Seventy-Thbird Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Troth Will Prevail"
a
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editorc Thh sretb honid ; l ,,.
s.onmus wve notea aureprints.
SUNDAY, JANUARY 6, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUT
Regental Elections
Must Be Campus Concern
IN
r
i
I
THE BIENNIAL CAMPAIGN for Regental
positions has begun with the announcement
by incumbents Eugene B. Power and Donald
M. D. Thurber that they will seek second
terms in the April 1 state-wide election.
For the Michigan voter this election will
be another drab affair as he will be asked to
vote for men he doesn't know who hold views
he has never heard expressed to guide the
destinies of higher education at the University,
Wayne State and Michigan State. It shouldn't
and needn't be this way.
For the students and faculty at the Uni-
versity, however, this is perhaps the most im-
portant election held. The eight Regents have
full responsibility for establishing academic,
personnel and student affairs policy on the
campus, for authorizing a budget now in excess
of $100 million and for maintaining in every
way possible an institution of excellence. What-
ever the educational climate around here,
these are the men legally responsible for it
and legally empowered to do something about
it.
COMMUNITY INTEREST in the Regents is
low, however. The average student could
not name a Regent, let alone tell what he
does or how he achieved his position. This is
a puzzling and disturbing situation, since the
actions of the Regents ultimately determine the
style of education to which the student is
exposed. In the last year, for example, the
Regents raised his tuition, ordered the im-
plementation of a new philosophy for his extra-
curricular experience, gave him an opportunity
to hear a wider range of outside speakers, and
hired the professors to teach his classes.
The Regental candidates seem content to
remain anonymous. During , the campaigns
they do not come to the University to deliver
major platform speeches outlining their views
on higher education and they are not brought
face to face with their opponents to debate
the significant issues facing this academic
community.
What we need to discuss are efforts to ap-
praise students and faculty of the important
stake they have in the outcome of Regental
elections and to explore the responsibility and
opportunities they have to determine the
election results.
rHE STUDENT and the professor share a
responsibility to their University to expand
the opportunities for learning and exploration
of men, matter and ideas, and to guard against
any attempted abridgement of the freedoms
necessary for that exploration. As those most
involved in the process of education, they are
most capable of recognizing the University's
problems and best able to spot the men able
to solve them.
Any effort to improve the University through
the selection of better Regents must begin
prior to the party convention in February.
Party leaders should be given clear outlines
of what qualities the University needs in its
Regents and what commitments a Regental
candidate should make on questions such as
academic policy, tuition, University expansion,
student rights, admission standards and the
role of faculty government.
Student Government Council, charged with
expressing student opinion and promoting the
goals of the University, has an obligation to
frame a ^statement of what it believes the Re-
gents should affirm and to send the state-
ment along with Council representatives to the
conventions. The University chapters of the
Young Democrats and Young Republicans
could take similar action.
THE CANDIDATES should be brought to Ann3
Arbor by SGC to speak to students and
faculty on the major questions facing the
University, undergoing the scrutiny of the;
members of the community they will have to
govern and debating their opponents.-
After careful interviewing of the candidatesc
and examination of their credentials, SGC
could endorse one or two of them as being
the Regents the Council believes would do the
most for the University.
The Council has the potential to influence
the election of Regents. In the 1961 election,
GOP candidate James Zeder failed by less
than 9,000 votes and Democatic aspirant Ted
Sachs missed by less than 13,000-about one
per cent of the vote cast. The margin of vic-
tory is small and hard campaigning by any
one group could tip the scales.
WHERE COULD the swing votes come from?
Figure it this way: About 17,000 University
students are Michigan residents. Alloting two
parents to each one and adding the 7,000 or
so students who are over 21, one arrives at
the total of 41,000 individuals qualified to
vote and strongly affected (economically at
least) by the actions of the Regents. While it
is clear that these 41,000 voters are hardly
likely to vote in a monolithic bloc for any
one candidate, enough of them could be swung
to a SGC endorsed man to elect him if the
Council did some serious campaigning. The
parents of Muskegan students would probably
react very favorably to an intelligent letter
from SGC stating that "in the best interests
of your son's education, we believe that Can-
didate .X should be elected Regent and here's
why..."
If the Council were to organize other cam-
paign aids such as student canvassers or
speaking tours, it could in time become a most
important factor in determining the makeup of
the board of Regents.
Even if some group were just to publicize
the stands taken by the candidates and expose
them to public speaking and public questioning,
the quality of candidates and, in turn, the
quality of the University would rise.
