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September 30, 1964 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1964-09-30

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Seventy-Fifth Year"
t' ASMAmIAGPd ETSTumwn Sor TmZ UNTExrrY 01'Mxmmwai

Each Time I Chanced To See Franklin D,
Making the Most of Year-Round Operations
by H. Neil Berkson

Vmr. ptOW iosAre ?t3o,420 M.&rNWA" ST., Axx AxeMxci.
Truth Will PrevanZ

NEws Pnowum 744-M52

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Student Government:
What Is There To Do?

THERE ARE TWO questions on which
the group now evaluating the Univer-
sity's student government might base its
study. It might ask, "What could Student
Government Council do?" Or it could ask,
"What is there to do?" They may sound
almost identical, but there is a world of
difference between them.
The first question is the one SGC has
been asking all along. It starts with a
"given": the existence of SGC, or at
least of some sort of elected, University-
recognized student "governing" body. Giv-
en this "given," one must find something
for it to do;, the problem becomes one of
"making work."
The second question is the one that
should be asked. It starts with no prema-
ture assumptions. It starts instead with
an examination of the situation at the
University and of students' needs in par-
ticular. It then creates a vehicle which
will best fulfill these needs-whether or
not the answer turns out to be anything
resembling a "student government."
WHAT, THEN, IS the situation? Perhaps
the most important observation is
that the University's students are trans-
ients and see themselves as such. Their
participation in and attitude toward the
institution is that of a customer rather
than a citizen: they're here to get what
they can out of the University and to give
as little as possible in return.
The second key point is that these
customers are bargaining in what is
largely a seller's market. The University
has something which young people need,
and is in a position to dispense it on the
University's terms. Its terms are that the
student must agree to a "package deal":
he must accept all the regulations, poli-
cies, procedures and standards of evalua-
tion the University chooses to impose or
get nothing at all. The individual has es-
sentially no power to change the bargain
item by item.
Finally, it's important to note that the
University is an extremely benevolent
monopoly. Most of the policies which af-
feet students are at least intended to be
for the students' own good. Compared to
the number of injustices the University
has the power to perpetrate on its stu-
dents, the number it actually perpretrates
is quite small.
ADD THESE UP and you have an almost-
answer to "What is there to do?" The
almost-answer is "Nothing." And hence,
there is almost no need for any kind of
device to unite and represent students.
Almost. But in an institution such as
the University, the number of decisions
made-and the number which affect stu-
dents-is tremendous. So even if almost
all the decisions are wise and benevolent,
that leaves a large number of unjust ac-
tions. They may result from malevolence,
laziness, incompetence or mere oversight
by decision-makers; they range from very
specific and trivial incidents, such as one
instructor's biased grading of one stu-
dent's paper, through broader actions,
such as the unethical enactment of tho
residence halls fee increase, to the most
basic and intangible issues, such as
whether or not University students are
(.pr Ifidrijnau &dli
Published at 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan.
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Average press run-7,100.
Managing Editor Editorial Director
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BILL BULLJARD................ Sports Editor
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Charge of the Magazine
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CHARLES TOWLE ........ Contributing Sports Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: David Block, John Bryant, Jeffrey
Goodman, Robert Hippler, Laurence Kirshbaum.
ert Johnston, John Meredith, Leonard Pratt, Bar-
bara Seyfried.
Business Staff
JONATHON R. WHITE, Business Manager
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JUDITH GOLDSTEIN ............. Finance Manager
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RUTH SCHEMNITZ ............... Systems Manager f

