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October 17, 1964 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1964-10-17

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I r t.rl tgM1T tt

KHRUSHCHEV OUSTER:
An Attempt To Reunify
The Communist Camp

:: .

Seventy-Fifth Year

EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICUiGnAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL o STUDENT PUBICTWATm

WhereOpinonsPre '420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBo1, MICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-552

Editorials pirinted in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staf f writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JEFFREY GOODMAN

Vehement Protest: Sole
Answer to Administration

UNIVERSITY President Harlan Hatcher,
by failing to offer any new and sub-
stantial means by which students can
work with the administration to alleviate
their grievances, has fatally subverted
any hope for closer cooperation between
the student body and the University in
this area for the next few years.
The sloth and negligence of the admin-
istration in seeking closer communica-
tion with students is inexcusable. Student
grievances, such as those in the areas of
dormitory and classroom overcrowding,
are legitimate and pressing issues, and re-
quire swift and direct action by the Uni-
versity. Not only do students have the
right to press for alleviation of these
problems, but they should have a formal
role in the selection and implementation
of policy alternatives.
The extent to which students can help
the University formulate policy is amply
demonstrated by the adoption of IFC
President Larry Lossing's proposal to al-
low non-freshman pledges to move im-
mediately from the quadrangles into their
fraternity houses. Had there been closer
administration - student coinmunication
and cooperation, such plans could have
been considered months earlier. Pledges
could have moved out of the quads much
sooner and perhaps other proposals to
alleviate crowding would have been found
and implemented. In this way much un-
necessary friction could have been avoid-
ed.
PRESIDENT HATCHER suggested Tues-
day that the protesting student groups
submit their grievances to the University
through established channels of commu-
Jenk~ins
HERE IS NO REASON to suspect that
Walter Jenkins ever endangered any-
one's security but his own. There is no
reason to think he ever hurt anyone but
himself. Yet one of his best friends, Lyn-
don Johnson, has ordered an FBI Inves-
tigation into Jenkins' activities and pri-
vate as well as public life have been
ruined. With nothing left, he might like-
ly commit suicide. He and his family are
to be pitied.
Yet there is another aspect of the af-
fair which although not consoling to
Jenkins may be somewhat comforting to
those who fear the ability of the gov-
ernment to control news. That Johnson
could not suppress Jenkins' arrests -
something one might expect he could with
a phone call to the police department or a
few calls to key network executives and
publishers-attests to the limits of gov-
ernment news manipulation.
IT IS ALMOST CERTAIN that Johnson
knew about Jenkins before the story
broke. It is too bad that now everyone
else knows, but it is good to know that
they could not be stopped from finding
out.
-E. HERSTEIN

nication, notably Student Government
Council. Is he serious? Council member
Barry Bluestone strove energetically to
have SGC analyze the various areas of
student problems. Rather than acting
with the immediacy that the situation re-
quired, SGC floundered around, sent all
the grievances to committees and as yet
has failed to contact the administration
with any direct recommendations as to
how these difficulties might be resolved.
Those who firmly believe that student
views must be considered by the admin-
istration and incorporated in the forma-
tion of University policy and planning,
must realize that SGC, as the established
means of communication with the ad-
ministration, is a powerless, ineffective
organization. Furthermore, dedicated stu-
dents must realize that President Hatch-
er, as a spokesman for the administration,
has completely neglected to open any new
areas of Univrsity cooperation with dis-
sident students and has no intention of
doing so.
IT IS UNFORTUNATE that there is only
one alternative left to students who
want their protests heard and acted on
in the near future. Students should strive
to create as much unfavorable publicity
for the University as possible. They should
hold loud demonstrations and protest ral-
lies, hurling demands at the administra-
tion and attempting to draw national at-
tention to the campus situation. These
actions should be planned by a confedera-
tion of all student protest groups, and
should be designed to violate University
regulations and intimidate the adminis-
tration.
The intention of such demonstrations
clearly would not be just to have stu-
dent protests recognized and acted upon
by the University. Obviously this action
would initially inflame the administra-
tion's hostility toward the student pro-
testors, and this attitude would not be
particularly conducive to a rational set-
tlement of disagreements.
These demonstrations would put pres-
sure on the administration. No univer-
sity likes to be known nationally as a
hotbed of unrest. Despite the fact that the
Board of Regents and the state Legisla-
ture would undoubtedly support the ad-
ministration's position against the pro-
testing students, they would be willing
to accede to several of the latter's de-
mands, if only for the purpose of stopping
the demonstrations and quieting the sit-
uation. The louder and longer the stu-
dents protest, the greater the concessions
they will gain from the University.
IT IS REGRETTABLE that students with
a legitimate concern in the operation
of the University must resort to such un-
desirable tactics to get their voices heard.
But the fact remains that they are seek-
ing an important and necessary goal,
and the administration's failure to co-
operate in fulfilling that goal has created
the need for more drastic action.
Only by vehement protest can students
correct the retarded behavior of an irre-
sponsibly acting administration.
-DAVID BLOCK