THE TUITION PROBLEM is a prime ex-
ample. In the 1961 election successful can-
didates Allen Sorenson and Paul Goebel both
opposed increased student fees. Sorenson said
the University should look everywhere for
more funds except into the student's pocket-
book; he even suggested lowering tuition.
Goebel claimed that "student tuition charges
are about what they should be" and ought not
be increased.
Six months after they took office, both men
voted for charging instate upperclassmen an-
other $30 a year and non-Michigan residents
an added $200.
The point here is not that these men made
false promises when they ran for office-no,
doubt, they do believe in low tuition, high
quality education-but that they were not
fully aware of the University's problems and
the need to raise tuition if faculty quality
was to be maintained. And the point is that
the public is so little interested in the Regents
that nobody challenged Goebel or Sorenson
or any of the others who promised low tuition
when they were candidates.
IF THE PUBLIC is made aware of the issues
that face the University, they will learn to
discern the Regental candidates who offer
realistic programs. Greater familiarization with
the issues and wider discussion of them will
force the parties to nominate better candidates
or, at least, to make those nominated learn
a little more about the University before they
start out on the campaign trail.
These discussions must begin at the Univer-
sity and the University should encourage them.
The organs of campus communications must be
free-indeed, must be urged-to report on the
policy positions taken by the candidates and
offer comment on them.
Here is a real problem: every other year1
the people of the state of Michigan elect two1
men as Regents of the University. How thee
problem is solved, that is, who gets elected,c
has enormous effect on both the immediate 7
and future conditions of University education.d
There are few problems which students andV
faculty members are more obligated and betters
qualified to solve.n
-MICHAEL OLINICK a
Editor i
"Come In --We Put Out The Welcome Moat For You"
r Al
(T >-T
d~ -
-~ 2.-) (7 -
~-t-
UNDERSCORE:
"4 ,i t oo
coming out of Europe, particularly
less"-though we appreciate the
excellent photography that takes
us whirling through the beautiful
streets of Paris-instead, we feel
ourselves whirling and spinning as
we are caught up in the moral-
free world of Jean Seberg and
Jean-Paul Belmondo.
THE FRENCH love Jean Se-
berg: they call her "mignonne"
(cute) because she represents their
image of typical American girl-
fresh and youthful. But Americais
call Jean Seberg a bad actress and
remember her as the little girl
from Iowa who almost ruined Otto
Preminger's Hollywood reputation.
She is a stilted actress, and for
those listening in French, her ac-
cent is grating. Fortunately for
most movie-goers, the translation
was easy because of uncomplicated
dialogue, and the subtitles are
well done.
But it is Belmondo who carries
the film. Indisbutably one of the
best actors in Europe, with an
engaging style all his own, he
drains us, and depresses us, and
evokes emotion as he moves
through the film, emotionless.
* * *
THE ANDRE GODARD picture
is frightening. Two young people,
coming though from different so-
cieties, are still products of a
world that has given their genera-
tion two wars, and nuclear weap-
ons within a short 50 years, and,
as they see it, little hope.
The two moral idiots create a
world of their own outside of the
real world with which they are
disgusted, but do not consider
worth rebelling against. Belmondo
steals cars and money and kills
a man with the same nonchalance
with which he makes a telephone
call. He just doesn't care. For him,
life is "le neant," or the nothing-
ness that Camus has shown us
through "l'etranger" for whom the
choice of cigarettes and a woman
were on the same plane. And in
their affair, the two apathetically
reject the moral values of society
and live only for the moment.
The film, however, is significant,
especially for the disillusioned of
the younger generation. It was
produced for lovers of good cin-
ema who are not afraid to take a
hard, cold look at contemporary
society.
--Gloria Bowles
France and Italy. But in "Breath-
'BARABBAS':
Theme Lost
In Spectacle
THE ONLY element of spectacle
missing from the State Theatre
in "Barabbas" is the Battle of Get-
tysburg. The viewer is shown
overwhelming amounts of suffer-
ing, blood, sulphur pits, gladiators,
martyrs, crosses, and to top the
gentle suzette is the burning of
Rome.
"Barabbas" made a noble at-
tempt to portray the conflict in
the mind of the man who lived
because Christ died. He was the
one man who was really saved by
Christ, even if you look at His
life and death empirically. He was
carrying the burden of guilt which
should be shared by all men who
believe in Christianity. "Barab-
bas can't be killed-the debt has
been paid."
