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August 04, 1966 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1966-08-04

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FEIFFER

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

_

ere Opinions Are Free 4
Truth Will Prevail 420 MAYNARD $T., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 4, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: CAROLE KAPLAN
The President and the Strike:
Shirking Responsibility

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IT IS TOUCHING that President John-
son has shown concern over the air
strike.'
But, standing in the shadow of the
union bear, he wants anything but legis-
lation which would force him to shoulder
the responsibility of creating a cooling-
down period.
Fearful that Congress would dump the
problem in his lap, so to speak, he was
forced to take some sort of stand on the
issue. Therefore, he asked the Senate,
through Senator Everett Dirksen, to pass
legislation giving themselves the power
to halt the strike.
B#T THE SENATE wants no part of it
either, and suggests that since sena-
torial elections are coming up, perhaps
the President would be in a better posi-
tion to act.
Maybe the Senate could work out a
compromise: the third of the senators
coming up for re-election could vote
against the measure along with the sena-
tors from the industrialized states of New
York, Michigan, etc., while the rest could
vote for it.
The probable outcome is that Congress
and the President will share the brunt of
the labor wrath by jointly calling for a
temporary end to the strike. The Senate
will take action on a bill Thursday calling
on Congress to initiate an end to the
strike while President Johnson would have
the power to extend the period after one
month.
BUT WHAT NO ONE seems to care about,
except perhaps Attorney General
Nicholas Katzenbach (whose concern is
that the Supreme Court might object-
not the freedom of the striking workers),
is that perhaps an order to end the strike
is not within the realm of federal power.
The excuse given by Senator Wayne
Morse of Oregon for the action is that the
strike "has disrupted essential transpor-
tation" in interstate commerce.
Concern is not growing in non-labor
circles, as it should, that the classifica-
tion of "essential" industries is growing to
encompass too wide a range of industry.
What is rapidly occurring is that the
duo of the President and Congress can
almost control the economy of the United
States by executive order.
Yesterday Inland Steel Corporation of
Chicago raised its prices on 30 per cent
of its output two to three dollarsa ton, a
raise of about two per cent in the price
of that portion of production. Immediate-
ly the Council of Economic Advisors re-
sponded by promising to "study" the sit-
uation. Presumably the administration
will not act unless the larger steel cor-
porations follow suit, but it is poised and
ready to strike.
AGAIN IT IS TOUCHING to know that
the President is truly concerned over
inflation. But it would be comforting to
know that he is concerned also about ris-
ing labor wages (which contribute to
l4igher prices), as well as the prices them-
selves.
As for the airline strike, perhaps Presi-
dent Johnson could solve the whole messy
problem, i.e., satisfy all concerned, by

showing a little false righteous indigna-
tion and saying that the air strike was
none of his business.
But, then, he wouldn't be in the posi-
tion to control price increases, would he?
The situation caused by increased fed-
eral power would not be half as bad if
the administration would explain why it
must exercise federal authority through
anti-inflationary measures to preserve
our economy. Either the administration
must tell the nation that it must crack its
shell of apathy-put the country's demo-
cratic ideals before its citizens' crude ma-
terial desires-or the country must suc-
cumb to a socialism designed to satisfy the
voters petty needs while keeping the na-
tion economically healthy but doing noth-
ing about the sickness of its apathetic
people.
-MICHAEL DOVER
Tradition for
A Purpose
TO THOSE who may have discerned:
Members of The Daily's staff have been
asked in the last couple weeks why this
paper has not printed "one stick of type"
on either the nurse slayings in Chicago
or the more recent University of Texas
killings. With such interest in the kill-
ings, so the argument tends to run, how
can any newspaper ignore them?
The immediate answer is that The Daily
has a tradition of not printing sensation-
al stories which have little meaning, that
is, which will have little effect on the
world of its readers. The basic answer is
that we feel this is one of the few Daily
traditions which is kept for reasons, other
than habit.
IT'S EASY for a newspaper or a wire-
service, which really has little choice
in such a matter, to pander to low com-
mon denominators. It is profitable; thus
it is often imperative, because if you
don't "get it," the competition will. The
press is thus often caught in its own
whirlpool of increasing irrelevance.
What gets missed in the shuffle are
those things that are difficult both to
write and read about. Yet it is precisely
those things which people must know if
they are to participate in the business of
running their society.
The role of a conscientious newspaper
ought thus to be to emphasize issue-
oriented news and to de-emphasize more
sensational events which will, so the ar-
gument goes, surely be played to the hilt
anyway by media more concerned with
budgets than with the quality of the serv-
ices with which they provide their readers.
THIS HAS ALWAYS BEEN the rationale
for The Daily's reaction to pointless
slaughter, whether on campus or off. As
we reflect on it while it is under criti-
cism it seems to us that though this paper
certainly has faults,, this rationale is not
among them.
-CHARLOTTE A. WOLTER
-LEONARD PRATT
Co-Editors

