President Dr. Edward R.
Annis likely expressed the thoughts
of most of this country's medical
authorities. Declaring that any
physician who had prescribed this
drug as a cancer cure "unwitting-
ly gave support to one of the
greatest frauds of the twentieth
century," he echoed the words of
many eminent scientists before
him.
The tale of Krebiozen began 14
years ago, when Dr. Andrew Duro-
vic, a refugee from Yugoslavia,
approached Dr. Andrew C.aIvy
in Illinois to tell him about a
wondrous new drug capable of
curing any form of cancer. Wheth-
er Dr. Durovic and Dr. Ivy knew
from the start that the drug did
not live up to its claims is not
clear; but they gave it a name
(Krebiozen, from Greek words
meaning "creator of biological
force") and went into business.
The source of Krebiozen, ac-
cording to Dr. Durovic, was the
blood of specially inoculated
horses, particularly Argentine
horses. Two years of relative
silence followed Dr. Durovic's in-
troduction of the drug to Dr. Ivy,
following which the latter an-
nounced "promising results."
* * *
BUT THE FACT that Krebiozen
was derived from horses' blood
was all that the two Illinois doc-
tors would divulge about the drug.
Not surprisingly, their reticence
cast immediate suspicion on their
"promising results" and touched
off years of debates and doubts
among other members of the med-
ical profession. The.most that Drs.
Durovic and Ivy would condescend
to do was select certain doctors,
in a manner known only to them-
selves, and allot these physicians a
given amount of the drug "for in-
vestigational use."
Under pressure from doctors
throughout the country, strong
support grew for a test by an im-
partial institution. While negotia-
tions for such a test dragged on,
the Krebiozen Research Institute,
as the Illinois doctors preferred to
call themselves, continued to dis-
tribute its wares at "contributions"
of $9.50 a dose.
Although the National Cancer
Institute had originally been sug-
gested for the test, Dr. Ivy was
not willing to go along with the
idea. Finally, in February of this
year, the United States Food and
Drug Administration became im-
patient with the delay and struck
out on its own to gather informa-
tion on Krebiozen.
MEANWHILE, Congress had
passed a Drug Amendments Act
which was to prove of great im-
portance in the events that fol-
lowed. A particular provision of
the act required the Illinois doc-
tors to submit an application of
"plans for investigational use" to
permit continued interstate deal-

tinue to provide Krebiozen to any-
one who wanted it; and-Dr. Duro-
vie, who would not sell it to any-
one except Dr. Ivy, charged that
the federal government was "har-
rassing" him. He even went so
far as to introduce a lawsuit
against the government, based on
these allegations.
* * *
NOW CHARGES and counter-,
charges became a matter of com-
mon procedure between the Il-
linois doctors and the rest of the
medical profession. Still more pub-
luicity was garnered for the cause
of Krebiozen when approximately
200 users of the drug donned the

symbolic black of mourning and
picketed both the HEW office and
the White House.
In the midst of all this emotion-
alism, the WFD remained rational,
however. Somehow managing to
slip a word in edgewise with Drs.
Ivy and Durovic, it managed to
obtain from them not only samples
of Krebiozen but also the case
records of 500 patients that the
Illinois doctors considered illus-
trative of the beneficial effects of
the drug. These the FDA turned
over to the National Cancer In-
stitute-a move which proved to
be the beginning of the end for
the Krebiozen Research Institute.