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'CARPET BA&&E R p'S\ik rv".

EUROPEAN COMMENTARY:
Election Eve Issues in Britain

By DICK WINGFIELD
INCE STALIN'S death in March
" of 1953, the leadership of the
Communist Party has become
more and more fragmented. The
rise of polycentrism in the Com-
munist movement has been evi-
denced by the increasing strength
of Communist leaders outside the
Kremlin - particularly Mao Tse-
tung of China and Tito of Yugo-
slavia, who have found it easier
to be their own decision-makers.
With Stalin died Stalin's tough-
fisted centralism. The Cominform
finally was eliminated in 1956
after serving Stalin well as a dis-
ciplinary tool. During the period
from JTune, 1948 until 'his death
in 1953, Stalin purged fromdhis
club the vice-premiers of Albania
and Bulgaria, the foreign minister
of Hungary and three representa-
tives atthe organizational meet-
ing of the Cominformn from Po-
land, Czechoslovakia and Ro-
mania.
In addition to the Cominform,
Stalin maintained troops within
close proximity of the subjugated
nations. He imported elites, train-
ed in Russia, to organize the gov-
ernments of these nations. His
efforts yielded the satisfaction of
seeing the small countries support
the Soviet Union in the United
Nations. He was further gratified
in seeing the Warsaw Pact drawn
against NATO.
* * *
BUT THEN the setting changed.
With the death of Stalin, groups
quarreled over how much liberty
thie satellite nations should have.
Khrushchev relied upon the lead-
ers of other, smaller countries to
support him in power. As a result
of the trend toward satellite lib-
eration, the Cominform was mut-
ually discarded in 1956. Certain
geographical areas were returned
to China; and aid was started in
larger scale to the smallcountries.
The most significantrmilestone
of the change occurred at the
twentieth party congress in 1956
when Khrushchev denigrated Sta-
lin. Khrushchev accused Stalin of
exploiting fellow Communist na-
tions and attacked Stalin's theory
of inevitable war with capitalistic
nations. He submitted that there
were different roads to Commun-
ism, and that different countries
could justifiably differ in their
approach toward world socialism.
He said that Communism had to
win by competitive co-existence
instead of by military coup.
We have since witnessed the
effects of the Khrushchev policy.
Mao Tse-tung and Tito now loom
as individual leaders, and not as
puppets of the Kremlin. Nt only
do they make their own decisions,
but they criticize those of the
Kremlin. China, more "orthodox"
in her approach to Communist
goals, has attacked Russia's policy
of co-existence and half-hearted
attempts to regain Taiwan and
attain a place for China in the
UN.
* * *
THE CHINESE - SOVIET con-
flict is without doubt a crucial
factor in the resignation of Khru-
shchev. The 70-year-old leader
can look back upon victories in
the space race, extraordinary tech-
nological progress and (most spec-
tacularly) a successful crop in the
virgin lands this year. But Com-
munist China has demanded the
removal of Khrushchev for
months, and they have branded
him "The Great Splitter" of the
international Communist move-
ment. It has been only two weeks
since Khrushchev announced his
desire to give consumer priority
over heavy industry in the Soviet
Union. Regardless of the conven-
ient excuses of the ex-premier's
health and age, his policy-making