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Not Fighting

EDITOR'S NOTE: The writer
observed basic training on spe-
cial assignment for the Detroit
Free Press. This is the last of a
three-part series.
By NEAL H. BRUSS
CAMP McCOY, WIS.-The story
of a rustic army camp is the
story of many men individually
lockstepping in ancient maneuvers
modified by current needs.
Bill Roehrig is supposedly a
welding required annual two-week
camp session at Camp McCoy,
where new reservists are getting
a short term in the training he
spent six months learning years
ago.
Specialist Roehrig has been
driving trucks and buses for two
weeks.
At home, he lives on Detroit's
snug Harbor Island, where he
keeps a moderate-sized yacht be-
hind his house on the causway.
He is a plant manager for the
Stroh Manufacturing Co.
Roehrig is more concerned
about racial problems around De-
troit than the war in Viet Nam.
But he'd like to see a peaceful
solution to both problems.
ROEHRIG ENLISTED in the
reserve in order to "save two years
of his life and fulfill his obliga-
tion to his country."
Many reservists at Camp McCoy
are concerned with saving valuable
time and fulfilling obligations.
They pride themselves more on
their civilian work-many are top
achievers, communal leaders -
than on their military stint.
They have been given a dubious
assurance that they will not be
sent to Viet Nam.
If the Communists begin war
on another front, we'll probably be
mobilized," Roehrig says.

"We are a reserve in that we
can be mobilized during an un-
expected crisis or a serious devel-
opment in existing crises."
DAN SCENGA, 19, is going
through his two-week training
without much experience from his
home base. He is a graduate of
De La Salle High School, a paro-
chial school for Detroit-area stu-
dent.
"I was one complaining fool
when I got here," Dan says. "I
didn't do anything right, and I
,reall-y didn't care. Now I am much
more serious about this reserve
business."
Dan was bused to Camp McCoy
with his buddies. The trip was
delayed by a mechanical failure,
and Dan & co., sacked out one
night on a tennis court in Janes-
ville, Wis.
A bunkmate, John Elling, of
Grosse Pointe Woods, -gracefully
shifts around in an obstacle
course. John is an executive
trainee for the J. L. Hudson Co. in
Detroit.
"The obstacle course is lots
easier than it looks. This train-
ing is showing me how many
muscles I have that I've never
known about, though "
TOM MARTIN, of Saginaw, "t-
tends Delta College, enlisted in the
reserve one year ago, but hasn't
been channeled into six-month
basic training.
"If this isn't basic training, I
don't know what is," he cautions.
"It was either the draft or this,"
he explains. "This way, I can
keep my job, go to school, live at
home, and fulfill my obligation."
Tom celebrated his 20th birth-
day at Camp McCoy. He says that
he "thinks about home a lot."
"There were a lot of long dis-

tance phone calls up here a while
ago. It seems that a lot of guys
putting in their two weeks basic
training are getting their orders
for the six month program.
"To go straight into the six-
month stretch from here is too
damn much," he says.
Dick Johnson, a graduate of
Detroit Henry Ford ,High School,
is spending his two weeks of sum-
mer duty in an ambulance parked
near a rifle range, waiting to min-
ister to casualties.
"To be honest," Dick says,
"these are two slow weeks."
BRIG. GEN. HATSEL L. Harris,
a retired Indianapolis business-
man, is commanding general of
the entire training program and
backup operations.
"I'm amazed at their interest in
the army and their eagerness to
learn.
"They've got their heart and
soul into their work. We get them
up real early, work them to late
at night. They listen to us at-
tentively. We can't wear them out.
"In the two weeks we have them
here, they all have developed tre-
mendously so far. The first days
they were here, I thought none
of them could go through basic
training in two weeks."
THE RECRUITS are called
REPs, Reserve Enlisted Personnel.
Federal law created the reserve
as an alternative to regular army
service, and federal law says that
businesses must give employees
leave without penalty for reserve
activity.
REPs are paid $3 a day, get
meals and any medical and dental
care they need in connection with
reserve activities.
Dubbed "weekend warriors,"
they are responsible for a six-