getting the right sort of education here.
To the student affected by any of them,
the thought that injustices "almost nev-
er" occur isn't immensely comforting.
WHAT, THEN, is there to do? Set up
some sort of way in which students,
powerless as individuals, can organize to
protest these injustices and, if necessary,
to force the University to rectify them.
Next question: what form should this
organizing effort take? The major choice
here is between a student government-
some sort of representative structure
within the University-and student ac-
tion-protests organized outside of any
recognized representative framework.
Student government has some obvious
advantages: its leaders have access to the
administration, its "legitimate" status
gives its pronouncements some added
weight, and it may even get some honest-
to-goodness power of its own-as SGC
almost has, for example, in its semi-au-
thority over student organizations.
BUT WHILE STUDENT government has
access to the University, the Univer-
sity also has access to it. And the result
-as SGC's record and, particularly, its
present condition illustrate-is that the
student government soon becomes thor-
oughly seduced.
This doesn't mean that the govern-
ment's leaders become "tools of the ad-
ministration," doing whatever the vice-
president for student affairs tells them.
It doesn't even presuppose an adminis-
trative conspiracy to keep the student
government in line. As soon as you insti-
tutionalize a student government, the se-
duction takes place all by itself. For just
be existing, a student government pro-
vides its members with all the personal
satisfactions most of them need and
enough pointless duties to keep them busy.
Take the government's president, for
example. There's a great deal of satis-
faction in merely holding a titular posi-
tion as head of the student body. There
are innumerable varieties of gravy: you
get in the big honoraries, your name goes
on some lovely stationery, you get to play
with the gavel, you can hobnob with Uni-
versity administrators, and there are doz-
ens of ceremonial gatherings at which
you are told how important you and your
student government are. There are plenty
of administrative tasks involved merely
in keeping a formalized organization go-
ing; with these you can keep busy and
convince yourself that you really are do-
ing something important. And your con-
stituents, most of them, don't give a
damn about what you're doing. For the
other members, things are just as nice; all
they need do is sit pompously at a polish-
ed table once a week.
NOT ONLY DOES the seduction princi-
ple affect those already part of a stu-
dent government, it helps select those
who run for it in the first place. Oppor-
tunists know the easy prestige described
above lies here; those really concerned
with the University know that as stu-
dent-government members they would
be burdened down by the opportunists.
The seduction theory of student gov-
ernment may initially sound implausible.
But consider the realities. What is SGC
doing about the dorm fee hike or the state
of education here? What was it achieving
even a few years ago, when the articulate,j
ideological "radicals" dominated it? What1
has it done in 10 years?
THE ALTERNATIVE, student action or-
ganized outside the University, could

take numerous forms. It might be a con-
tinuing "protest party," or an irregular
series of ad hoc groups organized by
discontented students seeking to protest
a specific issue.
Student;protest, in this naked form, is
a relatively untested idea. There is some
evidence in its favor: while SGC played
arliament, for example, an independent
group of students started the Office of
Student Affairs reform a few years back.
And this summer's parking protest shows
how potent mass action can be on this
campus. Most importantly, the leaders of
a protest have no comforting fringe bene-
fits to fall back on: if their protest fails.

AS PRESIDENT HATCHER so often points out, only
once during the academic year is the pressure for
space in dormitories and classrooms greater than the
University's capacity. In January enrollment will drop
well below the 29,000 figure. By May, of course, the
University will be only 50 per cent full.
Year-round operation is aimed at"accommodating
expanded enrollment--which is expected to reach 36,000
by 1968 and 47,500 by 1975-without taxing the Univer-
sity's facilities. If the increased numbers of students can
be distributed relatively equally across three semesters
instead of two, there will be enough beds, enough class-
rooms, enough laboratories and enough professors to
go around.
THE QUESTION in everyone's mind is how soon
the third semester will have an enrollment similar to
the other two. This is not only a matter of numbers.
Summer has traditionally been a time for graduate and
post-graduate study.
Last summer, which was still not a full third term,
saw an enrollment of 14,000. This number may or may
not be relevant to coming summers because our session
starts in May when other schools, some of whose students
come here in the summer, are just preparing for finals.

