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July 09, 1966 - Image 2

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_ _

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THUNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

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x _ - -4

t Oiil ree 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

TURDAY, JULY 9, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: SHIRLEY ROSICK

Invitation To War;
'PutoU or Shut Up'
U.S. AMBASSADOR to the United Na- WHY SHOULD THEY? Two days ago
tigns, Arthur Goldberg, told the Rus- the Warsaw Pact nations pledged to
sian delegate that he and his country send military aid to North Viet Nam if
ought to "shut up or put up" in the Viet- she should need it. China has consistent-
namese war. To say that this diplomat- ly been abetting the Viet Cong. With both
Ically issued invitation came at an in- Russian and Chinese assistance the North
opportune time would be a regression into Vietnamese can afford a long struggle.
the obvious. There is no doubt that the United States
Goldberg's statement, doubtlessly ut- can afford to wage a war but she is lack-
tered in a fit of temper and frustration, ing military backers. French support was
is typical of administrative thought, or out when de Gaulle announced that.
lack thereof. The United States is wag- England was pulling out of the NATO pact.
an imorl wr. his as eensai by England wants to see the war ended and
ing an Immoral war. This has been said by in this respect Is not alone among trad -
nearly everyone except the United States. n is oeg
This one abortive effort does not appear tional U.S. allies.
sufficient exercise for the hawks; they Herein lies the dominant disadvantage.
the evidently hungering for bigger gamey The United States is the leader and chief
protector of the Western military bloc
They may get it too, and it's one safari while North Viet Nam will be protected
the world may never survive. The bomb- by the members of the Communist de-
ings of Hanoi and Haiphong wrought fense pact. NATO is dissolving in the
international outrage and Communist midst of the war; the Warsaw Pact has
threats. President Johnson disregarded found a common bond. The Communist
both; he had made an "agonizing deci- countries are united in their desire to
sion" and was prepared to pay the poli- stop "U.S. imperialism"; the majority of
tical price. He admonished his national our allies are united in their desire to see
critics by saying the U.S. would sacrifice the war ended. In fact, nearly all con-
much more in the months to come be- cerned would like to see, at the very min-
cause "we must do everything within our imum, a peaceful settlement.
power to raise the cost of Communist
aggression."EXCEPT FOR President Johnson. He
waves the white flag while brandish-
HOWEVER, THERE IS a distinction be- ing his sword and the war wages on.
tween sacrifice and suicide. The U.S. This approach may leave room for "flex-
Is pouring its own cup of hemlock with a ibility" but it will not win the war; allies,
deceptive and foolhardy policy, or even friends.
Time is running against Johnson and Johnson is hoping that his policy will
unless he clearly defines his aims he will either defeat the Viet Cong or at least
find himself alone in a defenseless bloc, send them scurrying to the negotiating
Fellow NATO members are slipping out table with cries of surrender. Neither
the back door while the U.S. "safeguards" prospect is guaranteed. The enemy has
the front. no reason to either surrender or negotiate
when it has been promised aid and the
For example, England has retracted her lonely position of the U.S.
previous support of the Viet war when If Johnson were to appraise the situa-
the bombings began. She has now joined tion honestly he could have no recourse
India in an effort to seek an end to the other than to pull out, The North Viet-
war in Viet Nam by establishing a con- namese will not negotiate unless they are
ference in which both the United States, present at the peace conference and ac-
South Viet Nam and the Viet Cong would cording to Rusk they cannot attend a
send representatives. The object of such peace conference because they would then
a conference would be to restore the prin- be able to veto a settlement. The Viet
ciples of the Geneva agreements of 1954. Cong are not going to surrender because
Prime Ministers Wilson and Ghandi are they lack troops and supplies; both have
planning to go to Moscow next week to been promised by the members of the
enlist Russian support of this confer- Warsaw Pact. The United States cannot
ence because Washington has repeatedly rely on the support of its allies because
said it will not attend a conference in the major allies have publicly expressed
which the Viet Cong are given an oppor- their desire to see an end to the war.
tunity to veto a settlement. Evidently,
Johnson and his hawkish cohorts want an WE ARE IN NO POSITION to ask any-
unequivocal surrender and the Viet Cong one to "put up or shut up" in the
are likely to hand it to them on a silver Viet war. It's their world too.
platter in the near future. -PAT O'DONOHUE
'Black Power':
A Fact Not a Fad

