Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MIcH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Trutb Will Prevai"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
NSA CONGRESS:
De lega tes:
Duty, Delinquency
HURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1962
NIGHT EDITOR: RONALD WILTON
r
Romney Power Play:
No Place in Polities
THE REPUBLICAN Party's fresh new image
appears to be nothing more than a carbon
copy of the Democratic Party's old faithful.
Republican gubernatorial nominee George
Romney has now been campaigning for many
months - time enough, it would seem, for'
his political character to come clear.
It has..
Romney, a Republican Johnny-come-lately,
has purported to be free of the domination of
both big business and big labor. In fact, he
is purported to be free of all outside influences,
and will provide government only for "the
citizens." '
Yet, his program, such as it can be dis-
cerned, seems about as original as a new Volks-
wagen. In fact, one can recall most of it as
having emanated from incumbent Gov. Swain-
son and his predecessor, G. Mennen Williams,
long before Romney rambled onto the politi-
cal scene.
TAKE THE income tax; Romney claims that
his Citizens for Michigan advocated the idea
way back in 1960. But it can be recalled that
Democratic proposed income tax bills pre-date
Romney's proposal by at least two years. During
the infamous cash crisis in 1959, Gov. Williams,
a Democrat, proposed such a levy.
Prior to that, income tax bills kicked around
in Sen. Geerlings' taxation committee for a
good many years.
Romney's proposal is made all the more in-
famous by his lack of participation, when the
income tax faced the State Senate last spring.
He claims now that the proposal did not meet
his requirements for adequate fiscal reform, but
it can also be recalled that moderate Republi-
Challenge.
IF YOU ARE a left-winger who thinks the
House Committee on Un-American Activities
has no business prying into your personal be-
liefs, you get years in prison; but if you are
a steel company who thinks Congress has no
right to check its records, you go scot free.
This is the paradox between the fate of the
dissenting liberal and the rich steel company
when they defy Congress.'One gets ground into
the earth; the other is praised for its defiance.
Last week, the Senate Judiciary Committee
refused to recommend action against nine top
steel executives and four steel companies when
they refused to reveal confidential cost infor-
mation needed in a subcommittee study of pos-
sible administered pricing by the steel industry.
Their refusal comes despite subcommittee as-
surance that the figures will be kept secret.
Instead committee members praised the steel
executive for keeping mum, saying that the
disclosure of information would result in ad-
vantages to competitors.
THIS SORT of justice has marked the current
session of Congress. Special interest groups
have reaped the legislative spoils while the av-
erage citizen has lost ground. In large measure
the New Frontier was designed to eliminate
the inequities, yet in the current session of
Congress, special interest favoritism has grown
worse.
Tax reform programs designed to' close tax
loopholes were perverted by the Senate to cre-
ate new gaps aiding special interest groups.
Congress,- with hardly a dissent, gave away
space communications to the already over-
grown private communications industry.
Meanwhile, Congress killed medical care for
the aged, meaningful farm legislation, a de-
partment of urban affairs for the problem-
beset city dwellers and a host of other welfare
measures that never saw the light of day in
committee.
PRESIDENT Kennedy's task in the fall elec-
tion has been made clear by this and other
incidents. If the New Frontier is to have any
neaning, then efforts to remove anti-Frontier
Congressmen must be made. These legislators,
members of both parties, have had the neces-
sary strength all session Ito frustrate Kennedy
domestic legislation.
This is the challenge of the 1962 election
campaign-it's time to "get the country moving
again" with more pro-public members of Con-
gress. Otherwise ,the spectacle of special in-
terest favoritism - like the support for de-
fiant steel companies - will continue and grow.