By ERIC KELLER
Daily Correspondent
BILTHOVEN, Holland -- Labor:
Big Chance -Liberals: N e w
Headway-Conservatives: Holding
Action.
This was the impression re-
ceived throughout the short but
intensive British campaign the
past few weeks.
One year agonobody would.have
given the Conservatives a serious
chance to recoup. Macmillan's
quiet fade-off into oblivion, the
appointment of an unexpected,
relatively unfavored Scotsman, Sir
Alec Douglas-Home, and England's
slipping economy at that time
were actually more poignant fac-
tors for anti-Conservative feelings
than what it had all started with:
the Keeler affair.
Even no one found it important
enough to smudge a reasonably
subjective campaign by bringing
it up. For one thing, practically
all Conservatives connected with
the affair had been purged or dis-
charged. But an even more impor-
tant factor was, as a British news-
man put it to me, that basically
the British like nothing better
than a full-sized, blown-up sex
scandal. After thefun, in all fair-
ness they would not use it to make
political capital.
* * *
THE REAL ISSUES, however,
were highly relevant to the course
of all three major parties: the
Conservatives, the Labor Party
and the Liberal Party. The Con-
servatives could point to a con-
tinuously improving balance of
payments sheet during the first
half of this year. Full employment,
rising prosperity, improved social
services for all, new housing, new
schools and hospitals were the
campaign slogans promoted by the
LETTERS:
Crowd ing
To the Editor:
AS THE HOUSING Chairman of
Assembly I was designated as
chairman of the Crowding Com-
mittee. I read the article in The
Daily, "AHC Report Criticizes
Housing," on Tuesday, Oct. 13
and would like to comment on the
Crowding Committee. I feel it
would be in order to clarify a few
points.
The purpose of our committee
was to study the "crowded" situ-
ation in the residence halls. We
met almost as a discussion group,
with a girl from each of the affect-
ed dorms presenting the problem
as it existed in her dorm. We were
very pleased to discover that
things were not as bad as in some
instances had been rumored. Al-
though we were concerned with
the problems-at-hand, we were
really more interested in coming
up with some constructive criti-
cism to offer to the administration.
Many nf the thins which we

Conservatives, pointing out that
all of these goals have in great
measure already been fulfilled
during the past few years.
Socialist Labor, however, was
staging a new attack. It hit at the
millions of pounds spent on Brit-
ish nuclear armament, at the Con-
servatives' sudden eagerness to
join the European community and
at the inequality fostered in Brit-
ish education. Industrial moderni-
zation seemed to get a secondary
position because it would not draw
enough votes. In fact, emphasis on
the modernization issue might
have brought a backlash, as the
British generally resent changes
that more efficient industrial
methods might bring about.
* * *
INTERESTINGLY enough, La-
bor did not make too much men-
tion of nationalization projects.
This once all-important issue was
voluntarily restricted to occasional
remarks about a possible national-
ization of the steel industry. But
that industry had mounted such
a massive campaign to keep itself
in private hands that the Social-
ists preferred to abandon for the
moment unofficially the subject's
priority. This clear departure from
the traditional Socialist doctrines
has probably had much to do with
the increased Laborite vote appeal.
Another major point favoring
Labor was its projected appear-
ance. Labor Party Chief Harold
Wilson and George Brown, deputy
leader, have been able to expand
the one-time limited voter appeal
to wider social circles by diplo-
matically cutting some of the most
stringent Socialist aspects of La-
bor ideology. Their appearance is
appealing and in contrast to the
Conservatives, they are only very
seldom in for excuses or rectifica-
tions.
CONSERVATIVES as well have
had to polish up their outlook. Sir
Alec Douglas-Home's task of tying
the Tories together had perhaps
been a more difficult one than
Wilson's smooth take-over of the
Labor Party one and a half years
ago. Furthermore, most Conser-
vative leaders have found it hard
to shed off their upper-class man-
ners and customs. In this respect
it proved to be very difficult to
counteract Wilson's new classless
approach.
But it was the Liberals who
were termed "the election's real
success story" by the Sunday
Times. In fact, this party, which
seemed to be gasping its last
breath just a few months ago, has
been able to present a positive and
buoyant party picture.
Under the energetic leadership
of party chief Grimnon, the party's
motto, "If you think liberal, vote
Liberal" has taken on a new shape.
In spite of "no-nonsense about a
third party" hasslers from both
sides, Grimond pursued liberaliza-
tion of trade and, obviously, the
need of a vigorous and independ-
ent third party.
The Liberal's goal was to attain
enough impact to wedge their way
between the two major parties.
Throughout the campaign, the
possibility of getting a command-
ing Dosition in Parliament was not