* * *
HOWEVER, the movie fails-as
is the trouble with most Hollywood
productions-because it tries to
bring in too much local color. The
thread of continuity is broken by
prolonged scenes in the arena and
sulphur mines during which the
agony of spirit is lost in too much
agony of body, and the excessive
quantity of technicolor pain leads
the viewer away from the work-
ings of Barabbas' mind.
Thirty-five minutes in the
smoky, Sicilian sulphur pits will
take any one's sympathy from a
suffering soul. So much bombard-
ing of the ears, eyes and tastes of
the audience is destructive.
* * *
THERE ARE, however, moments
in which the thoughts of Barab-
bas on what Christ has done for
him are powerfully presented-but
these come at the times when the
arena has been cleared, the fires
put out, and Barabbas has time to
think-something that neither he
nor the audience is permitted to
do enough.
If you are a glutton for spectacle
"Barabbas" is acceptable. But it's
hard not to feel a little cheated-
because the theme is worth much
more than the money spent on the
chariots. -Malinda Berry and
Richard Mercer
'BREATHLESS'
Belmondo Outstanding
In New Wave Picture
CERTAINLY ONE of the best films to come out of France in recent
years, a product of the New Wave and of the existentalist philos-
ophy of a Sartre and the absurdite of a Camus, is "Breathless," cur-
rently playing at the Cinema Guild.
"Breathless" is one of those films that Americans call art movies,
whose showing is to be restricted to "art" cinemas. The term is
derogatory, reflecting a nation which still tends to be more interested
in flashy, expensive technicolor extravagances than the serious cinema
-4
By MALINDA BERRY
" ... . ESTABLISH conditions
under which justice and
respect for the obligations arising
from treaties and other sources of
international law can be main-
tained . .." this and other equally
humanitarian doctrines come from
the Charter of the United Nations.
The UN actions in the Congo
are very expressive of one of the
problems of the world organization
-that of the Security Council and
General Assembly's communica-
tion with the members of missions
actually on the scene.
For the two and one-third years
that the UN has been in the
Congo-at the request of the le-
gitimate government - numerous
resolutions passed in the UN
which leaves no doubt as to the
intentions and tasks of the or-
ganization's mission. The United
Nations mission was sent to the
Congo with the aim of helping
the government to bring an end
to foreign intervention and con-
solidate the country's recently
gained independence.
. * *
UNFORTUNATELY, recent ac-
tions taken by the UN troops in
the Congo have, if anything, ag-
grevated the troubled country.
Premier Cyrille Adoula, leader
of the Central Government in Leo-
poldville, built his government on
the ruins of the dispersed cabinet
of the murdered Premier Patrice
Lumumba. The secessionist pro-
vince lead by Moise Tshombe rep-
resents a continual threat to the
legitimacy of Adoula's regime.
It is believed in Leopoldville,
Washington and UN headquarters
in New York that unless Tshombe
is coaxed, led or carried back
ino the fold, the Central Govern-
ment will crumble under the stress
and plunge the country back into
chaos and anarchy.
To prevent this the United Na-
tions has embarked on an aggres-
sive policy completely subjugating
all the principles of life, dignity,
equal rights, justice, respect, tol-
erance, and international peace
and security.
* * *
THIS CURRENT episode in the
sordid Congo story began with an
incident which concerned drunken
soldiers taking potshots, and the
unfortunate death of a UN heli-
copter crewmember.
When this happened, the UN
began to panic and felt that
Tshombe had lost control of his
men so the mission in the Congo
-
STATE POLITICS:
Moderates Gain Strength
By DAVID MARCUS
Scientific Advice
THE RECENT charges that government sci-
entific advisors played politics in advising
the administration on the values and risks
of holding a high-atmosphere nuclear test
points up the need to end some popular mis-
conceptions about science and to broaden the
range of scientific advice given to the ad-
ministration.
Prof. James Van Allen of Iowa, the discoverer
of the "Van Allen" radiation belts around the
ea:"th asserted that the President's Scientific
Advisory Committee failed to seek proper in-
formation about the effects of the high alti-
tude nuclear blasts and based their advice on
military and political considerations.
The nuclear blast set up a new radiation
belt that damaged several scientific satellites
by destroying the solar' cells that powered
them. The blast increased low-frequency ra-
diation that confuses radio-astronomical mea-
surements taken below 15 megacycles within
T HIS INCIDENT is not an isolated one. In
general non-scientific governmental officials
accept one scientific position as absolute, often
shutting out other important viewpoints.