--P. SUTIN
0 t Da
Editorial Staff
MICHAEL OLINICK, Editor
JUDITH OPPENHEIM MICHAEL HARRAH
Editorial Director City Editor
JUDITH BLEIER ............... Associate City Editor
FRED RUSSELL KRAMER .. Assoc. Editorial Director
CYNTHIA NEU.......... ...... Co-Magazine Editor
HARRY PERLSTADT ............Co-Magazine Editor
CAROLINE DOW...............Personnel Director
TOM WEB BER................. .. ..Sports Editor
DAVE ANDREWS...........Associate Sports Editor
JAN WINKLEMAN..........Associate Sports Editor
Business Staff
cans were whistling a different tune on the
Senate floor.
Sen. Stanley G. Thayer of Ann Arbor even
boasted on the Senate floor that "George Rom-
ney called me to congratulate me on my work
in behalf of this tax."
ROMNEY also calls for a bureau of commerce,
to lure industry to the state. He seems to
forget that his own party has consistently re-
jected the plan as proposed by Swainson.
He also proposes a job retraining program,
which is already in operation. He also pirated
Gov. Swainson's suggestion to appropriate large
sums of money to advertise Michigan.
And last but not least, Romney claimed that
if Republicans retained admitted Bircher Rich-
ard Durant in Detroit's 14th District GOP or-
ganization, "they will repudiate me."
Durant was elected. Therefore Romney must
have been repudiated. But according to George
it was but "an act of duplicity."
THIS ALL points to the conclusion that Rom-
ney really hasn't the backing of his own
party. Clearly he was foisted upon the GOP
rank-and-file by the few kingmakers who dom-
inate the Republican State Central Committee.
His programs certainly do not represent the
feelings of the majority of Republicans in
Michigan.
A case in point: At the state convention in
August, Romney loudly denounced the name-
less extremist organizations which "have at-
tached themselves to the Republican Party."
He was audibly booed by many delegates, their
voices rising over and above the Romney cabal
which had been packed into the hall to demon-
strate in his behalf.
While the dissenting delegates did not ap-
prove of the John. Birch Society in all cases,
they were reluctant to go on record as re-
pudiating anything with which they had no
visible connection. It was simply bad politics
to alienate potential votes by connecting the
party in the public mind with the Birch Society.
In a country where there are only two ma-
jor political parties, the delegates were loathe
to cut anyone off from free political expression.
ROMNEY'S insecurity as party leader is vivid-
ly illustrated by his call for legislation al-
lowing a state political leader to remove such
local party people as might not concur with
the state position. This would make Romney
the unchallengeable dictator of a Republican
Party which heretofore embraced comfortably
many divergent trains of political thought, and
open the way for political tyranny.
Romney's call for leadership is embarrassing-
ly contradicted by his own position within his
party and his own actions. Leadership, he says,
is 99 per cent preparation meeting opportunity.
The opportunity was there last spring when
the income tax was under consideration. Where
was the preparation.
The opportunity still remains, for the Re-
publican-dominated Legislature is still in ses-
sion. Why doesn't Romney get after them to
pass his program?
It is both shoddy and sad that Romney offers
as an excuse that "I cannot do, as a private
citizen what my opponent could not do as
governor." If he truly Is the leader of the Re-
publican Party, why doesn't he prove it?
BUT THERE is one aspect of George Romney
which is really frightening. At moments,
he can bear all the earmarks of a tyrant. At the
state convention, he suppressed an attempt by
the Fourth Congressional District to include
an amendment in the GOP platform. It would
have demanded a referendum before the state
could levy any income tax upon the people.
And while this proposal might not necessarily
weaken Romney's position, it apparently would
compromise it, for he refused even to let the
matter be introduced from the floor.
What does he fear? Is he afraid the proposal
would have passed? The only conclusion can
be that Romney will not stand for any dis-
obedience to George Romney.
He wants to run the Republican Party and
the State of Michigan as he may have run
American Motors - with an iron hand. But
the difference is that the Republicans and
Michigan citizens do not work for George Rom-
ney. He works for them.
In a corporation one can cite a unified goal
for diverse groups - profit; but rio such unified
goal exists for Michigan-except in platitudes.
He cannot crush anyone simply because he
stands in his way. Real and basic differences
exist among dissident state political groups,
and they must all be respected, not obliterated.