Special To The Daily
WASHINGTON-Although the
recent House Armed Services
Committee hearings on the draft
have been extensive, the most im-
portant proposed reform of the
draft-the national service idea-
remains inchoate and unformed.
The idea has been discussed for
some time here, notably by top
Peace Corps officials, and was the
subject of an important conference
of educators and manpower ex-
perts in New York.
Sen. Phillip T. Hart (D-Mich)
in Ann Arbor at the draft con-
ference held on April 1 said he
believed that "we should seek a
system of broad national service
to supplement the service one
could give his country through
the Armed Forces. None disagree
that a Peace Corps worker in a
remote village is making a sig-
nificant contribution to his coun-
try at some personal sacrifice. This
can well be true in other areas
of foreign u:% domestic service."
BUT -THE IDEA of national
service received relatively little
attention until Secretary of De-
fense Robert S. McNamara said in
a now-famous Montreal speech on
May 18 that we should "move
forward" towards remedying the
inequities of the draft "by ask-
ing every young person in the
United States to give two years of
service to his country-whether
in one of the military services, in
the Peace Corps or in some other
volunteer developmental work at
home or abroad."
While McNamara's statement
was "clarified" out of existence the
next day by claims that he simply
meant to express his hope that
all Americans would voluntarily
decide to give two years of service
to their country, nobody took that
very seriously.
At recent meetings on the draft
at the White House, in fact, he

has been saying what he said in
Montreal-without the so-called
"clarifications"-and the idea evi-
dently remains very much alive.
WHILE IT IS still alive, how-
ever, the idea is still quite vague,
and it is thus fairly easy for
critics to attack. Because it is still
an idea, and not a plan or a bill
before Congress, the national serv-
ice "concept" takes whatever form
each individual beholder thinks it
should. And the beauty of such
versions is rarely apparent to the
eyes of such beholders.
Basically, their objections (Pres-
ident Hatcher's critique, given at
Southern University's commence-
ment last month, is a virtual cata-
logue of them) are these:
-Presumably such a national
service system would draft every
able-bodied American (or every
male, at any rate) of draft age and
put him to work, either in the
military or in jobs like the Peace
Corps or Vista.
Yet our country has been re-
luctant to ask such labors of its
citizens unless the national se-
curity-meaning our military pos-
ture-would be impossible to main-
tain otherwise.
Should we now start requiring
some kind of service, military or
otherwise, of everyone, regardless
of military necessity? "I hear
ominous echoes of 1984," Presi-
dent Hatcher said at Carbondale.
"I think we can afford a more
self-selecting and a freer society
than these plans suggest."
-Not only are there philosophi-
cal objections; there are also
strong practical objections. As
President Hatcher pointed out,
there is no reason to suppose an
army of conscripts will accomplish
much more than a far smaller
group of enthusiastic volunteers.
Indeed, Jack Hood Vaugh, the new
director of the Peace Corps, said
after McNamara's speech that

while he welcomed its suggestions,
the Peace Corps should remain an
army of volunteers-and added
that conscripted "volunteers"
would ruin the organization.
NONMILITARY service, more-
over, is far different from military
service: one's chances for survival
are better. Teaching children in
Kaduna and getting shot at in
Danang are simply not equivalent.
It seems unfair, therefore, to sup-
pose service in nonmilitary ac-
tivity would exempt one from mili-
tary service-yet such, national
critics say, is a necessary part of
any national service plan.
-There are other questions as
well. If the country is going to put
all able-bodied young male Amer-
icans to work, how much will it
cost to pay them? Can non-
military agencies like Vista and
the Peace Corps absorb such a
flood of conscripts and find use-
ful work for them? Should every-
one, or males only, or those not
in college, be eligible for this new
draft, or should other deferment
conditions be set up?
Yet such objections are grounds
not for abandoning the national
service proposal, but for clarifying
it-for no "proposal" has ever
really been made, only an idea.
What is important now is not
negative thinking but some
thoughtful analysis on putting this
idea into words and into action.
FIRST, A NATIONAL service
plan must recognize that, in a
sense, a Peace Corps volunteer in
time saves nine marines later-
and that those who wish to serve
their country should be able to
do so in nonmilitary capacities.
Such a plan must also recognize
that there is no real equivalence
between military and nonmilitary
service, and steer clear of the
totalitarian possibilities which