Moreover, no high school is out by early May, so the
University will not be able to accommodate many fresh-
men then.
A literary college survey released Monday does not
add much to speculation. As many professors will testify,
it was taken in the most haphazard manner. Some classes
didn't have enough to go around, while others didn't
receive any at all.
ONE THING that would help push summer enroll-
ment along is deferred admissions. No administrator has
publically admitted this possibility, but it appears more
and more likely.
This move makes good sense. The University cur-
rently expects 1200-1400 more students next fall. Since
it hasn't facilities to accommodate 29,000, it is hard
to see how it can accommodate more than 30,000 a year
from now. If, however, the added freshmen could be
deferred until the winter and summer terms, the pres-
sure would be off.
ANOTHER ELEMENT the University should add to
trimester planning is more publicity. I've been told that
when the University of Pittsburgh went on to the three-

semester calendar, it bombarded its students with in-
formation in order to make them both aware and
interested in attending the summer session. I would
guess that many students here are unaware of the fact
that the University will be running a full semester this
summer, and that most students see little connection
between that semester and their own planning.
Sometime last year an official estimated that the
third term would not carry its share of enrollment until
1975. That may be a little late for it to solve the,
problem for which it was created.
* * * *
LAST WEEK the Association of Producing Artists
opened its third season here. Little can be said about
APA that hasn't been said already. Similarly, just about
everything has been said about the accomplishment of
bringing first-rate theatre away from Broadway to places
like Ann Arbor and Minneapolis' Guthrie Theatre.
Nevertheless, there's something about seeing a gifted
cast produce a United States' premiere in the Middle
West that reinforces the concept of APA. This group
is a tremendous credit to the University and the com-
munity, and, hopefully, it will be here for a long time.

Questions To Be Answered by the 1964 Election

O HELP understand the im-
portance of this year's election,
one may look at thetype ofsques-
tions which the results will
answer. What will this election
First, it will determine the bed-
rock strength of Goldwater con-
servatism in the United States.
Senator Goldwater has suggested
that there is a great reservoir
of conservative voters who have
not been going to the polls be-
cause they have felt neither party
offers them a "choice." Supposed-
ly, Goldwater's candidacy, by of-
fering such a choice, will bring

publican leaders is, to a large de-
gree, dependent upon the results
of state elections in November.
The fate of progressive Republi-
canism may depend upon the elec-
toral successes of Chuck Percy in
Illinois, George Romney in Michi-
gan, Robert Taft, Jr., in Ohio,
Kenneth Keating (strongly backed
by Nelson Rockefeller) in New
York, and Hugh Scott (a close
associate of William Scranton) in
Assuming a significant number
of these GOP moderates lose
(every race is likely to be close)
or are unable to band together
after victory, will Goldwater re-
main ascendent by default? Or
will some other national figure

progressive Republican Party? Or'
will a significant number of these
ideologues desert the "me-too"
image of this non-Goldwater GOP
in favor of a more ideologically
pure third party?
* * *
NOW ASSUME that Senator
Goldwater loses by only a small
margin, perhaps gathering in more
than 45 per cent of the vote. Many
Goldwater followers would con-
sider such a result as a moral
victory; Goldwater himself said
that he would be doing all right
if he compiled 45 per cent or more
of the vote.
Would this mean, as many an-
alysts now predict, that Gold-
water and his brand of Republi-
canism would continue to dom-
inate the Republican Party, and
that the Arizona senator would
once again be the GOP presiden-
tial candidate in 1968?
* * *
OF COURSE, there is still a
result, which, although seemingly
a remote possibility, must be con-
sidered. Suppose Goldwater is
elected President. Would he really
be able to effect the changes he
has advocated? To do so on the
domestic level, Goldwater would
have to overcome the resistance to
such change by the professional
civil servants in the bureaucracy,
and this would be difficult to ac-
complish except over an extended
period of time. These government
employes have been imbued with
the programs and approaches of
the post-war period, and these are
the very approaches which Gold-
water supporters feel, as Senator
Thurmond put it last week, are
leading the country down the road
to socialism.
In addition to this problem,
Goldwater would have to deal with
a Congress in which his party
would certainly be a minority, and
thus would hardly be in position
to either dismantle already exist-
ing programs or pass new ones.
However, a different question is
posed in the foreign policy field
where the President is indisput-
ably the architect. In what direc-
tion would our foreign policy be
likely to veer under Goldwater's
the elections also pose interesting

