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October 07, 1962 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1962-10-07

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Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
z_ 4 UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MIcH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SUNDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN

Out-Of-The-World

ernes

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
How Sound
IsA Dollar?

Man on the Moon:
Is He Worth It?

4%
t r y. 6 . x
«4.

HE UNITED STATES and the Soviet Union
are presently engaged in one of the most
reckless races ever designed by man.
Each country hopes to be the first to put a
man on the moon. Each claims that its space
program will better mankind. Each claims that
it is contributing immeasurably to science. Each
claims that it is reinforcing its defense system.
After five years of furious competition, it
seems that neither nation has the time or the
will to pause and consider the effects of its
actions. The exigencies of the moment preclude
sound thinking and caution. The leaders of
both the United States and the Soviet Union
know only that they must move on, but do not
seem to know why.
It is high time that we consider the purposes
of the huge race for space that costs the
United States alone $5.4 billion per year.
THE COMPETITION to put a man on the
moon first will yield to the winner an in-
conceivable propaganda victory. Just recently,
the United States succeeded in orbiting a man
six times around the earth. American prestige
climbed quickly, if only momentarily, and the
morale of the nation was temporarily raised.
One must assume that when and if the
United States puts a man on the moon before
the Soviet Union-and this is supposed to
occur before 1970-American spirit and pres-
tige will soar to a height now unimaginable.
The fame of the first man on the moon will
easily surpass that of Columbus, Balboa and
Cortez. When the efforts of a nation have for
13 years been directed toward a single. dra-
matic goal, can we expect the accomplishment
of that goal to be anything less than epoch-
making?
NEXT TO the propaganda to be reaped, one
must remember that the space race also
'serves a military purpose. Already, the United
States has orbited a satellite that replaces the
U-2 reconnaisance plane. Recently, there has
been some talk about an anti-satellite satellite.
The space race, in one sense is an extension of
the arms race.
Not to be forgotten, of course, is the scientific
value of the competition in space. Already we
have discovered a great deal concerning mete-
orology, weightlessness, reentry and other
problems related to the science of space travel.
Some day it is hoped that man will be able
directly to investigate the nature of the uni-
verse. Although this goal may be hundreds of
years away, It is nonetheless relevant.
However, the purely scientific aspect of the
space race, as well as the purely military as-
pect, is far less important to the government
than the propaganda role of the competition.
Science will profit from the government's space
efforts, true. The military will no doubt profit
also. But these gains are not in any way the
objects of American participation in the space
race. The United States government and of
course the Soviet government are interested
in getting to the moon first, not just getting
to the moon. Although most Americans, in-
cluding myself, think that the scientific aspect
of, the space race is the most important, this is
merely secondary to the government.
AS TIME goes on, Russia and the United
States come closer and closer to their goals.
However, it is incredible that neither foresees
Good Choice
THE CHOICE of John Gosling to receive the
Henry Russel award this year is an excellent
one.
The award, which is the highest faculty
honor presented by the University, is given
annually to an assistant professor or instructor
who has evidenced the most outstanding quali-
ties of teaching and research.
Prof. Gosling has served the academic world
thrqughhis cancer research, his widely-used
text on gynecology and his chairmanship of
the literary college-Medical School liaison com-
mittee, which recently formulated a com-
mendable and important program to integrate
more closely the senior undergraduate year and
the freshman term in the Medical School.
He has served the student body through his
role as faculty associate for Victor Vaughan
House, and the overall interests of the Univer-
sity by his fine work at the Conference on the
University last spring.

All these attributes make his recognition as
this year's Henry Russel scholar most deserved.
-G. STORCH
Editorial Staff
MICHAEL OLINICK, Editor
JDITH OPPENHEIM MICHAEL HARRAH
Editorial Director City Editor
CAROLINE DOW............ ..Personnel Director
JUDITH BLEIER................Associate City Editor
FRED RUSSELL KRAMER .. Assoc. Editorial Director
CYNTHIA NEU. ................ Co-Magazine Editor
HARRY PERLSTADT.............Co-Magazine Editor
TOM WEBBER............... .... .. Sports Editor
DAVE ANDREWS............Associate Sports Editor
JAN WINKLEMAN............Associate Sports Editor

