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June 14, 1966 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1966-06-14

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I.

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

POWER
and Guatemala: Untying PliiclGorclian Knot
{ POETRY by MARK R. K LLINGSWORTH
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e Oillnrree 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in ail reprints.

AY, JUNE 14, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER

Who Will Get the Atom Site?
Indecision May Mean Failure.

A RUMOR concerning the selection of
a site for the Atomic Energy Com-
mission's 200 billion electron volt atomic
particle accelerator raises hopes that the
long-overdue decision has at last been
made.
Last week a report from an "informed
source," stating that the committee has
already chosen the proposed site near
Chicago as the final location, was publi-
cized. This type of unofficial statement
has appeared before every official an-
nouncement, and, though it is vehement-
ly denied by AEC officials, it is possibly
a favorable omen that the project may
soon be underway..
In January, word was spread that the
list of 85 sites under consideration had
been reduced to six or eight. This was
denied. Yet, four months later when the
reduction was made public, the list had
been narrowed to a half dozen, including
a double choice near Chicago.
AN OFFICIAL final choice is imperative
if the project is to succeed as it is
now planned. To hesitate another four
months may prove fatal to our hope of
making this a facility which, as planned,
is truly unique and would be invaluable
in the study of nuclear physics.
The risks involved in delaying the de-
cision increase daily as the Viet Nam
war demands necessitate cutbacks in sci-
entific programs. Large expenditures are
the first to be set back and the $375
million accelerator is sure to be reduced
in capacity if planning is delayed. Sev-
eral legislators are already sponsoring
"alternative proposals" which would re-
duce the accelerator's usefulness to medi-
ocrity if instituted.
IF THE SELECTION is made now, proj-
ect design funds may still be appro-
priated from Congress before the end of
the present session. Basic preliminary
work is now being financed by the Na-
tional Science Foundation, but this orga-
nization is already burdened by budget
cuts to finance military research.
The decision should also be made with-
in a month if it is not to become a major
campaign issue in several states, subject
to electioneering and confusing specula-
tions. The political heat generated by the
Editorial Staff
CLARENCE FANTO.....................Co-Editor
CHARLOTTE WOLTER ................... Co-Editor
BUD WILKINSON ...................... Sports Editor
BETSY COHN..................Supplement Manager
NIGHT EDITORS: Meredith Eker, Michael Hefter,
Shirley Rosick, Susan Schnepp, Martha Wolfgang.
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the
use of all news dispatches credited to It or otherwise
credited to the newspaper. All rights of re-publication
of all other matters here are also reserved.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday through Saturday morning.

implications of the site selection has al-
ready delayed the program enough and
the upcoming elections should not be
permitted to retard its progress.
In April, one of the visiting AEC offi-
cials promised a decision before the end
of the year, but by then it may well be too
late for the program to become a total
success. In December the plans will have
been interrupted for over a year and
impatience is already beginning to de-
stroy the enthusiasm of many govern-
ment officials for even so exciting a con-
cept as the accelerator.
SATURDAY THE AEC selection commit-
tee members make their final inspec-
tion of the Northfield acreage near Ann
Arbor and spoke to local and University
officials. On this trip they will visit all
six of the locations still officially being
considered. They will have all the infor-
mation necessary to make their decision
this week.
If their decision has already been
reached and Chicago is the choice, then
the visit Saturday could have real sig-
nificance. Since the site has not been
announced officially, it is still possible
for the committee to re-evaluate the sit-
uation in favor of Northfield Township.
For the site near Ann Arbor precisely
meets every qualification established for
the accelerator. The land is available free
of charge and is geologically stable with
abundant supplies of water for cooling
the equipment. Transportation is good,
with an expansion of Metropolitan Air-
port in progress to handle the future vol-
ume of air travle.
3OST IMPORTANT, however, the sci-
entific climate here is excellent-with
the University playing a key role. Our
nuclear research facilities rank with the
best in the country, and some of the top
men in the field are members of the staff.
The University is anxious to cooperate to
the full extent in the construction and
operation of the accelerator.
Of course, Chicago also is near a fine
research institution and most likely has
equal topological and geological proper-
ties. But the Argonne National Labora-
tory is already situated near Chicago and
surely the 200 BEV facility would receive
more support in Michigan than if it were
in conflict with another large research
plant.
AS THE AEC COMMITTEE left Michi-
gan Saturday only they knew the true
status of the program. Whether the deci-
sion has been made or not is not the im-
portant question, but rather when the
decision will become official. Their speed
is vital-America's future in nuclear re-
search hangs on the outsome of their de-
liberations this week.
-WALLACE IMMEN