But a new element was "cam-
paign hooliganism." This new dif-
ficulty developed one week ago
when for the first time, Sir Alec
was systematically shouted down
by teenagers and college-aged
bands. The organized groups were
recognized as part of the Young
Socialist movement (allied with
the Labor Party) and to the An-
archist Party. Labor leader Wilson
immediately disclaimed any re-
sponsibility or connection with his
party. Nevertheless, election hooli-
ganism continued to present a
problem throughout the past week.
* * *
BUT EVEN IF hooliganism and
ever-present voter apathy took up
much, if not sometimes most,
newspaper space, some of the
issues are of paramount impor-
tance to Britain's future. Laborites
oppose nuclear expansion and con-
tinuation of British military re-
sponsibilities around the world.
Instead, they favor a swifter fade-
out of British forces in the re-
maining colonies and in protec-
torates.
On the other hand, the Con-
servatives attachednemphasis to
the continued carrying of the re-
sponsibilities which are still left
of the once huge British Empire.
Thus, Britons in this election
decided not only between two or
three men, but also between two
or three attitudes towards Bri-
tain's future. These attitudes are
by far not as horizontally apart
as they were just 15 years ago, but
nevertheless they will have a last-
ing influence upon relations with
the whole Western world.

must not be overlooked in explain-
ing his resignation.
The policy conflict, combined
with the fact that Khrushchev lost
his seat in the Presidium of the
Central Committee, and the fact
that his son-in-law was removed
from his position as chief editor of
Izvestia savors of a forced resig-
nation.
IF THURSDAY'S change was
not :forced, then prior to that day
it had. been 224 years since a Rus-
sian chief-of-state "voluntarily"
handed down the reigns of power.
During this time span Elizabeth
Petrovna, Catherine the Great,
Nicholas I, Alexander III, Lenin
and Stalin died natural deaths.
Three of the other leaders ofdthis
era were assassinated in office;
one was displaced and then mur-
dered; one was merely displaced;
and one died mysteriously. The
latest example of voluntary de-
scendence from power is that of
Anna Ivanovna who, before she
died of dissipation in 1740, named
Ivan VI as her successor.
The real significances of these
events is that the Russian people
have a long-standing tradition of
dismissing leaders who wander
too far from the pack. Khrush-
chev has innocently fallen heir to
this tradition. One can only con-
jecture as to what changes Brez-
hnev and Kosygin will make be-
yond trying to repair the break be-
tween Russia and China. This
effort will certainly take preced-
ence, since now Russia is dealing
with a nuclear power as well as a
fellow Communist countiy.
BORGE:
Great Dane
Of Music
IT IS EVIDENT that Victor
Borge and Walt Disney's movie
"Fantasia" have much in common,
dissimilar though their respective
media may be. Both specialize in
macerating beloved pieces of
music while at the same time ex-
tracting from them all possible
humor, providing in each case a
refreshing change of pace from
the usual type of concert-hall fare.
And both reappear on, campus
with some regularity, playing to
capacity audiences each time -
many of whom return time and
time again without ever growing
tired of hearing the same mate-
rial over and over again.
For the magic of Victor Borge's
act, as of "Fantasia," is that one
can almost always anticipate what
will happen next - and yet one
would be disappointed if it then
did not happen, since it never out-
grows its initial luster on rehear-
ing. Thus the audience laughed
just as heartily at such Borge
specialties as the "Phonetic Punc-
tuation" routine, and his hilar-
iously exaggerated gestures prep-
aratory to actually performing the
"Chinese Waltz" (which turned
out to be a somewhat fractured
version of "Charmaine"), as if
they had not heard them several
times before. They were hardly
any different last night than they
were the last time he did them,
but they were just as funny.
* * *
IN THE SECOND half of the
program, Borge introduced Leonid
Hambro, an equally noted pianist
in his own right; and the two
commenced a contest of seeing
who could upstage whom the post,
with Borge generally coming: out
on top. Between the two of them,
they produced a version of Tchai-
kovsky's First Piano Concerto the
likes of which have not been heard
since the Gerald Hoffnung con-
certs and the "Piano Concerto To
End All Piano Concertos." For his
own part, Borge added enough
modulation to fill three Nielsen