the great catastrophe that lies ahead. Only one
country can win the space race. And the coun-
try that loses-the country whose space pro-
gram is only second best-will suffer an un-
bearable psychological loss. The work of nearly
13 years-perhaps more-will have been almost
totally wasted.
Whatever military and scientific gains that
have been made will be regarded by the govern-
ment as nearly worthless next to the great
shame and frustration of having been beaten.
The morale of the country, especially if it is
the United States that loses (for American
spirit is already sagging), may suffer a loss
that will never be repaired.
What are the chances that the United States
will be the loser? The answer is that it is more
likely that we will lose the race for space than
win It. President Kennedy admits that we are
still behind-as we have been ever since the
first sputnik. In addition, the Soviet systems
of labor is better equipped for a space race
than ours.
A nation which can control the number and
training of its scientists and technicians has
an overwhelming advantage over one that
must rely on the capitalist system. Our system
of labor is simply not geared to concentrating
the nation's efforts on a single project.
On the other hand, there is a very good
chance that the United States will win the
space competition. Perhaps we can afford to
spend more money in a space program than the
Soviet Union. Or perhaps plain luck will be
on our side.
BUT THE point is that it is dangerously un-
certain who will reach the moon first. Are
we prepared to base our prestige, a good part
of our federal budget and 13 years of concen-
trated effort on such uncertain conditions?
The Soviet system is more likely to with-
stand a defeat than we. It can certainly man-
ipulate internal public opinion in such a way
that the Russian citizens will spared some of
the shock, in the case that their efforts fail.
The United States can do no such thing-it will
have to bear the full brunt of its loss, if it loses.
The Soviet Union, in short, has less to lose than
the United States, and is less likely to lose.
It is for these reasons that the United States
must withdraw from the space race,
THE MOST immediate result of this move
would be a propaganda loss, no doubt. The
Russians would claim that the United States
had finally realized it could not beat the Soviet
system. The world would probably not at first
comprehend the United States' motives for this
action.
However, this loss of prestige would be slight
and temporary. No one but the Soviets would
believe America knew, that it would lose the
space race. The world's final analysis would be
that the United States simply recognized the
great possibility that it might lose the race for
space and therefore chose not to risk the loss.
Furthermore, our withdrawal from the race
for space would signal a great decline in the
intensity of the Russian effort. Most likely, they
would go on to complete their moon program,
just as the front runner slowly trots down the
track to the finish line after his sole competitor
has dropped out of the race. And when the
Russians do land a man on the moon, they
would of course be hailed from all corners of
the world.,
Yet this acclamation would hardly carry the
same propaganda effect that it would if the
United States had competed. The feat would
be hailed more from the point of view of a
victory of mankind, than of the Soviet Union.
Hard as the Russians may try to capitalize on
their propaganda boon, their accomplishment
would be seen by most as a triumph for all
people everyhwere.
THE UNITED States, on the other hand,
would have saved close to $75 billion dollars1
in its federal budget. Since, as the race for
space grows faster and more furious, each
country increases the amount they spend on
their space program. (For example, the
amount we spent last year on our space
program was greater than the space budget of
the eight previous years.)
The United States could clearly use the
money saved in a manner which both makes1
possible genuine progress in solving importat
world problems and increases our prestige. ForI

example, if we channeled all the money that
we had saved into a new foreign aid program,
we would probably win more respect than we
would with a space program and we would also
participate in a serious attempt to solve prob-
lems far more pressing than that of weight- 1
lessness.
Withdrawal from the space race would in the
long run be both more practical and more
idealistic than participation.'
The United States must act now, before we
become further entangled in the fury of the f
space competition. Is it possible that we will {
stop for a moment to consider the alternatives t
that we have? Or shall we continue down the
same path, unaware that a better course of
action lies open to us?
--RICHARD KRAUT x
s