Special To The Daily
GUATEMALA CITY-The house
at 16 Calle 6-17, Zone 10, is a
handsome villa just off the Ave-
nida de la Reforma here. Built in
a comfortable modernization of
the classic Spanish house, it
boasts an interior courtyard-and
a bar with a plaque giving a re-
cipe (in English) for a hangover
breakfast.
BUT LIKE MANY things here,
first impressions are deceiving.
Patrolled outside by military and
city police, guarded by spotlights
and machine-gun emplacements
on the roof, protected at its gate
by armed guards and monitored
inside by relatives with pistols un-
der their belts, this house is the
temporary residence of Guatema-
la's president-elect, Julio Cesar
Mendez-Montenegro.
Outside is a tense political cli-
mate: the present military junta
proclaimed a state of siege last
month shortly after Communist
guerillas kidnapped two promi-
nent officials in the government.
And inside, President - elect
Mendez - who will be the first
opposition Presidential candidate
in the country's history to be
elected and take office when he
is inaugurated July 1 - is making
decisions which will have an im-
mediate and possibly far-reaching
effect on a whole complex of
problems his country faces.
THE MOST PRESSING crisis,
most observers agree, is the severe
balance of payments problem: im-
ports were $220 million and ex-
ports only $180 million in 1965,

leaving a dangerous $40 million
gap.
And while statistics for early
1966 are not yet available, things
do not seem to be improving.
Prices of coffee and cotton, Gua-
temala's two major export goods,
are perilous, production costs are
rising and imports are still soar-
ing.
Much of the payments problem
is due to luxury consumer imports
-the remotest Indian village is
rarely without several transistor
radios-and Mendez has commit-
ted himself to a flat ban on some
such imports and a stiff tax on
others.
But even though the payments
situation forced the government
to seek a $15 million loan from
the International Monetary Fund,
local merchants have already been
worrying out loud over any at-
tempt to cut back imports-and,
unlike the Peralta junta, which
could rule by degree, Mendez
must steer his program through
the new national congress.
ANOTHER PROBLEM is the
upsurge in private indebtedness,
much of it due to short-term
loans from foreign exporters and
suppliers. Closely related to the
payments gap, this too is a ser-
ious problem, and some econom-
ists believe it is about $40 to $60
million greater than official sta-
tistics indicate.
But in addition to the pay-
ments gap and the rise in debt,
Mendez must also face a num-
ber of long-range questions which.
are far more demanding and vast-
ly more complex.

ILLITERACY is one riddle, and
a few statistics suggest the grim
situation: overall illiteracy is per-
haps 75 per cent, and this rises to
80 per cent in rural areas-and
about 90 per cent among Indians
(one of 1000 Indians entering
grade school will actually gradu-
ate).
Only half the country's primary
school-age population can be ac-
commodated in the present school
facilities; only about one school-
age child in five is enrolled in
secondary school.
And although official statis-
tics indicate a student-teacher ra-
tio of about 30 to one, the ac-
tual figure, observers suggest, is
more like 80 to one -- because
such statistics count the "bi-
cycle" teachers once for each
school to which they travel daily
to teach. Since 1946, less than 50
teachers have graduated from the
country's San Carlos University.
Unless illiteracy is cut sharp-
ly, Guatemala will be without the
skilled manpower essential for de-
velopment. But education is only
one of a number of areas which
badly need attention.
LABOR UNIONS, for example,
were destroyed or pushed under-
ground during the 1957-1963 jun-
ta of Gen. Miguel Ldigoras Fuen-
tes, and have suffered continued
harrassment under the present
junta: Labor leaders attending a
U.S. Embassy-sponsored seminar
were later hunted down and ar-
rested for participating in a "Com-
munist cell meeting."
Unemployment and underem-
ployment are severe, and only
about 150,000 workers in the 1% V