(ERITOR'S NOTE: The following
article, distributed by the Collegiate
Press Service, was written by Mark
Acuff, international affairs vice-
president of the United States Stu-
dent Press Association.)
By MARK ACUFF
APPROXIMATELY ONE out of
every 12 adult South Africans
is in jail today. It is possible, un-
der existing law in the Republic
of South Africa, to arrest a citizen
with no charge whatsoever and
hold that person incommunicado
for 90 days, at the end of which he
may be ordered held for another
90 day period, ad infinitum. The
only person such a prisoner may
see during the 90 day period is
the federal minister of justice, who
most likely signed the order to put
him away.
In the Republic of South Africa
it is a crime punishable by death
to paint a poster or make a speech
advocating any change whatsoever
in the social or economic system
of the country. The law does not
spell out what sort of change is
to be prohibited from public ut-
terance-this is left to the gov-
ernment to define.
The South African government
may declare a state of national
emergency at any time, throwing
the country into martial law and
giving the government power to
rule by decree. Certain areas of
the country, such as the Transkei,
have in fact been ruled in such a
manner for extended periods of
time.
Any person in South Africa not
of the white race must carry on
his person at all times a compli-
cated set of identification papers
and a pass to be in the area where
he works and perhaps lives. This
pass must bear the signatures and
up-to-date authorizations of his
tribal authorities, his employer,
the local and national police
agencies, and numerous other of-
ficials. Any African may be ar-
rested and jailed for up to 48
hours for simple failure to produce
the pass on request-and who is
to say whether or not he had a
pass on him except the police who
arrested him?
** *
IN THE REPUBLIC o South
Africa, the Communist Party has
been banned since 1950. The Afri-
can National Congress, the Pan-
African Congress, and all other
vehicles of native expression have
been banned in the last decade.
The opposition Liberal party,
though not banned, is constantly
harrassed, and the editor of its
fortnightly paper has been arrest-
ed. The only sizeable multi-racial
organization in the country, the
National Union of South African
Students, was recently raided by
the government police and it ap-
pears that the government plans
to ban NUSAS as well.
Some 4,000 books have been
banned by the Republic govern-
ment as unfit for the eyes of
South Africans, whiteor black.
Among the authors on the banned
list are: Peter Abrahams, Richard
Wright, James Baldwin, Nicholas
Monserrat, D. H. Lawrence, Emile
Zola, Francois Sagan, Ernest
Hemingway, Tennessee Williams,
Robert Graves and John Stein-
beck.
In the words of the leaders of
the Afrikaner Nationalist Party,
the government party, apartheid is
the means to "save white civiliza-
tion in South Africa." The Nation-
alists are frighteningly correct-
for they have painted themselves
into a corner with the paint of
repressive social legislation, and
it appears that there is no way
out of the corner for South Africa
short of violence.
THE WORD "apartheid" was
first coined for use in the 1948
South African elections, when
Daniel Malan, Nationalist leader
of the time, correctly surmised
that the more extreme the call to
racism the more likely a victory
at the polls in South Africa. The

Afrikaner Nationalists won that
election, and have steadily in-
creased their majority in parlia-
ment since that time. The Na-
tionalists have been in control of
the country for more than a dec-
ade now, and have ensured their
control by cutting those few
"coloureds" on the voting rolls
and adding in their place the votes
of the white citizens of Southwest
Africa, a League of Nations man-
date to South Africa.
Faced with increasing African
unrest during the last decade as
a result of government apartheid
policies, the Nationalists have
passed a series of laws, which in
the words of the International
Commission of Jurists, ". . . sur-
pass the bounds of civilized juris-
prudence."
The first important legislative
moves of the Afrikaner Nation-
alists were the Mixed Marriage
and Immorality Act, the intent of
which should be obvious from the
title, and the Population Regis-
tration Act, classifying the popu-
lation by racial origin. Both acts
were passed in 1950.
In 1958 the Strijdom adminis-
tration eliminated the Cape Col-
oureds from the voting rolls, and
secured passage of the Bantu Edu-
cation. Act. which totally seregt-

launched the government on a
course of repressive legislation
without equal in the world, in-
cluding dictatorships of the left
and right.
Most important of these items
of legislation are the Sabotage
Act and the General Laws Amend-
ment Act, which together have
turned South Africa into a small
scale replica of Nazi Germany.
The Sabotage Act makes it a
crime punishable by not less than
five years with a maximum pen-
alty of death to disrupt any public
facility or service, commit burg-
lary or trespass, or strike for high-
er wages, and a great many other
things, if the accused cannot prove
other things: a) cause or promote
general dislocation, disturbance or
disorder, b) further or encourage
any political aim designed to bring
about change in the economic or
social structure of the Republic,
and c) embarass the administra-
tion of the affairs of state. The
other "incidental" matters referred
to in the act make it in effect
illegal to protest the policies of
the government in any public
manner.
Under the Suppression of Com-
munism Act, all newspapers in the
country are required to deposit
about $30,000 with the govern-
ment, which is automatically for-
feit if the government decides
that the newspaper is furthering
the "alms of Communism."
OTHER ACTS passed by the
Nationalists are suggestive enough
by their titles: the Public Safety
Act, the Criminal Procedure Act,
the Riotous Assemblies Act, and
the Unlawful Organizations Act,
among others.
The Afrikaner response to
charges that South Africa has
become a fascist police state is
that the government is in the
process of assuring self -govern-
ment and economic progress for
the African through the creation
of autonomous "Bantustans"
throughout the country, to be in-
fused with massive amounts of
government aid. In fact, these
Bantustans are and obviously will
remain under the direct control of
the national police. Together, the
Bantustans, which are located in
some of the worst geographical
areas of the nation, constitute
only 13 per cent of the land area
of South Africa, on which about
75 per cent of the population is
expected to live.
The two leading African organ-
izations in opposition to the gov-
ernment are the African National
Congress, headed by Nobel Prise
winner Albert Luthuli, who is now
under house arrest with all citi-
zens prohibited from conversing
with him or publishing his writ-
ings under pain of imprisonment;
and the Pan-African Congress, a
more activist and violent group,
headed by Robert Sobuke, who is
currently serving a three-year
term in jail.
The only organized white op-
position is found in the Liberal
Party, headed by writer Alan Pat-
ton and others. The Liberals have
never succeeded in electing a can-
didate to parliament. The national
union of students, NUSAS, has
also played an important role of
opposition, and it appears that the
government is planning to ban
NUSAS as well. NUSAS is opposed
by a government front union, the
Afrikanse Studentebonde.
IN OTHER WORDS, the situa-
tion in South Africa is such that
it is totally impossible to follow a
road of peaceful and non-violent
protest against the government
policy of apartheid. The only road
open to the African majority is
now through violence and civil
war. The violent answer has been
steadily gaining among the Afri-
cans; witness the ANC's losing
ground inexorably to the PAC over
the past few years.