-.
2/

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE FINANCE ministers and
bankers from all over the non-
Communist world who were re-
cently in Washington did not dis-
cuss publicly the central question
which is on their minds. That is
whether the United States can
for the longer future manage, to
u s e Under Secretary Roosa's
words, "the monetary system of
the free world" of which "the
essence" is "the fixed relationship
between gold and the dollar, with
the United States ready to buy or
sell gold at its established price of
$35 per ounce."
Despite the reassuring public
statements, there is in fact much
doubt in the financial markets of
the world as to whether the con-
vertible gold-dollar system can
for the longer future be made to
work. These doubts were muffled
in the public meetings in Washing-
ton because no one wished to feed
the international speculation
against the dollar. The most ex-
plicit comment was made briefly
and in somewhat veiled language
by Mr. Maudling, the British
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
He pointed out that in using
the dollar and sterling as inter-
national reserve currencies, there
is a "fundamental difficulty." It
is that what the rest of the world
uses for a reserve currency con-
sists of short-term liabilities of
the United States and the United
Kingdom-"one nation's reserves
are another nation's debt."
* * *
IS THIS- for the longer run a
workable and dependable interna-
tional monetary system? "Re-
quests for payment," said Mr.
Maudling, "may arise at times and
in volumes that are determined
by factors wholly outside the con-
trol of the debtor (i. e., the United
States and Great Britain) but
nevertheless that have to be
promptly met. If the amounts of
such currencies held as reserve
assets increased too much, there,
will inevitably be some doubt as
to whether any further extension
of these holdings would be pru-
dent and practicable."
When the President spoke to
the financiers last Thursday, he
remarked, perhaps a little wearily,
that their problems "have been
amorg my primary concerns since
the day I took office exactly 20
months ago.'"
If he had been spelling it all
out, he might well have added that
in the process of keeping the
dollar as the world's main inter-
national money, he has run into
troubles which impair the integ-
rity of his foreign policy and
throttle down the expansion of
the domestic economy.
* * *
IT IS common knowledge in
Washington that tlhere is a dif-
ference of view within the Admin-
istration. It is not necessarily, if
I understand it a radical and ir-
reconcilable difference of opinion
about the longer future of the
monetary system. But in the dis-
cussion the Treasury, under the
strong leadership of Secretary
Dillon and the genius of Under
Secretary Roosa, stands for a
policy of making the dollar work-
able as the reserve currency of
the whole free world.
The Treasury argues that the
measures it has been taking, and
others that it is now negotiating,
will fairly soon wipe out our deficit

UNDERSCORE:
Armies and Democracy

By THOMAS DRAPER
IN 1963 the United States will
have to decide again whether
or not it will continue the draft.
In 1963 Congress must decide
whether or not the United States
is ready to abolish the present,
draft laws. But Congress actually
has no decision. It will be forced
to continue conscription in the
name of national security, even
though draft laws pose, one of the
greatest- long run threats to the
economic, social and political
structure of the United States.
Every physically fit male stu-
dent at the University must keep
tucked in the back of his mind
his approaching military obliga-
tion. Because he is a student with
a draft deferment, he will be
"eligible" for the draft until he is
35.
When armed forces have in-
ducted him, they will not assign
him to duty according to his pre-
vious training, but will put him
in. a slot according to their cur-
rent need. The draftee, and usually
the enlistee too, faces a two to
four year interruption of his life
duringdwhich to lose ground in
the field of his choice.
* * *
YOUNG MEN who are not stu-
dents face a similar experience.

The average draft age is now 23.1
years. This gives the high school
graduate five years in which to
find a job, to get married, and
to get settled before the draft
overturns all his plans.
The economic inefficiency of
the draft robs society. To the in-
dividual it means an enforced con-
tribution of time and ability with-
out adequate compensation. To
society it means losing the bene-
fits derived from an uninterrupted
period for training the physically
and mentally fit.
Perhaps Congress could legis-
late economic efficiency. A con-
scription structure could be set
up that would include a greater
transfer of knowledge for the col-
lege graduate. A younger draft
age would lessen training discon-
tinuity and indirectly provide na-
tional vocation training school.
* * *
BUT CONGRESS cannot legis-
late out the political dangers of
mandatory military service. Reli-
ance on force and unquestioned
acceptance of authority are part
of the intrinsic nature of the mil-
itary. The draft enforces exposure.
to these modes of behavior as well
as the ideas which are currently
popular with the administration
or the commanding officer. Form-