ROMNEY'S call for unity - like that which
he achieved at American Motors - is false
and superficial when applied to Michigan. Here
there is no ultimate goal as tangible and simple
as profit. Neither Romney nor anyone else has
the right to channel Michigan's citizens toward
any single objective to the exclusion of all oth-
ers. He cannot forget the basic political rights
of the constitution, which predicate the exist-
ence of freedom upon the right to dissent.
If George Romney's pattern of leadership
within the Republican Party can be used as a
-n wa hp- P. - 4 - P. rnt-,4 m_ 1-. h
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec-
ond of two articles analyzing the
25th National Student Congress and
the work of its delegates.)
By MICHAEL 'OLINICK
Editor
THE SAME factors which keep
Student Government Council
from achieving significant gains
on the home front affected Coun-
cil members' work at the 15th Na-
tional Student Congress held at
the Ohio State University last
month.
Fortified by a sympathetic poli-
tical atmosphere and unhampered
by the obligations of the curricu-
lum, the liberal bloc delegates em-
braced late night caucuses and
plenary floor strategems, running
off into a dozen different direc-
tions at the same time. SGC liber-
als, serving as NSA delegates, did
manage to get some basic legisla-
tion passed, but much of it was
hastily written and confusedly
worded - the main problem with
most of NSA legislation and much
of SGC's.
Council conservatives-or 'mod-
erates' as they prefer to be
smeared-never achieved real en-
thusiasm about the Congress and
its doings, mainly because they
spent so little time in Columbus.
The chunks of time they allotted
to the Congress were bifurcated
between the plenary floor and the
North Heidelberg Inn.
* * * -
A SMALL attempt to unite con-
servative and moderate bedfellows
into a discussion and action group
petered out when the ugly head of
John Birch reared itself. Council
Chairman Steve Stockmeyer and
Michigan Union President Robert
Finke were leaders in the estab-
lishment of the Conservative Con-
ference, but dropped out when
more extreme right wing views
threatened to snuff out the candle
of their views.
The withdrawal from the con-
servative group came over a mix-
up of whether or not some extreme
literature would be distributed
against the wishes of the more
moderate members.
Finke tried to forge a coalition
of Big Ten student body presidents
(principally with OSU's president)
but met with only minor success.
*~ * *
AS A MEMBER of the National
Student Association, SGC repre-
sents 26,000 enrollees and was thus
entitled to send eight delegates
and eight alternates to the con-
gress. A number of official and un-
official observers tagged along,
boosting the total number of Uni-
versity students to about two
dozen, as many as any other col-
lege present.
Stockmeyer, august leader of the
delegation, found his outside poli-
tical demands more important
than his duties as a representative
of University students. He left in
the middle of the Congress to play
with Romney at the GOP conven-
tion, returned to Columbus and
then ducked back into Detroit for
a campaign foray while the Con-
gress was conducting crucial busi-
ness.
The Council's number two man,
Executive Vic'e-President Richard
G'Sell was sailing with the Navy
while other delegates attended
seminars to inform themselves on
the background of major issues
and participated in legislative
committee sessions in which the
actual resolutions were framed.
He arrived in the nick of time for
the final plenary sessions where
he cast his vote with gay abandon.
The Navy unfortunately did not
tell G'Sell in May that he might
be on the seas in late August.
* * *
ADMINISTRATIVE Vice-Presi-
dent Kenneth Miller had not
shaken all his sophomoric values
before the start of the Congress.
At times too frivolous and humor-
ous to be a good delegate, Miller
observed well and was full of many
questions and concerns about the
legislation, and should make an
excellent delegate at the 16th Con-
gress if he attends.
C o u n c i 1 Treasurer Thomas
Brown did a more competent job
getting money for the delegates
to go to the Congress than in get-
ting himself there. Tied up with
a summer job, Brown managed to
attend only half the Congress. He
arrived late and left early.