The independent nations of Af-
rica have begun to send assistence
to the rebels and violent elements
in South Africa, and a civil war,
a war that will probably surpass
Algeria's in bloodshed, can be ex-
pected to erupt within a year or
two. Given the fact that a civil
war is already underway in neigh-
boring Angola, a civil war in pre-
paration in Mozambique, and
rumblings of violence in Southern
Rhodesia, the entire Southern por-
tion of the African continent is
likely to erupt into violence of the
worst sort shortly. The League of
Nations mandate of Southwest
Africa is currently under review by
the International Court of Justice
at The Hague, and it seems ob-
vious that the mandate will be
returned to the United Nations,
where the Afro-Asian bloc will
most certainly push for action to
take the territory from South
Africa, by military force if neces-
sary.
THE SOUTH AFRICAN govern-
ment is preparing for war. All
males in the country from elemen-
tary school age up are currently
receiving military training, and
the government is even consider-
ing the drafting of women into

1

*

'4

1

'OKLAHOMA':
A Strong Revival

ON STAGE at Lydia Mendels-
sohn Theatre, director Singer
Buchanan has brought forth a
surprisingly fresh performance of
the old stand-by, Rodgers and
Hammerstein's "Oklahoma."
* * *
IN GENERAL, the cast is well
polished, the singing smooth and
rich, the acting good and the
choreography pleasing. Set de-
signer Alice Crawford has created
a well-blended if not too per-
manent scene (the farmhouse
moves visibly as the chorus
charges on stage).
Several cast members stand out.
Richard Johnson (Curley), the
romantic lead, has a fine tenor
voice and gives a first-rate per-
formance, lacking only the pro-
jection now and again to make
every word of his songs heard
beyond the footlights.
Betty Vernan (Laurey) is also
in excellent form, in both song
and style. She and Johnson com-
pliment each other well.
* * *
THE COMIC DUO of Linda
Heric (Ado Annie) and Allan
Schreiber (Ali Hakim) were really
priceles and did much to keep up
the pace of the show. Miss Heric's
portrayl of Annie is delightfully

reminiscent of Celeste Holm, who
won fame in the very same part.
Schreiber pulls out all the stops
as the oily Persian peddler, and
the result is an hilarious border-
ing on slapstick which really
makes up for the show's plot (and
we use the word loosely).
Eileen Whitt (Aunt Eller) seem-
ed to know what she was doing,
but didn't seem quite sure wheth-
er she ought to do it. There seem-
ed to be lacking in here perform-
ance that extra punch that it
needed, and as a result it occa-
sionally came across lifelessly. Yet
many of her lines and business
were well-calculated to keep up
the pace.
Truman T. Van Sickle (Jud
Fry) lent a rich baritone to his
numbers, but his characterization
was not always convincing. It
seemed almost mechanical.
DIFFICULT as it may be to be-
lieve that "Oklahoma" could get
along with a bass, two pianos,
drums and a harp, the orchestra,
under the direction of Morton
Achter, combined with the chorus
and Jeanne Parsons choreography
for an overall fine performance.
-Michael Harrah
James P. Starks

-s

"Please-One Spotlight Is Sufficient"

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