questions for the Democrats. If
Johnson is able to win by land-
slide proportions, does this mean
that he will be able to pull a
large number of Democratic con-
gressmen into office with him?
And if this does occur, does it
mean that this country will em-
bark on a new "era of good feel-
ings" in which President Johnson
will be able to do just about any-
thing he wishes to do in Congress?
In any case, what sort of pro-
gram will the basically pragniatic
and unideological President wish
to advocate? Will he attempt to
use the size of his victory as a
mandate to implement the as yet
programatically vague "Great So-
ciety" 'which he proposed at the
University last spring?
Or will his approach reflect the
increased support from the more
conservative business elements of
our society, as, indeed, his elec-
tion campaign seems to be doing?
If so. the Democratic Party may
veer more towards the right. Who
in the new governing coalition
will "have Johnson's ear?"
SUPPOSE, on the other hand,
that President Johnson wins by
only a narrow margin. It is the
possible consequences of this out-

come that many observors fear
most of all. Could this mean that
the Goldwater-controlled Republi-
can Party with its highly con-
servative outlook would be recog-
nized as the legitimate opposition
party, the alternative administra-
If this should happen the Demo-
crats would be forced to move with
extreme caution in order to pre-
vent what many of them feel is a
dangerously reckless opposition
from emerging triumphant at the
next election.
IN THIS CASE Goldwater and
the right wing may have accom-
plished their major purpose,- for
the whole political spectrum of the
country will have shifted to the
right. Instead of one party which
is basically an innovator and one
party which acts to solidify these
innovations, the United States
would be faced with one party
which is unable to do anything
for fear of losing 'an election and
one party which has as the major
tenet of its ideology that the best
way to solve a problem is by do-
ing nothing. The question to be
asked in this situation may well
be: what will be the fate of this

Relates Acts Directed
Against Romney Group

Alignment in 1968?

forth this silent vote.
However, many political scien-
tists have- disputed Goldwater's
interpretation, citing results of
voter research which show that
non-voters tend to be people who
have little interest in politics at
all, rather than people who stay
home because they feel their view-
point is not being presented.
* * *
OF MUCH MORE importance,
howeverthe election is likely to
determine the conditions under
which our political system will
operate for years to come. Assume
President Johnson wins by the
majority of over 60 per cent which
the polls are now giving him. In
the face of such an overwhelm-
ing defeat, will Goldwater be able
to retain control of the GOP and
will his ideological orientation re-
main dominant in it?
As of now, the Republican Party
organization at the national level
and to a great extent on the state
level is solidly in the hands of the
Goldwater people. The national
chairman, Dean Burch, a former
junior Goldwater advisor, was
hand-picked for the top organiza-
tion post by the Arizona senator
right after the convention. At the
same time state after state chose
Goldwater men as national com-
mitteemen. Without evidence of
electoral support will these organi-
zation leaders be able to retain ef-
fective leadership of the Repub-
lican Party?
* * *
IF THE Goldwaterites are able
to retain control in the face of
overwhelming defeat, what will
those Republicans who have ei-
ther deserted him at the polls or
who have a hearty dislike for his
brand of conservatism do? Will
they desert permanently to the
opposition, thereby swelling the
ranks of the Democratic Party to
an even greater majority? Or will
a significant number of them
stay with the GOP with the goal
of regaininig control at some later

such as Richard M.'Nixon assume
the role of party spokesman?
* * *
IN ANY CASE, if Goldwater is
not able to retain control what
will become of his fervent follow-
ers? It is significant to note that
Sen. Strom Thurmond of South
Carolina switched not to the Re-
publican Party, but to the "Gold-
water Republican Party." What
will become of the more fanatic of.
these right wingers? Will they
simply become a permanent,
though vocal minority in a new