When he went home the final
time, Brown left a list behind him
of how he wanted his vote cast
on the first thirty or so items of
policy up for decision by the con-
gress. Most of these resolutions
had not been mimeographed for
general distribution and Brown's
yes or no indications could only
have been based on the titles of
the motions, not their content. He
also indicated his preference for
officer elections.
* * *
BROWN'S delegate card fell to
alternate delegate Margaret Skiles,
president of the Women's League
who found herself in disagreement
with many of Brown's suggested
votes. The delegation reached an
informal consensus based on a rul-
ing by NSA National Affairs Vice-
President Paul Potter that Brown
was entitled to cast hishvote only
if he were present and aware of
the resolutions and the debate they
provoked; he could not bind an al-
ternate to vote in any particular
way.
Miss Skiles' decision to cast the
vote as she saw fit broke the Uni-
versity's four-to-four deadlock.
The SGC delegation had been
carefully selected to insure that
the left-right split that dominates
the "Wednesday night fights"
would continue 210 miles south.
With officers Stockmeyer, G'Sell
and Brown, Finke rounded out the
list of moderate delegates. He at-
tended all the plenary sessions,
quietly casting his votes on all the
major items of business. Finke ex-
pressed his opposition to most of
the legislation to the other dele-
gates seated at his table, but chose
not to participate in plenary floor
debate or take a serious hand in
resolution writing.
Finke (the only ex-officio SGC
member appointed as a full dele-
gate) expressed his philosophy in
seminars and subcommittees and,
seriously undertook to investigate
the credentials and ideas of some
of the officer candidates. He
agreed 'in principle' to most of the
resolutions and basic policy dec-
larations, but found minor points
or phrasing of certain paragraphs
just too upsetting to give final sup-
through the vote.
*k *M *
ABRAMS authored an omnibus
bill on civil rights in the north,
contributed to a resolution on the
role of the federal government in
civil rights and took part in the
debate on the constitutionality of
a mandate on the House Commit-
tee on Un-American Activities.
His general effectiveness as dele-
gate was weakened by a lack of*
tactful debating. Many who op-
posed his views were grated by
Abrahms' method of argument
and 'dismissed him without care-
ful consideration of his words.
Mary Beth Norton was one of
the delegation's stars. An alternate
who found herself casting votes
whenever Jeffrey or Ross were ab-
sent, she chose to limit her scope
and concentrate her resources. A
significant contributor to the
framing of a long-needed basic
policy declaration on substantive
and procedural due process on the
campus, Miss Norton guided this
bit of legislation through subcom-
mittee, committee and plenary de-
0 0
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0g.
0
0'
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0
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0
*;1
cD
Stockmeyer
Y N N N
N
IN
G'Sell Y N N N N N N
Miller NI A Y Y A Y Y
Brown N A N A f
Ross N Y Y Y
Jeffrey Y Y Y Y Y
Finke Y N N N N Ab N
Abrams N Y Y Y Y Y Y
McMillan Y* N$
Norton No) Y()I Yt Yt
Olinick Yt
Skiles I II Y* jY*
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CD
ci,
Key: Y-Yes
N-No
A-Absent
*-Voted for Brown
f-Voted for Ross
O-Voted for Jeffrey
Ab-Abstain
$-Voted for Stckmyr
bate to a highly successful con-
clusion. Considering her lack of
NSA experience, this was quite an
accomplishment.
* * *
PANHELLENIC Associa-
tion President Ann McMillan
skipped a weekend of the Congress
to attend the Republican state con-
vention in Michigan. She played
a generally passive role at the
Congress, although she did exam-
ine the literature and opinions of
several groups and participated in
a rather drab discussion of fra-
ternities, sororities and in loco
parentis.
Interfraternity Council presi-
dent John Meyerholz, another al-
ternate, left the Congress about
midway through the program.