million-man labor force are af-
fected by the country's minimum
wage laws. Two-thirds of the jobs
are still agricultural, and the to-
tal gross national product last
year was about $1.4 billion-about
half what the U.S. spends an-
nually on foreign aid.
AID ITSELF is a problem here,
in fact The junta has spent
months and sometimes years balk-
ing over terms of a loan or a
grant (the State Department eu-
phemism is "legal difficulties"),
and argued so much with the
U.S. Agency for International De-
velopment over conditions on a $5
million loan for a private invest-
ment bank that AID finally had
to -'deobligate" it.
One report indicates that be-
tween 1959-1964 Guatemala sign-
ed agreements for $52 million
in development money-and ac-
tually used only $34 million of it.
Another recent report has sug-
gested that Guatemala may have
the lowest rate. of aid "draw-
down" (actual use of aid agree-
ments signed) in the world..,
Why? National pride (Guate-
mala's negotiators have insisted on
having agreements signed in
Spanish as well as English, for
example) and other motives (they
have proven reluctant or intran-
sigent when it comes to U.S. aud-
its of aid projects) have played a
part.
BUT MORE significant, in the
eyes of some, is what one ob-
server calls "a technical ineffi-
ciency and an administrative
complex which is so long and in-

volved and damned incompetent
it staggers you."
Two government agencies, for
example, are supposed to help
the Indians (who make up nearly
60 per cent of Guatemala's 4.2
million people), but spend most
of their time jockeying for bu-
reaucratic advantage with each
other.
Sinecures abound, and while
the national budget is ostensibly
a "program budget," one econom-
ist suggests it's actually "a pot for
the government to dip into": a
recent example is the $2 million
in holiday bonuses - unplanned
for and unanticipated-the gov-
ernment decided to give its em-
ployes.
More important, students of the
$155 million Guatemalan budget
(less than the University spends
each year) add, the government
could-if it ended duplication and
inefficiency-cut expenses by per-
haps a third without cutting back
services.
TAXES ARE another problem.
The country's income tax exempts
agricultural enterprises altogeth-
er, and personal and industrial
deductions are substantial. All in
all, even with export taxes on
items like coffee and cotton,. a
major earner, the government tax
burden is only eight per cent of
gross national product.
This, development experts con-
tend, is much too low to increase
public investment - which itself
slid from about 6.5 per cent of
GNP in 1957 to about 3 per cent
today.
THURSDAY: Looking to the
Future.

4

The Emergence of the New Europe

T HE OPENING DAYS of the
Brussels meeting of the NATO
powers have given an impressive
and gratifying exhibition of re-
sponsibility by all concerned. ThisY
is most evident in the fact that,
faced with Gen. Charles de
Gaulle's strike against the prin-
ciple of an integrated military
command, the other 14 govern-
ments are choosing to act with
what might be called judicial re-
straint.
They have set aside a great con-
frontation about the Western al-
liance, and like good judges they
are proceeding to make only such
decisions as are practical and im-
mediately necessary.
FIRST, IT IS necessary to find
a new location for the NATO
command establishment which is
now in France. But while the 14
expect the new location to be in
Belgium, they have not attempted

as yet to make a final decision
on this point. For there are many
problems to be solved, there is
much negotiation with the Bel-
gians to be carried out, and all of
this will take time.
Simultaneously, the 14 have re-
frained from having a showdown
which might involve not merely
the integrated command struc-
ture, but the existence of the al-
liance itself. The 14 have made
no decision, so it appears at this
writing, to move the NATO coun-
cil, which is a political organ,
away from Paris. This is a strong
indication of their hope and belief
that, in spite of appearances, the
Western alliance, which exists by
virtue of the original NATO treaty,
will survive.
IF THIS MOOD prevails and
endures, we shall have avoided the
temptation to cut off our nose to
spite our face. For as long as

Today
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
France continues to be, as she says
she is, a willing member of the
alliance, the working out of plan-
ning and liaison arrangements to
replace the integrated command
is not at all an impossibly difficult
problem.
But if France withdraws from
or is pushed out of the alliance
itself, if as a result France be-
comes a neutral like Switzerland
and Austria, the military con-
sequences would be enormous. The
closing of the French air space
to NATO planes would in effect
cut the alliance into two parts-