Superb Dancers Link
Classic, Modern Styles
ZIZI JEANMAIRE is a superb dancer-but more than that, she has
the ability to infuse the simplest of movements with charm and
a certain "joie de vivre."
Equally skillful is the choreography of Roland Petit and Georges
Simenon as executed by Jeanmaire and the Ballets de Paris in their
program at Hill Auditorium.
The style of dance in evidence last night was of a rather special
nature; music and choreography in the modern jazz idiom were
imposed upon the techniques of classical ballet. The result is striking-
it is vital and contemporary without sacrificing the beauty of form
found in traditional ballet. In addition, such a dance form works best
in the dramatic mode, capable of producing such numbers as "La
Chambre" and "La Chaloupee."
* *' * *
THE FIRST, danced by Jeanmaire and Felix Blaszka, was a short
dramatic ballet by Georges Simenon expressing the heights of love
and hate. The movements are almost sensuous--indeed reminiscent
of the work done by Roland Petit in his renowned adaptation of
"Carmen"-with the body used fluidly or in quick precision to heighten
and contrast the emotional extremes.
"La Chaloupee," on the other hand, is the lively and colorful
story of a wedding party danced by Therese Thoreaux and Jacques
Dombrowski with just the right light touch, yet displaying a thorough
classical dance background.
* * * *
ALL OF THE CHOREOGRAPHY demands fine dancers, fully
trained in the classical ballet-and they were provided. The greater
part of the company were able to display this training as well as

To the Editor:
oilcloth poster was placed on
the Diag advertising the coming
of Governor Romney to the cam-
pus on Tuesday; by Monday morn-
ing at 8 a.m. it had been inten-
tionally and maliciously ripped
down. The frame on which it was
displayed had been unfastened
from the tree which supported it
by cutting several large wires. But
this was not an isolated or single
act of vandalism.
Those of the "Students For
Romney" who worked so diligently
and so hard at Saturday's foot-
ball game, peacefully handing out
literature and asking people if
they wanted bumper stickers, were,
along with the governor, subjects
of malicious, lewd and lascivious
To top off these incidents, a
false ad was.put in the Daily on
Tuesday saying the governor
would not appear at the University
that day as scheduled but would
come the next day. What kind of
perverted mind did that? Again
the fine work of the "Students
For Romney" prevented this from
having the desired effect.
* * * -
IT IS A SAD commentary on
the students of the University
that these acts occur. The Warren
Report tells us that one of the
prime motivating factors in Lee
Oswald's dastardly deed was the
tremendous hate and malice, fed
by the left wing in this country,
he held for the forces which op-
posed his views. Although to a
lesser extent so far, it seems the
same kind of hate and malice have
motivated these acts against the
If this were Mississippi and the
governor was down there to talk
about his great advances in civil
rights at the state level I might
expect some sort of malicious ac-
tion. But this is Michigan and
the governor has done much for
the state as those who attended his
speech will attest.
I WONDER which party in
Michigan has the real extremists

have accomplished his goal: to
trap Barry Goldwater into con-
demning strong industry - wide
unions; to arouse anti-Goldwater
sentiment among workers; to hurt
Goldwater politically; to help elect
Lyndon Johnson.
Before the contract is signed,
Goldwater will attack powerful
unions. After hearing of the strike,
Goldwater will think: "Ah-ah. An
auto strike. It will last a long
time. Americans will be angry.
They will think labor unions are
too strong. I've always thought
labor unions are too strong. I will
now admit it. America will like
me. They will vote for me. I will
win in November."
And so he will say, "The free-
dom of Americans is denied when
the lives of many are controlled by
the power of the few. Irrespon-
sible union leaders harm America.
Union power should be curbed."
IF THE STRIKE is prolonged,
Goldwater's strategy will prove
sound since a long strike will in-
deed seriously hurt the economy
and many voters will turn to Gold-
water in an attempt to get the
country moving again.
Reuther knows this and thus he
will end the strike quickly, for the
walkout is concerned not with
production but with politics and
the strike's primary goal, helping
Lyndon Johnson, will have been
Then Reuther will hit the cam-
paign trail saying "Coldwater is
anti-union ... He wants to destroy
unions . ..He wants to hurt you
..Vote for LBJ."
Reuther will particularly at-
tempt to destroy the white back-
lash, trying to make the fear of
Negro competition seem miniscule
in relation to the dread of Gold-
water. Reuther will be successful.
The white backlash will dissipate.
Donald and Reuther have long
debunked Goldwater, but their
cries have had a hollow ring since
Goldwater hasn't been shouting
an anti-union line recently. But,
after Barry's remarks, the cham-
pions of labor will preach with



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