er General Walker proves that
these dangers are not hypothetical.
Congress won't end the draft
though, for it cannot. The pro-
mulgated reason is that we are
in a cold war where a pre-estab-
lished means of forming an army
is necessary. More realistically,
the draft is an army-twisting-in-
centive for the needed enlistments.
Draftees constitute only 10-20 per
cent of the armed forces, but en-
listMents would fall off sharply
if there was no legal military ob-
ligation.
The number of troops cannot be
reduced. Two military policies, the
containment of Communism and
non-aggression make this impos-
sible. Containment necessitates
maintaining troops that can wage
nuclear war or fight in the swamps
and Jungles of Viet Nam. Non-
aggression necessitates being able
to fight Russia on Russia's terms.
If Russia invaded Europe with
hordes of conventional forces, the
United States must have more al-
ternatives of action than nuclear
war or surrender.
Our war-geared economy and
public concensus may have adjust-
ed to the cold war, but the politi-
cal and social blight of the in-
evitable draft illustrates that
democracy and militarism cannot
long exist together.

in the balance of payments. If
this is done, if our balance of
payments is in equilibrium, the
world, they believe, will have full
confidence in the dollar and will
continue to hold dollars without
cashing them into gold.
The other school of thought,
which has its centers in the White
House and in the State Depart-
ment, does not doubt or deny
that the Treasury is performing
a necessary and skillful work of
correcting the balance of pay-
ments. What this school doubts is
whether, even if equilibrium is
achieved by 1964, the growing
economies of Europe and the de-
veloping economies elsewhere will
resist the pressures and the temp-
tations to exploit the vulnerabil-
ity of the dollar and the United
States gold stock. For the long
run they are looking, therefore,
towards a trans-Atlantic arrange-
ment between the enlarged Com-
mon Market with pooled reserves
and the United States.
IT IS SAFE to predict that this
will be the center of a mounting
discussion on both sides of the
Atlantic, and the President will do
well to encourage a discreet and
responsible official discussion of
it here. We cannot afford to ap-
proach this great problem as if
something dreadful will happen
if we talk about it at all.
For the long run, we may take
it as certain that in order to enjoy
the doubtful distinction of provid-
ing the world's currency reserves,
this country will not continue to
mortgage the independence of its
foreign policy or of its domestic
policy. We have great decisions to
take affecting our own future and
the future of the Western world,
and in the councils which take
these decisions we shall not very
long welcome as prime members
the gold speculators or the foreign
bankers pursuing their own pri-
vate and special interests.
It has been said that the best
time to get off a tiger's back, is
when the tiger is sleeping. The
tiger of speculation against the
dollar is, one might say, dozing,
and this is -a good time tocome
to grips with the problem of pro-
viding the non-Communist world
with a, reliable system of inter-
national payments.
(C) 1962, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.
THE MICHIGAN:
Sellers
Likes Money
PETER SELLERS once said of
himself, "I've nothing to say.
You see, I'm just a nit." And in
"I Like Money," now at the Mich-
igan Theatre, he comes danger-
ously close to proving his point.
The story is an over-elaboration
of the corruption of an honest,
impoverished school teacher into
a ruthless business tycoon.
Just in case the viewer isn't fol-
lowing closely-and the pace is so
slow this is a real threat-the.
theme is stated from time to time.
"MEN SELL their brains or
muscles," one businessman's mis-
tress explains, "and women . .
sell themselves." Or again, when
Sellers Justifies his, actions to an
old friend, he says "I steal .. .
and that's why they respect me."
The movie ends with his ascent
into , Parisian business, and the
viewer is left to choose between
two alternatives:
Maybe Sellers vastly underesti-
mates the intelligence of the mov-
ie-goer and purposely keeps the
story and the moral simple, in
which case he fails because the
impoverished school teacher is
much less a person than the ruth-
less tycoon, and the dishonest
world is infinitely more attractive.
or, on the other hand, Sellers

is creating a satire along classi-
cally simple lines, and in fact, is
making fun of the viewer for ex-
pecting honesty to win out.
* * *
MUCH HAS been made of Sell-
ers' faceless anonymity. And be-
hind an inscrutable face, we're
supposed to expect a devious andI
subtle mind. In this case, the
second alternative explains the
movie, and Sellers has a laugh on
the public.
Chances are neither of these in-
terpretations is correct. Sellers
said at one point in his career, "As
far as I'm aware, I have no per-
sonality of my own whatever. I
have nothing to project."
If Sellers himself really has
nothing to say, and this movie is
proof, let's hope he sticks with
his acting.
-Tom Brien
Reginster
Tomorrow is the last day for
registration to vote in the Novem-
ber election.
In the past, no small amount of
confusion has arisen regarding
who, in the University community,