The average layman looks to scientific in-
formation as fixed data, empirically proved
and therefore not subject to dispute. He takes
scientific advice blindly without endeavoring
to determine whether there may be another
viewpoint.
Because of the vast amount of technical in-
formation involved in scientific advice, the
layman cannot easily, if at all, determine what
is correct. Awed by its complexity, he is willing
to accept it on its face.
Government officials should treat scientific
advice as critically as any other counsel they
get from their advisors. They should not be
awed and therefore closed-minded about ad-
vice. Van Allen's suggestion that the committee
should have sought and presented diverse views
y
f
t
f
O
t
h
w
a
a
v
t
e
H
b
hi
a
c
k
B
TI
u
c
m
TI
REPUBLICAN moderates have
apparently taken control of the
state Senate. With the election of
all-out Romney backer Sen. Stan-
ley Thayer (R-Ann Arbor) to the
key post of GOP caucus leader, the
moderates seem to have supplant-
ed the GOP old guard. But the
close margin of 12-11 by which
Thayer won the post leaves some
doubt about who controls tha Re-
publican delegation. The unan-
swered and important question re-
mains: who is the twelfth moder-
ate?
Thayer was opposed by Sen.
Frank Beadle (R-St. Clair). Beadle
was GOP caucus leader for several
years and was thrown out of of-
ice last spring when he decided
o back the compromise fiscal re-
orm program before the Senate.
One theory holds that Beadle was
he conservatives' choice because
he was not too closely associated
with the old guard and would be
cceptable to both the moderates
nd : tomney.
But the moderates won by one
ote. By process of elimination,
hat one vote could have belonged
ither to Beadle himself or to Sen.
Harry Litowich (R-Benton Har-
or). At various times Litowich
gas classified himself as a moder-
te although he voted against fis-
al reform last spring. Nobody
nows how Beadle voted.
* * *
THE PROBABILITY is that
eadle himself voted for Thayer.
'he final answer will not come
ntil next week when the Senate
ommittees are selected and chair-
nen picked. If Beadle voted for
hayer, it is probable that he will
fence or be an opportunist. Last
spring, when he originally decided
to support the income tax, he
offered to resign his caucus lead-
ership long before he was voted
out. Despite his long association
with the old guard, he has not
been accused even by his oppon-
ents of being an opportunist.
Besides, Beadle certainly could
have gotten the caucus leader's
post if he had wanted it. The
theme of the Romney administra-
tion ,is reconciliation of varying
views. Also, he certainly could
have marshalled one vote from
among his political friends who
consider themselves moderates.
* * *
LITOWICH, however, has been
on every side of the political fence.
Apparently, he likes to be on the
winning side. Despite his vote
against fiscal reform, he was one
of the original group of Republican
senators to make use of the label
moderate. If Litowich is the
twelfth vote, the moderates are in
shaky shape.
,Since Beadle is probably the
critical vote, the moderates are
probably in control. This control
is strengthened by the fact that
they will most likely be able to
get the usually wavering Lito-
wich's vote on most matters; their
strength will attract him.
This augurs well for Romney's
legislative program. The next
phase of the moderate's work must
be to build up a liaison between
themselves and the minority
Democrats whose votes are the
critical difference between the suc-
cuess and failure of the various
programs. This will be a tricky
matter, especially when it comes
was issued a "carte blanche"-and
struck back. UN headquarters
turned loose the 12,000 man force
with the authorization to "take all
necessary action in self defense
and to restore order."
UN headquarters should have
been aware of all problems that
can arise from a blank check
order-it's a long way from New
York to Africa.
The mission had previously
adopted a different and possibly
contrary course of action than
that dictated in the beginning
from the General Assembly. The
reason for the semi-barbarous be-
havior on the part of the UN
troops is hard to understand.
Shooting and killing should be
against the policy of an organiza-
tion dedicated to saving "succeed-
ing generations from the scourge
of war."
IF IT IS absolutely necessary
that Tshombe surrender his in-
dependence and become an in-
tegral part of the Congo proper,
better methods should be used
than violence and bloodshed. Per-
suasion has been tried, and there's
nothing intrinsically evil in exert-
ing a little economic or diplomatic
pressure-but it is inconsistent
that the United Nations should
give up the policy of negotiations
to solve problems.