Miss Skiles faced a rather tough
moral question when Brown left
the Congress with instructions for
her to vote in certain ways on sev-
eral resolutions. Challenged by
this problem and other ticklish
questions of academic freedom
and paternalism, Miss S k i1 e s
should come back to Council meet-
ings this fall with a more sdphis-
ticated and independent approach
to issues.
* * *
DAILY EDITOR Michael Olin-
ick did not campaign actively for
any issue except the violations of
the student press issue which was
referred to the.NEC by a handful
of delegates present on the floor
at the time. During the elections
he held Brown's card but did not
follow Brown's specific recommen-
dations for officers. Olinick was
active in sub-committee, but most-
ly he sat and absorbed all.
But then Olinick had helped re-
vamp the Student Editorial Affairs
Conference into the new Student
Press Association and was a force
behind the creation of the colle-
giate press service. He also served
on a panel which debated the stu-
dent government-student news-
paper issue and made more ene-
mies in one hour than anyone at
the Congress.
Non-Council m e m b e r s who
served as alternates Include d
Frank Heselton, the new NSA co-
ordinator, Ralph Kaplan, chairman
of SGC's Committee on the Uni-
versity and William Gleason, a
former SGC member and now on
the Council's NSA committee.
* * *
HESELTON concentrated his
main efforts on the NSA Coordina-
tors Conference which preceded
the actual congress. He compiled
the voting record printed here and
was alert for any suggestions on
how to implement NSA programs
in Ann Arbor.
Author of a resolution on "cam-
pus values" which was defeated on
the plenary floor, Kaplan also was
concerned with a resolution on
education courses for non-educa-
tion majors.
Serving as an observer, Gleason
disappeared midway through the
Congress.
AS MEMBERS of the two con-
flicting Council blocs, delegates
from the University performed
with sickening consistency. The
voting record on seven major
pieces of legislation considered by
the Congress reveals this horror
graphically.
S t o k m e y e r, G'Sell, Brown,
Finke and Miss McMillan recorded
nothing but Nay votes except for a
motion which challenged the con-
stitutionality of a program man-
date related to the House Commit-
tee on Un-American Activities.
Delegates were asked, "Do you be-
lieve that the proposed mandate is
unconstitutional" on the basis of
Article X of NSA's constitution.
Article X states that "No body
acting on behalf of USNSA shall
participate in sectarian religious
activities or partisan political ac-
tivities; they shall not take part in
activity which doesnot affect stu-
dents in their role as students. No
substantial part of the activities
of the national and regional bodies
of USNSA shall be devoted to car-
rying on propaganda or otherwise
attempting to influence legisla-
tion."
TIS constitutional question
was settled three years ago in a
marathon 12-hour debate on
whether or not the 13th NSC
should adopt anmotion on nuclear
disarmament. It was hammered
shut at the 1960 Congress on the
question of NSA support for the
Southern sit-ins and the passage
of a basic policy declaration on
"The Student and the Total Com-
munity." The conservatives rised
it again several times during the
Congress, but were soundly re-
pulsed each time.
The constitutionality of the
HUAC mandate was upheld, al-
though the petition idea was
scrapped for fear that it would
not be successful and thus injure
NSA's prestige.
The only break in consistency
came when Finke abstained on the
nuclear testing motion which con-
demned all nations which have ex-
ploded or contemplate testing of
nuclear weapon devices. He said
he agreed "in principle" with the
resolution, but felt that NSA had
no business taking formal action
on such a subject.
Ross, Miss Jeffrey, Abrams, Miss
Norton, Miss Skiles and Olinick
also voted a straight ticket.
In other votes not presented
here, the consistency continued ex-
cept on one or two constitutional
amendments.
BRIEFLY the issugs reported in
the voting record are these:
Constitutionality of HUAC Man-
date - this was an additioi to
NSA's resolution calling for the
abolition of HUAC. It asked that
the national staff initiate a peti-
tion to Congress embodying the
gist of the NSA resolution.
Due Process - A basic policy
declaration (standing and funda-
mental policy needing two-thirds
vote for adoption or alteration)
outlining minimum guarantees for
justice in student disciplinary
cases.