President Hatcher so rightly men-
tioned.
Second, a national service plan
should allow the nonmilitary
agencies themselves to judge both
the numbers they need and the
additional amounts they can spend
for them. An army of conscripts
will indeed have little-possibly
negative-value in attacking social
problems, and any plan must re-
flect this fact.
Third, such a plan should be
politically acceptable, simple in
design and unrelated to other
major reforms of the draft-such
as the lottery proposal-which
could prove to be political mill-
stones. nI
Indeed, political salability is a
paramount essential reform of the
draft during wartime is at best
a trickyand dangerous political
proposition. One senator, asked to
be on the President's review com-
mittee on the draft which was
a~nnounced Saturday, turned the
White House down flat, declaring,
"I wouldn't touch that issue with
a ten-foot pole."
YET ONE PLAN seems to meet
all these conditions and objections.
Under the plan, draft-eligible
young men could volunteer for
nonmilitary service with a number
of designated agencies such as the
peace corps, Vista or federally-
approved state programs.
Such volunteers would be de-
ferred from military service dur-
ing their nonmilitary work as is
done now for Peace Corps and Vis-
ta Volunteers, and, when their
service ends, they would be put in
a special new draft classification
like those in which hardship cases,
husbands with families and so on
are now put.
Those in this new classification
would be subject to military serv-
ice only after military necessities
had exhausted the many earlier,
"first-line" classifications.

Such a plan would be relatively
simple to write into law. It is
unrelated to complex draft re-
forms and fairly easy to sell poli-
tically.
Indeed, depending on clarifica-
tion of the legal provisions of the
draft law, the selective, service
system itself could put such a
new plan into effect by adminis-
trative action; the President coui1
establish it by executive order; or
the Congress could pass a "Sense-
of-Congress" resolution or a law
sanctioning it and setting it up.
Such a plan would preserve vol-
untarism yet materially lessen the
odds-and the deterring effect of
the draft on plans for nonmilitary
national service-of military con-
scription.
IT WOULD ALLOW each "na-
tional service" agency to accept
Volunteers and pay them at a pace
consistent with their plans, and
encourage the states to develop
agencies of their own todmeet
their responsibilities.
It would encourage national
service in nonmilitary as well as
military activities without requir-
ing it, and it would provide some
assurance of exemption from mili-
tary service for those who par-
ticipate without making non-
military service its equivalent.
Finally, such a plan-or one
like it--would recognize that the
new generation of Americans is in
many ways the "committed gen-
eration," aware that power and
affluence are not gifts but re-
sponsibilities and that, as Presi-
dent Kennedy said, "Here on earth
God's work must truly be our
own."
AND FOR THAT reason alone,
consideration of such a plan ought
to be high on the social agenda
of the nation.

The Great Societ.An Individual Loss

By DAVID KNOKE
Second of Two Parts
LANE'S END, Brookville, O.-
Mildred Loomis mends by the
warmth of a summer fireplace on
this suddenly chilly summer eve;
her husband John dozes after a
day's chores over a history book
by AJ Nock.
Near the fireplace on the panel-
led wall hangs a tapestry, a sin-
uous tree trunk with dozens of
colorful flowers of every variety
-daffodils, tulips, roses-sprout-
ing from the branches.
"That's our tree of life," ex-
plains Mrs. Loomis. "Ralph Bor-
sodi designed it in 1933 from an
old Hindu figure symbol as a sym-
bol for the School of Living. We
started the 'Interpretor' newspaper
in 1944 and there's been some-
thing going out of Lane's End
ever since. I've sort of been keep-
ing the flag waving." Mrs. Loomis
edits the School of Living's "A
Way Out," a bimonthly mimeo-
graphed booklet, and "Green
Revolution" a monthly newspaper.
Borsodi also worked on his most
comprehensive publication while
at Lane's End. "Education and
Living" (1948) deals with the basic
problems that all men must con-
front in successful living. Borsodi
numbers them at 17, but the exact
number is less important than the
range of thought they cover.
HE CONSIDERS values of

ethics, esthetics, men's place in the
natural world and problems of
religious belief, all from a practi-
cal, humanistic, scientific view-
point. His economic values are
directly related to specific problems
of ownership, production and use
of wealth and the direction man
must employ his talents.
How should a person spend his
time- What time should he spend
cultivating the soil and what time
cultivating his mind? What is the
best organizational pattern: top-
centered bureaucratic control or
self-sufficient productive com-
munity units?
Borsodi, his first wife having
died, moved at an even faster pace,
constantly organizing, contracting,
speaking and writing. He joined
a 300-family homestead commun-
ity called Melbourne Village, near
what is now Cape Kennedy.
His educational efforts resulted
in Melboune University, similar to
the unstructured "free universi-
ties" springing up across the
country today. His plan was to
bring in representative advocates
of one social order or another--
Marxist, anarchists, sociolists,
Communists, conservatives-and
spark thoughtful discussions to
examine the best possible ways of
living. Again, the experiment, en-
thusiastically received, folded from
lack of money.
In 1948, the journal "Manas"