The organization is a world
forum-millions of words have
been expended at the UN and at
its insistence-surely to give in to
violence so soon is to deny the
value of the conference table. It
places the United Nations in a
hypocritical light to push for talks
and peaceful settlements elsewhere
in the world, while its troops are
killing in the Congo.
It is ironic that the UN, a force
for peace, has had its best suc-
cess in the military area. Its
troops are mainly responsible for
whatever stability there was before
shooting started again. And it's
disgraceful that the UN should be
involved in causing death.
In not one economic or social
area has the UN been able to ad-
vance the country to the level
which prevailed under Belgian im-
perialism.
* * *
MEDICAL CARE is far inferior
to that of colonialism. Educational
facilities and economic activity
have deteriorated below the pre-
independence level,
It would be unfair to blame
everything on the UN. The sheer
scope of the job, the governmental>
split between Katanga and Leo-
poldville, and UN financial prob-
lems all add to the difficulty of
the job.
The best that probably can be
said about the UN actions is that
the Congo could be worse. It is
no longer the powder keg for
World War III and there is a
government of sorts in Leopold-
ville. If the UN weren't there, and
never had been, perhaps the coun-
try might be in complete chaos.
There seems to be little else that
could have held it together.
The UN's job in the Congo is
hard to evaluate-prior to Dec. 24
it was responsible for keeping
peace, the biggest task. Now that
By WALTER LIPPMANN
HE COMING controversy about
the rules of the two Houses of
Congress is our own version of
a problem which is troubling all
the big democracies. How can
democratic government, which was
conceived and established in a
very different era from this one,
be made fit for the crises and
the tempo and the complexities.
of the modern age? No big coun-
try has yet shown how to produce
a satisfactory government when
thereis liberty to dissent and
agitate, where there is a massive
electorate and the territory is big
enough to comprise conflicting
sectional and occupational in-
terests.
The good government which we
are looking for is one which is
stable though it can be voted out
of office, that is strong enough to
act decisively in international af-
fairs and strong enough to resist
the hysteria of the crowd, that
has enough authority to impose
the national interest upon the
conflict of special interests.
* * *
WHETHER THIS is a Utopian
dream or a description of the
bare minimum that is needed for
the survival of a good society, the
fact is that in the big democracies
of Western Europe, in Britain,
France, Germany, and Italy, and
in the United States and Canada
in North America, there is a wide
concern that the governments
they have been electing are in-
adequate to their needs.
This has been the feeling which
brought about Gen. de Gaulle's
return to power and approves of
or at least consents to his revolu-
tionary assault on representative
parliamentary government. We
cannot as yet see where Gaullism
will end. But ideologically, it is
for freedom and against demo-
cracy.
It is for personal liberty under
authoritarian rule. While it is
preserving the liberties which were
generated in Europe in the eigh-
teenth and earlier centuries, it is
hostile to and scornful of nine-
teenth century democracy with its
massive electorates, its parties, and
its parliaments.
Germany can organize an ade-
quate government. It cannot be
forgotten that the Germans after
the First World War were unable
to do that.
. In Italy today the' ; Leing
carried on a trial run of the only
'visible alternative to a Gaullist
Europe. It consists of an alliance
between Democratic Socialists and
Christian Democrats. To make the
alliance work the Socialists have
to get free of the totalitarians,
that is the Communists, on their
left; the Christian Democrats
have to get free of the reactionary
and Fascist remnants on their
right.
If the alliance can be con-
solidated, which will be tested in
the coming elections this spring,
there will be a solid majority for
a democratic progressive govern-
ment. This is intended to be the
alternative to Gaullism.
* * *
THE AMERICAN version of the
problem arises, as I see it, out of
the fact that the American form
of government cannot be operated
at all in wartime and cannot be
operated successfully in peacetime
except under Presidential leader-
ship. In domestic affairs, which
include such external affairs as
tariffs, foreign aid, and the char-
acter of the defense structure,
Presidential leadership is checked
and balanced and is often vetoed
and frustrated by the rules of
Congress, including particularly
the rule of seniority and the en-
trenched power of the standing
committees.
It will be a labor of Hercules to
reform the system. But if the
American government is to be
adequate to the times we live in,
we have to begin the reform. For
myself, I would begin in the
House with a concentrated assault
on the entirely arbitrary and
highhanded usurpation by the
Rules Committee when it arro-
gates to itself the right to decide
what bills Congress shall vote
upon. This usurpation is quite out-
side the meaning of the constitu-
tion.
At the same time, I would not
reopen now the question of the
limitation of debate in the Sen-
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Problems of Democracy