symphonies, but of course it was
all in fun.
With obvious relish, Borge
greeted latecomers to the concert
with "You haven't missed a
thing!" Like everything else he
said during the course of the show,
however, this should have been
taken with a grain of salt: those
who didn't attend the highly en-
joyable frolic in Hill Aud. last
night missed quite a bit.
-Steven iffer
LOVERS:
The Crowcd
Is Fun
At tie Campus Theatre
W HAT'S HAPPENING on col-
lege campuses that's worth
making a movie about?
Not much, according to that
corniest of movies, "The Young
Lovers," a picture based on the
advertisement in The Daily by the
same name.
What happens in this film?
Talented art student having
trouble in school meets nice girl

Identity and Higher Education

IT SEEMS that those who are participat-
ing in the process of higher education
-students, faculty, and administrators all
-are being entangled in a problem of
identity. At the same time, higher educa-
tion itself in these United States has
come to a point in history where it must
decide just where it is going. In a sense,
the educational process and those parti-
cipating in it must stop for a reassess-
ment.
The problem of identity is accentuated
by the switchover in many universities
to the computer system of registration.
This causes not only students to become
known as mere numbers but also affects
professors. They are confronted with a
class roll which is a list of numbers-
numbers which must be matched up with
seat numbers. If the instructor is an ad-
visor to undergraduates, he too probably
has a number.
The administrators fare no better. The
university president (No. 1) turns to his

THE STUDENT finds it hard to become
enthused about higher education when
it becomes apparent that he is a num-
ber, seated numerically in a certain room
number, turning in assignments to a
numbered professor for a numbered grade,
to be averaged at the semester's end for
a numbered grade point.
Now to examine the problem facing the
universities. Although private and paro-
chial schools are being hit hard, the main
brunt of the post-war baby boom is be-
ing borne by state land grant colleges.
As the "name" schools, especially in the
East, fill up, students are moving West
and to smaller state schools elsewhere.
This mass migration every fall of stu-
dents from one corner of the country to
the other has caused the land grant col-
leges to examine their philosophy. Should
they be concerned primarily with educat-
ing students in their own states, penaliz-
ing out-of-staters? Or should they raise
their entrance requirements. excluding

'MODERN TIMES' :,
h *
Chaplns Best is L ast,
Greatest of the Silents
TIE GENIUS OF Charlie Chaplin is on view this weekend at the
Cinema Guild. Chaplin not only stars in "Modern Times" but also
wrote, produced and directed it. It is considered by some to be one of
his greatest movies.
The film was made in 1933 and is one of the last great silent movies.
Even in 1933, most of the films coming out of Hollywood were "talkies"
and today it is especially hard to watch a silent movie. One keeps ex-
pecting to hear voices, background music, sound effects and the other
noises that are so much a part of today's movies.
The plot is rather unstructured and lends itself easily to many
different gags and situations. Basically it concerns a tramp (Charlie
Chaplin) and a girl from the slums (Paulette Goddart) who are trying
to get along in "modern times"-the early years. of the Depression.
They meet in a police patrol car when the tramp has been arrested
after losing his factory job due to a nervous breakdown and she has
been arrested for stealing bread.
* * * *
THE FIRST SEQUENCE of the movie, where the tramp is working
in a large assembly-line factory, is a brilliant satire of the working
conditions in such modern factories. The factory is new and efficient
The human workers are no more than "human machines" to be used
as efficiently as possible. The tone of the factory is impersonal and
boring. The rest of the movie contains a good deal of social criticism
of many of the conditions of the time, and some of it seems somewhat
dated now.
However, it is Chaplin himself that gives this film its enduring
quality. His mastery of the art of pantomime is still worthy of acclaim.
For Chaplin, sound was unnecessary for self-expression. It is a pleasure
inc to - - - nh u a - eor --1..nr ,,

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