month basic training program, two-
weeks of summer camp a year, and
48 hours of annual drill at their
home bases.
They cannot be individually
called to active duty. They are
mobilized with their hometown
company in time of national need.
Major corporations like the
three major automobile producers
make up the difference in a re-
servist's civilian and army pay-
check.
THE REP'S BOSSES are usually
men with war experience in the
World War II and/or the Korean
War. Many were prisoners of war
at some time in their lives.
They have been assigned to
train reservists either in their
regular army activities or as part
of their two-week annual summer
duty.
If the teachers are reservists,
they prepared for Camp McCoy
by meeting in home town units
and preparing courses of study.
Units from Michigan, Illinois,
and Indiana prepare and conduct
specialized courses for all the re-
servists in training at the camp:
A bayonette course was prepared
by men from Kokomo, Ind., an
observation course taught by men
from Detroit. This type of pro-
gram gives Camp McCoy a state
fair atmosphere.
THE TEACHERS are not down
on their students for enlisting in
the reserve rather than the regu-
lar army.
"Congress has given them an
alternative to the draft," one
commander says. "We give them
credit for taking it."
No one at Camp McCoy eagerly
states an opinion on the Viet Nam
War. The commanders are hesi-
tant to voice an opinion that

might be regarded as an official
pronouncement. The recruits do
not trust information they are
given by the press.
But the reservists will admit
that they do not want to be sent
to the vicious Viet war. They talk
of past reservists called up to
bolster American installations in
Berlin, but they do not -like to
foresee their own conflict in Viet
Nam.
The' commanders are free in
flailing protestors. They use stock
terms: "degenerates, bearded per-
verts, queers." They do not use
the term "Communists."
The REPs are not as free with
criticism.
BUT IN THE vaccuum of Camp
McCoy, far from home and its
chrome and neon embellishment,
the rugged harried, training is re-
moved from any imminent war or
protest.
In the shingle and masonite
barracks there is time for polish-
ing boots and cleaning rifles.
There is no time to discuss the
meaning of the obligation to the
country or what that obligation
could be.
The soldiers in the el vehdrab
at all hours, are like somber heroic
rangers from a dark epic.
The teachers are passing on
traditional skills with a fatherly
obligation to the RE~s that re-
sults in a demand for excellence.
On daytime marches across the
striking Wisconsin verdure, or at
night, silhouetted against a star-
spangled sky, they are striders
breaking the silence only with war
cries and military march chants.
IF IT WERE for any longer,
perhaps it would be another story.
But the making of reserve sol-
diers at Camp McCoy is only a
two-week operation.

j

'

Annapolis: The Quiet Be fore the Storm

By DAVID KNOKE

Water Pollution:
Yes, It Can Happen Here

WATER POLLUTION in Michigan?
Try the Huron River near the automo-
tive plant on I-94.
Or the Detroit River near Zug Island.
Or get up in your Cessna and fly up
the Lake Michigan coastlines. You can see
where the Michigan shore bleeds an
opaque red effluvium into the blue lake.
[N WASHINGTON, one congressman from
the Water (-Winter) Wonderland is
trying to get the dirty water decontamin-
ated.
Rep. John D. Dingell has two bills in
Congress that would increase federal wa-
ter clean-up expenditures and establish
penalties for major water polluters.
Dingell is talking about "a nationwide
federal expenditure of a billion dollars a

and the federal government paying the
rest.
DINGELL WOULD ALSO like to encour-
age cities and their major industries
to team up to build water and sewage
treatment plants. He'd give the secretary
of the interior power to set up intra-
state programs and establish a federal
permit system to govern discharge of
wastes into navigable waters.
Dingell is trying to speed action on cur-
rent programs and encourage new plan-
ning.
The bills, H.R. 13104 and 13162, are in
the House Committee on Public Works.
Several of their provisions could have
dangerous effects on long-range marine
planning. And, of course, provisions that
would give powers neglected by slow-mov-
ino lnr ,v',vv,ma irntq to f1 r.1r n1 hor -

ANNAPOLIS, Md.-The Naval
Academy puts on lovely decor
for summer. The sand-colored cob-
blestone walks, the broadleaf giant
oaks streaked with sunlight, the
model frigates in glass cases, the
ancient marble statues and the
guns algaed by time: the campus
is quiet for the midshipmen all
except the freshmen are away on
summer maneuvers.
The innocence of the grounds
and buildings, basking in the sum-
mer sun like the rest of this sleepy
town on the Chesapeake, belie
what goes on behind them nine
months of the year.
The morning stillness is broken
drill. When they have graduated
by the voices of the freshmen at
after four years of highly techni-
cal training, they will be promot-
ed upward through the ranks until
they may be in a position to direct
any and all such naval actionsas
the United States may face in
1990.
A PLAQUE in front of the li-
brary proclaims the Academy's
founding by President James Polk
in 1845.
Over a century has passed since
Polk decreed the academy's found-
ing, and the arts of naval war,
like its other aspects, have chang-
ed immensely. The republic has
been to war seven times and the
academy has fulfilled its function
of preparing the nation's young
men to lead its navies.
The academy is only a small