a northern part consisting of West
Germany, Great Britain and the
Low Countries, Denmark and Nor-
way and a southern part centered
on Italy and the Mediterranean
members of NATO.
This would be an impossible
military situation, and it is, there-
fore, vital to the existence of any
kind of Western military alliance
that France should remain a
member of the alliance. This fact
has nothing to do with the char-
acter of any French government.
It results from the geography of
Europe.
THE PRUDENCE and caution
of the 14 reflects, we may assume,
their growing realization that an
historic process has begun in
Europe which points to an end of
the cold war between Eastern and
Western Europe. The political in-
tercourse between the two parts
of Europe has become increasingly

lively in all manner of official
visiting back and forth.
In many ways the most striking
of the developments is the agree-
ment between West and East Ger-
many to hold uncensored live tele-
vision debates. For this may turn
out to be the harbinger of the
kind of intercourse among Ger-
mans which will, in the course of
time, bring about a settlement of
the German problem.
IT CAN BE SAID, I think, that
if the general prospects in Europe
continue to be favorable, the basic
reason for this is no particular
act of statesmanship by any gov-
ernment. The basic reason is the
historic fact that the Europeans
are outliving the cold war which
has divided them for a generation
and that a new postwar and post-
revolutionary generation is moving
in.

Western Society Is Tested in Rhodesia

.4,.
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.. , . . *.r~
'' -1

By DAVID KNOKE
LAST APRIL, Arnold Cantwell
Smith, secretary general of the
Commonwealth of Nations, stood
in the University's Hill Auditorium
and addressed an Honors Con-
vocation about the inherent dan-
gers in another Smith-Rhodesia's
Ian Smith.
The British-led Commonwealth
was, and still is, facing a crisis
in confidence in the unilateral
breaking away of Smith's govern-
ment of 220,000 white settlers who
rule 4 million blacks.
S a i d the Commonwealth's
Smith: "The danger over the next
generation as we struggle to ad-
just to the demands of our shrink-
ing planet, is that our differences
and frictions will harden into the
divisions of color and wealth, and
that the battle lines of race con-
flict will after all be drawn. The
outcome in Rhodesia . .. matters
not only to the Commonwealth,
but to America as a leader of the
West."
IN RHODESIA the battlelines
may be irrevocably drawn. The
Unilateral Declaration of Inde-
pendence has been in effect for
eight months now. Ian Smith's
racist Rhodesian Front so far
shows no signs of cracking, either
under economic strains or in nego-
tiations with Britain's Harold
Wilson to return the rebellious
country to the Commonwealth
fold.
At stake in that rich country
sandwiched between apartheid-
mad South Africa and indepen-
dent black African states is the
future of white supremacy in
Africa and perhaps inter-racial
cooperation elsewhere in the world.
The political impasse facing
Wilson prevented him from taking
direct armed intervention against
Rhodesia; he went instead to the
United Nations for an economic
blockade of oil imports and to-
bacco exports. The terms of sur-
render for which Wilson calls are

for the U.D.I., which came in No-
vember, 1965. The oft-quoted
watchwords of the regime are
Smith's, "There will be no African
government in my lifetime."
To this end, Rhodesia has be-
come a police state. Chief opposi-
tion to any improvement for the
improverished Africans comes
from immigrant and second gen-
eration whites who have built a
privileged paternalistic society.
Educational programs, touted by
Smith as the best in Africa, are
closed to Africans above the ele-
mentary level.
Voting is split into A- and B-
rolls. B-roll voters elect 50 of Par-
liament's 65 members, but need a
high school diploma or $700 an-
nual income (African average-
$200). There are only 13,000 Afri-
can registered voters and the elec-
tion of 15 members to Parliament
was boycotted since the constitu-
tion went into effect. Segregation
is observed in hotel restaurants
and theaters, and unemployment
among Africans is high.
THE WHITE SETTLERS fear
the one-man, one-vote government
would mean Africans on the ram-
page, appropriating land and driv-
ing out the Europeans after 75
years developing the country. The
CID secret police require all blacks
to carry passes and have been
known to commit Gestapo-like
brutalities.
All able-bodied white men from
18 to 50 are liable to be drafted
in an emergency, and while the
Africans are forbidden to possess
arms, terrorist attacks have in-
creased since the U.D.I.
THE NATIONALIST movement
will grow stronger despite the jail-
ing of political leaders. More than
3000 persons have been incarcer-
ated without trial or specific
charge, including Joshua Nkomo
of the Zimbabwe African People's
Union (ZAPU) and Ndabaningi
Sithole, a U.S. educated Congre-
ant+nnIifminkdpar mhn heads the