commented on the spinning of
yarn for hand-woven garments
(khadi), Mahatma Gandi's suc-
cessful weapon in defeating Brit-
ain's economic exploitation of In-
dia.
"WHAT BECOMES evident in'
reading of Borsodi's "Flight from
the City," said Manas of this
popularization of "This Ugly
Civilization," "is the applicability,
in principle, of Gandhi's home
economic philosophy to an indus-
trial society as well as to the
problems of millions of ill-clothed
Indian agriculturalists."
Indian interest in Borsodi's
works deepened after he published
"The Challenge of Asia" (1956
Orient. He urged those under-
developed natioins embarking on
rapid industrialization not to over-
throw the best of their cultures in
embracing the worst of ours.
"RB went to India for three
years," recalls Mrs. Loomis, "to
try to apply his knowledge of
economics and communal living to
the plight of the Indian agricul-
tural worker.
"He was past 70 and the heat
was too much for him. He began
to lose his eyesight and had to
return to America for operations.
An Indian student, Chawla, came
back with him. I went to RM's
homestead in Exeter, N.H., and
Chawla and I carted back his
three huge, padlocked metal boxes

of notes and manuscripts to Lane's
End.
"We worked all summer to edit
them and arrange them in co-
herent order. Borsodi had returned
completely despondant; he felt
washed out, forgotten, unable to
continue. But by the spring of
1964, he was encouraged enough
by our results to finish the work
to his satisfaction. The introduc-
tion, all 700 pages now, soon to
be published, deals with the major
problems of living in his most
detailed treatment."
BORSODI HAS received tre-
mendous encouragement from In-
dia for his contributions towards
a "third way" between communism
and capitalism. When he returned
to India for 3 months in this year,
he was a guest at Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi's dinner; his "Edu-
cation of the Whole Man" was
published by Vidyanagar Univer-
sity.
"Jay Naprakash Nayaran is in-
volved in adapting Borsodi's Inde-
pendence Foundation idea of low-
interest loans to Indian farmers
who want to buy their own farms,"
adds Mrs. Loomis. "The Vinoba
Bhave group, followers of the
'saint who walks for land,' and
even some of our rights workers
in the South are testing these
methods today after their con-
ception thirty years ago."
BORSODI, NOW 80 years old,

spends most of his time with his
second wife, involved in Exeter
community affairs. Only recently,
while 'continuing to work on his
manuscripts, Borsodi organized a
federation of liberal groups (Uni-
tarian-Universalist, Reform Jewish
and Humanist) interested in
studying values; a conference on
population. control; and a New
England Festival for the Green
Revolution, which had great re-
sponse from down-to-earth home-
steaders.
Ralph Borsodi, temperamental,
intensely dedicated, intellectual
and practical genius of the deg
centralist movement, is nearing
the end of his work, having made
only a small ripple in the main-
stream of America's mechanized
technological society. Yet the fu-
ture may vindicate him in the
end.
Borsodi is concerned with the
humanization of the complete per-
son; his economics of self-suffi-
ciency are sound and the esthetics
of homesteading are more pleas-
ing than the tinsel world of Madi-
son Avenue and the White House.
And has not so prominent a fig-
ure of that world, David Sarnoff,
former NBC president, said:
"CYBERNATION will make it
not only necessary but desirable
that life in the future be ilved in
small civilized rural communities,
and in esthetic, do-it-yourself
home life."

4w

4

NO ONE, be he black or white, is ever
given power. Those who want it must
take it. A democracy offers legitimate
means of obtaining power; in the United
States the various "interest groups" wield
both political and economic influence.
This influence is employed as a protec-
tive measure; it prevents the exploita-
tion of their members by a conflicting
segment of society.
It is therefore gratifying to hear SNCC
Chairman Stokely Carmichael's insistent
use of the "Black Power" slogan as the
rallying cry for the civil rights move-
ment. It is a gratifying sound because
it may mean the end of Booker T. Wash-
ington's reign over the Negro spirit.
Washington's philosophy was this: if
Negroes work hard, keep quiet, and prove
themselves worthy of respect and respon-
sibility the whites would willingly give
them power.
BUT GIVING POWER means giving up
both power itself and the privileges
which accompany it. Few have gracious-
ly made the sacrifice. The SNCC leaders
realize that if the Negro waits to be given
a better life he may well wait forever.
Carmichael is quick to explain that by
"black power" he does not mean black
supremacy, but rather that a black per-
son is entitled to exercise the same power
now enjoyed by the whites.
The conservative Negro leaders who
urge Negro majorities to vote for poorly-