Academy?" Presuming that a can-
didate for a second lieutenant's
stripe would look past the political
implications of such an affront,
he might stop to consider the vast
number of controls over his life,
his actions, conduct, education
and perhaps his thought that the
academy exerts.
Yet the young initiatee who may
have qualms can rest assured that
there is one formula to the sailor's
life which saves him from think-
ing too deeply about what he is
doing. Even if he is an officer, the
code of obedience, which has been
drilled into him over the years
since he first learned to salute his
superiors, places ultimate respon-
sibility for what he does beyond
his concern.
THE POTENTIAL officer today
studies a welter of subjects-bal-
listics, navigation, electronics -
which were unknown or have al-
tered considerably since President
Polk's time. And those people
withinthe defensestructure of
the nation whose decisions will
decide how the officer and :bis
ship are deployed, are using tech-
niques-cybernization, computer-
ization and cost effectiveness -
that are changing the nature of
war even as the student middie
struggles to keep up with yester-
day's developments.
There is an air of gruesomeness,
a calculating and unfriendly
clicking of computers, that drains
the modern war of the pomp and
glory that might have attracted
young men to the, academy in
Polk's time. The complexity and

a weapon in the international
power struggle. Instead a barely
flexible military policy stand
against communism has been in-
stitutionalized in the place of
political expertese. The Secretary
of State bungles, believes his own
truisms about the Enemy, and
fails to see that brandishing an
ultimate weapon like The Bomb
is of no avail against a Bomb-less
country with a more po*erful
weapon-world opinion-at its use.
The dangers inherent in the
technique of cost-efficiency and
game theory analysis of conflict
situations is that they tend to
ignore the basic premises of war
and peace. Undoubtedly, the mili-
tary and diplomatic leaders of
every country know more about
the problems of war and peace
than academicians who study
them in abstract.

But when the military leaders
advocate more spending for mili-
tary research and implementation,
they show that their approach has
been onesided. "There will always
be war. There always has been,"
they will explain, "and there will
be war. We must remain strong."
YET, AS THE UNESCO pre-
amble reminds us, peace, also, is
fashioned in the minds of men.
And, as Sydney J. Harris wrote
recently, "Every country has a
department of defense. No nation
has a department of peace." The
world's budget for armaments is
$120 billion a year; direct spend-
ing into the causes and resolutions
of conflicts in insignificant.
Against the militarist's histori-
cal inevitability, it is useless to
cite statistics, for the fact that
no peace depending on armed de-
terrents has lasted two generations

and has not lead to the abandon-
ment of such tactics in favor of
other alternatives,
PERHAPS IN the fall, when the
upperclassmen return to the aca-
demy and shatter the' campus'
quiet with their jocular voices, one
or two of them may think silently
to himself about whether he is
truly defending his country 'or if
his energies could be more fruit-
fully employed elsewhere. Perhaps
he might think. himself clever to
see through the Pentagonese
new-speak in which "defense" is
a euphemism for "war." Yet even
if he gets so far, to save his belief
in the image his role gives him, he
may conclude that he is doing the
right thing.
After all, a tradition that
stretches unbroken from 1845 can-
not be completely invalid.

Schutze's Corner:'Off-Color

SAT SIPPING coffee in a res-
taurant last night and listened
to the conversation at the table
next door. One man looked up
guardedly to watch a Negro walk
in and sit down at the counter.
"Think he has it?" the man
whispered carefully to his friend.
"Who, that colored guy?" the
friend asked. "Think he has
what?"
"Shhh," the first warned. "Do
you think he has . . . black pow-

back to the counter. "Well, I don't
like Ita bit, do you?"
"Like I say, Fred, it's a real
nice night out."
"No, I. mean it. Black power.
People might be able to stomach
it if they called it brown persua-
sion or something. But there's just
something pretty darned insolent
about calling it black power."
"Grey force?" Fred's -friend of-
fered weakly,
"Too spooky," Fred decided.
"The whole business is gust offen-

of it in an abstract sense. You
really don't seem to care very
much about civil rights ."Fred rose
and slapped his dime down on the
table. "But I'll say this," he huffed.
"I'm not about to take this abuse
sitting down. I'm sick and tired
of hearing about black power all
day, and I'm sick of being called
whitey every time I stop for gas.
I'm going to think up a good and
mean ugly word to use on them
and see how they like it for a
change."

.

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