UNITED NATIONS UNIVERSITY:
Study Plans To Involve Students, Faculty

4

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last
of three articles about the United
Nations University.)
By MICHAEL ZWEIG
THE PRELIMINARY work of de-
veloping an articulate expres-
sion of purpose for the United Na-
tions University has already been
done by the Association for Com-
mitment to World Responsibility
(ACWR). Ahead still remains the
exacting and difficult task of aid-
ing the actual establishment of
the university.
Any discussion of what is to be
done must be related first to the
channels within which one works.
It must be a function of avail-
able resources. The efforts must
be timed in such a way that they
are mutually supportive when com-
pleted, and not a series of seem-
ingly unrelated efforts spread over
a long period of time.
The immediate task of ACWR is
to inject a study of a UNU into
the veins of UNESCO. But there
is much more to be done to help
insure that the study will result
in the desired university.
** *
IF UNESCO in fact undertakes
a study, it will be of the form
of a series of particular studies
distributed among several UNES-
CO affiliate organizations. When
completed, these studies will be
synthesized into a composite re-
port of the feasability and desir-
ability of the university. That
ynthesis would be done by the

many problems and either rein-
force the findings of the other
studies or develop other ap-
proaches-perhaps more positive-
to the establishment of a UNU.
* * *
BUT HOW is this study to be
made? What resources are avail-
able? ACWR is compiling a list
of suggested topics for research.
These range from the most gen-
eral questions (what function a
UNU could play in reducing in-
ternational 'misunderstanding) to
very specific, limited topics( what
are the possibilities of financial
support which could be expected
from American foundations?)
These lists of research topics
will be distributed to graduate and
under-graduate students at uni-
versities all around the world, and
to faculty members as well, with

the ACWR proposal for a UNU.
All students and faculty will be
invited to write papers on any
subject of research which interests
him. Students might use the topics
for term papers or degree-theses.
* * *
FACULTY WOULD be similarly
involved if they were offered in-
teresting topics for publishable
articles. Here the professor would
aid in the effort for the UNU at
the same time as fulfilling pro-
fessional responsibilities.
ACWR will request that a copy
of individual studies be sent to
its offices on campus, where the
many separate studies will be syn-
thesized into a comprehensive
analysis of the UNU.
Some students and faculty in
Ann Arbor have already agreed to
do some of the research papers,

but it is hoped that the wide-
spread activity on many campuses
will bring freshness and new per-
spective to many of the problems.
* * *
ACWR HAS the support and
facilities of the United States Na-
tional Student Association, which
passed a motion at its national
convention in August to support
and cooperate actively with the
activity for study of a United Na-
tions University.
Another goal of ACWR for the
next year or two is the engender-
ing of an international network of
support for the university, and a
compilation of statements from
standing authorities and academic
figures affirming their willingness
to participate in, or otherwise co-
operate with the UNU should it
be established.
* * *
IN ADDITION to the formal
structuring of a study and col-
lection of supportive statements,
ACWR plans to continue its series
of seminars and discussions of
the university in all its aspects.
What is to come will be done
by students and faculty all around
the country. They will cooperate
from their common concern and
ACWR will try to act as an over-
all coordinating body of all ac-
tivity.
The desire to establish an !n-
ternational center of peace re-

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
IBarnett To Blame

To the Editor:
WHO IS to blame for what has
happened in Oxford, Missis-
sippi? If responsibility is to be
laid to rest, and it should be, then
I for one hope it falls heavily on
the shoulders of Gov. Ross Barnett.
Gov. Barnett, faced with a crisis,
acted in the direction indicated
by public opinion rather than
executive conscience. It may very

BY REFUSING to heed the fed-
eral order to allow James Mere-
dith to enter the University of
Mississippi, Gov. Barnett gave
what amounted to the official
sanction of the state government
to those who wished to resist the
advance of integration. It is in-
conceivable that the governor was
unaware of what forms this re-
sistance might take. His punish-

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