efforts to improve conditions are met with
little or no cooperation from local school
boards and state legislatures.
SNCC LEADERS, by encouraging black
Americans to elect men who will fur-
ther their interests, and by giving many
the courage to vote at the risk of losing
their jobs, their homes, and perhaps their
lives, are practicing a lesson learned
from American history. They are exercis-
ing their powers and rights as citizens to
improve their own circumstances.
It is therefore amusing to observe the
verbal slaps-on-the-hand which Car-
michael and other radical Negro leaders
are receiving from their critics.
THE SHOCKED REACTION of many
"sympathetic liberals" is amusing be-
cause Carmichael has neither proposed a
new idea nor created a new situation; he
has simply defined a situation that has
existed for a long time. In pointing out
that Negroes are going to demand, and
obtain, a proportionate share of politi-
cal, economic and social power he is
merely stating a fact, not a fad.
It is amusing to note the sudden crop
of worried brows. A critic stated that
"civil rights leaders, who should know
better, must not say things which may
agitate or inflame the passions of resi-
dents in the ghettoes."
But it is the whites who should know
better; they should know better than
to be shocked to discover an anti-white

Public Opinion: obody s BuyingLBJ

By MICHAEL IEFFER
PEOPLE ARE buying John F.
Kennedy more than ever these
days, but no one seems to be buy-
ing Lyndon Johnson. That's the
report of the pocketbook pollsters,
the new group of American opin-
ion seekers.
Leaving behind Louis Harris
and Angus Campbell, with their
"which candidate appeals most to
you?" questionnaires, the pocket-
book pollsters have discovered the
most direct method of determin-
ing just whom it is the American
people favor.
They have simply returned to
the most basic American value--
freedom to spend money. Utilizing
the grand tradition of souveniors,
antiques and niknaques, they place
before the unsuspecting public a
vast array of items, each repre-
sents some politician or policy,
and tabulate which one sells best.
Pollsters have found this method
to be extremely accurate, especially
in Washington, where the greatest
cross-section of American opinion
can be found among the tourists.
There you can buy busts of Mrs.
Jonhnson. as.htrv p ictuiresof th

THE CONCLUSION the poll-
sters draw is that while many
people may support Johnson, he
just is not worth fighting for,
much less spending money over.
Said one pollster, doubling as a
souvinir salesman to make money
on the side, "just look at that
face. Look at that set of four
dinner plates (bearing theen-
graved head of an L.B.J. family
member.) Can you imagine eating
off of those plates? Imagine what
it must do to digestion!"
The answer really is that people
still feel that Johnson should not
be president. He became president
by an assassination, and stayed
because of the "election" farce of
1964.
And though Kennedy is dead
it appears that there is no sub-
stitute for him. Pollsters report
that Robert Kennedy souvenirs are
running far behind second place
"Fink University" sweatshirts, and
Hubert Humphrey items are off
the market completely.
Pollsters say they can see this
in the Viet Nam war protests also.
People just don't want to follow
Johnson into war, said one. "He's

THERE CERTAINLY has been
a change in the people's concep-
tion of the president. While John-
son tries his hardest to be a good
father to his nation, more and
more of his fellow countrymen are
beginning to feel like orphans.
The president may not be a
cold, hard man, but he certainly
is a stubborn and seemingly blind
leader, one unable to judge just
what his mandate is. He seems to
be a worried, oversensitive man
who is destined to grow old in a
job that is his by default and
the inadequacies of a leaderless
people.
For America it is once more a
time of searching for a leader. It
is not an easy task, and it is not
a new one, for, in the past Amer-
icans have often had to do with
inadequacies at the top. But we
also share with the past the feel-
ing that now it is desperately im-
portant to eliminate incompetence;
a leader must be found to take
us through our troubled tines as
unscathed as possible.
President Johnson is not that
man. President Johnson is a man
who regards his people as im-
mature children and receives

we do need a war so we can sub-
merge all our little problems and
'rally round the flag in a des-
perate hour of togetherness. Or
maybe we just need an inspired
leader with a new direction.
WHOEVER WE GET, it seems
obvious that the pocketbook poll-

sters are doomed to follow the
path of their opinion-survey pre-
decessors. Rumor has it that once
the pocketbook polls catch on,
Johnson will simply buy up the
supply of his momentoes and start
a fan club.
Vanity makes spendthrifts of
us all.

"Of Course, That Doesn't Apply
Inside The Government"
(r
e
y --
-

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