Higher Education and the Cold
War - a basic policy declaration
decrying the functional link be-
tween East-West tensions and
their debilitating effect on univer-
ca
ml
C
0.
p
Through Student Values," this
proposed Basic Policy Declaration
failed toachieve the necessary
two-thirds vote on the plenary
floor. It stressed the notion that
the academic program must de-
velop the civic responsibility as an
"intellectual proposition."
Nuclear Testing - Condemned
tests by Russia, the United States
and other powers.
Cunningham Amendment-This
motion called for the defeat of an
amendment to the Postal Revision
Act of 1961 which would prohibit
the dissemination of mail matter
classified as Communist political
propaganda.
* * *
COUNCIL members failed at the
start to realize the responsibilities
of assuming delegate status to the
Congress. They should have
pledged in the spring that as a
start they would attend the whole
Congress or accepted a post as al-
ternate or observer. Several Coun-
cil members were willing to give
up summer employment to attend
the sessions at Ohio State.
There were alternates in attend-
ance who lost money to attend the
Congress but who gained added
knowledge through the seminars
and committee sessions which
would have made them more in-
telligent voters.
Those with less experience could
have selected one or more issues
or aspects of the association for
concentrated study and work as
Miss Norton did. Too many dis-
played the apathetic approach
which characterizes their work for
SGC.
DELEGATES should have spent
the time in Columbus as full par-
ticipants in Congress activities:
observing, thinking, criticizing,
proposing ideas.
They should be ready to bring
back to this campus what they
learned at the Congress; make rele-
vant to constituents here the ac-
tivities of NSA and translate is-
sues and concerns into concrete
programs for the Council to con-
sider.
What one can realistically ex-
pect from the Council members
can be guaged from their perform-
ance with NSA. The ones with a
firm conviction in student govern-
ment will be active in framing
legislation and earnest in debate
and study. They suffer a serious
lack, however. They're not a ma-
jority.
PREVIEW:
Zola's
Gervaise'
THE CINEMA Guild probably
won't show a finer movie this
year than the one playing tonight
and tomorrow night, Emile Zola's
"Gervaise." Adapted from Zola's
"The Dram Shop," and winner of
various international film prizes,
it is most deserving of praise for
the acting of Maria Schell. Rene
Clement directs a superb cast in-
cluding Francois Perier and Ar-
mand Mestral.
In this chronicle of a Parisian
girl's life, Miss Schell falls from
a lover, to a husband, to a remote
love, and finally to sunken despair.
Her Gervaise grows older, broken,
and finally becomes oblivious to
the world and the first chance to
begin a life free from a haunting
past. Symbolically, her smile, so
free and bright, leaves her at the
end along with her will to survive.
"GERVAISE" is something like
a concerto, Miss Schell the soloist,
always being heard, and Clement
the conductor of the orchestra
giving her a background to play
against.
At Gervaise's birthday party,
Clement's fine work is most fully
evident. Those of the laboring class
are in wonderful contrast to a
little better off and thus hautier
couple, who sit in quiet deference
as the birthday goose is brought
in to a chorus of ooohs and ahhhs.
And Gervaise glows so, that her
smile seems to wind entirely
around her face.
A brilliant scene brought off by
Clement is the washing-house
scene at the beginning of the
movie. The women, true to their
universal nature, gather and gos-
sip, wash and talk. They step over
a river of soapy water as daintily
as possible in their long dresses.
They scrub their clothes in many
aisles, lined up like so many pigs
at their feeding but continually
raising their heads, questioning
and listening.
* * *
WHEN Gervaise finds out that
her love has left her for a woman
across the street, she attacks the
closest thing to this woman's life,
her sister. Buckets of water fly,
and the viewer can't decide wheth-
er to cry for Gervaise or laugh at
the ludicrous way the women fight
and sprawl in the soapy water and
"School Days, School Days
Dear Old White Mob Rule Days'
I -J -
r(Kt