glican Church have voiced their
dissent of the fascist drift only
to have their movements restricted
and liberal publications censored.
UNDOUBTEDLY Rhodesia will
begin to feel the economic pinch.
Thus far it has seen rationing of
gasoline and the disappearance of
luxury goods. Unless outside help
comes, Rhodesia cannot be in-
ternally self sufficient on a mainly
tobacco-export base. Neither the
trickle of aid from South Africa
and Portuguese African colonies is
enough.
The intransigence of Ian Smith's
Rhodesian Front may be able to
hold out for months or several
years against outside attempts to
coerce majority-rule reforms. The
possible reinstatement of moderate
government seems slim, but lack-
ing such self-regulartory change,
the likelihood of a black insurrec-
tion becomes greater. Black na-
tionalists from Rhodesia and
neighboring countries, supplied
with Communist weapons, may
gamble on forcing British or UN
intervention to stop the bloodbath
against the Africans. The whites
would surely retailiate.

RHODESIA'S DIRECTION is
still flexible, with its willingness
to talk to Britain. Wilson knows
that the consequences of a forced
liberation of the Africans could be
just as disastrous as a civil war.
So could the abrupt withdrawal of
trained government and civil serv-
ice personnel, as occurred in the
Congo upheavels when Belgium
left the Africans unprepared for
independence.
Wilson's best political move is
for conciliation of extremes. The
ideal solution is for a partnership
of whites and blacks working to-
wards eventual multiracial rule,
with black participation accelerat-
ing as education and economic
levels are cooperatively raised.
The examples to follow are of
Tanzania and of Kenya after mu-
tual trust of Africans and Euro-
pean settlers was placed in the
transformed Mau Mau leader
Jomo Kenyatta. Black nationalist
recognition that former colonial
masters had needed skills and
strong home ties to the country
sped the progress of British East
African territories to indepen-
dence.

In the case of Rhodesia, the in-
grained suspicion of black power
and a paranoid commitment °to
follow the holocaust-bent South
African pattern will make the
problem of conciliation much
harder. But the British must face
this crisis as their top priority
diplomatic task and the U.S. and
UN should throw their full moral
and economic strength behind such
efforts.
MORE THAN just taking a hard
line against the rebel Rhodesia,
the failure to resolve the situation
in an equitable fashion can im-
peril the sincerity of Western de-
colonization in the eyes of emerg-
ing nations. The "third world" is
beset by enough problems of over-
population, urbanization, poverty
and lagging technology to put up
with a resurgence of white racism.
More than anywhere else in the
world today, Ian Smith, the blind
one, represents the losing struggle
against the future shape of poli-
tics that Arnold Cantwell Smith,
the reasonable one, said "depends
not only on military containment,
but on the struggle for the minds
and hearts of men."

Truth in Government?

HILE Arthur Sylvester, as-
sistant secretary of defense
for public affairs, may not win
any popularity contests among
the newsmen who deal with him,
his unabashedly blunt comments
may ultimately prove beneficial to
all society. This is to explain how.
First, though, it is important to
place in the record some of Syl-
vester's better known statements.
Back in the aftermath of the
Cuban missile crisis, when the na-
tion was still fretting about the
gauzy and misleading statements
that emanated from Washington
during the tense period, Sylvester
made a speech to the New York
rhafa of nfin- linir- li- i

newsman asked the Defense De-
partment official if he really ex-
pected the press to be "handmaid-
ens of government."
"That's exactly what I expect,"
snapped Sylvester.
BECAUSE early Pentagon re-
leases about B-52 raids in Viet
Nam contradicted what actually
happened, newsmen asked about
the problem of credibility of Amer-
ican officials.
"Look," said Sylvester, in a
statement which undoubtedly will
interest scholars poking into our
affairs hence, "if you think any
American official is going to tell

jettisoned fuel tanks from the
American fighters and, after the
State Department had twice cited
Saigon's denial, Washington fully
accepted the Chinese version of
what had happened.
As the evidence of lying by
U.S. officials accumulates, perhaps
newsmen and the American pub-
lic are stupid to continue believ-
ing their officials and accepting
the truth of their statements,
especially those concerning our
crumbling position in Viet Nam.
Truth, as history shows, is often
the first casualty of war.
BUT AS ARRANT and as offen-
sive as they are. Sylvester's fre-

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