Seventy-First Year
.-L I EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, MAY 4, 1961 NIGHT EDITOR: FAITH WEINSTEIN
'MR. LIBERALISM':
Humphrev: He's Still Talking
Big Business
Pushes Castro Left
PRIME MINISTER Fidel Castro at a May
Day celebration called off elections in Cuba
and declared it to be a "socialist state." The
next day Lincoln White of the State Department
said in part: "Let there be no confusion re-
garding Castro's use of the word socialist in-
stead of Communist." The Associated Press
reported that the United States had labeled
Castro as even "more 'Communist' than most
iron curtain countries."
When Castro was hiding out in the hills
fighting Fugencio Batista, who sanctioned the
gambling and vice which was allegedly backed
by the "syndicate" in the United States, the
American press hailed Castro as the great
agrarian reformer, the "George Washington
of Cuba."
THE UNITED STATES Civil Service Com-
mission, founded to fill job openings with
capable men regardless of their political con-
nections, is violating this basic principle with
a high degree of irresponsibility.
Demanding "complete and unswerving loyal-
ity to the United States" from those who seek
the "privilege" of being employed by the gov-
ernment, the commission earnestly seeks to
examine political attitudes.
In a form labeled "Optional Form 49," the
commission asks former employers of an ap-
plicant if they have any reason to question
the job-seeker's loyalty or any reason to believe
he belongs to a Communist or fascist group."
The right to ask such questions has been
argued before, and sustained to some extent,
bu the Supreme Court.
The commission, however, is not content to
rest with answers to these queries. It also
asks former employers to inform the com-
mission if they know that the. applicant as-
sociates, or has associated, with any person
whose loyalty to the United States is question-
able.
Such inquiries can only lead to stifling an
individual's social relationships which clearly
do not fall within the realm of government
question or concern.
It is a, suspicious move when a federal
agency inquires so deeply into a person's
private political philosophies. It is an irrespon-
sible and repugnant move when it acts to
limit personal friendships and operates on a
principle of guilt by association.
-M. OLINICK
Castro came to power and began his pro-
gram of land reform. He visited Washington in
April 1959 to see if he could "legally expro-
priate" uncultivated land. He returned to Cuba
without any agreement and promptly went
about dividing up the land and redistributing
it to the Cubans.
Naturally when businessmen who had a
substantial investment in the land Castro was
nationalizing, saw their holdings being wiped
out,i they cried foul and saw red. The United
States failed to realize that this land was use-
less to the Cubans unless it was cultivated.
THIS IS but one case in point.
Too often the United States government
does not differentiate between social reform or
socialist economy and Communism. For the
State Department it is almost axiomatic that
any form of socialism is by nature part of
the Communist conspiracy. But Sweden, which
has a socialist economy, is considered safe
from Communist infiltration even by the John
Birch Society. Cuba, however, despite its econ-
omy and the Machiavelian murders which oc-
curred when Castro took over, is not fully in
the Communist camp.
WHITE POINTS OUT that Castro's Cuba
W has gone farther than other Communist
countries since "the Soviet Union and other
East European countries hold elections, though,
there is no real choice between candidates,"
while Castro has called off all elections.
But Castro could probably win any election.
held today and would have won any election
held previous to his May Day proclamation.
IT IS relatively easy to play East against West.
India, Yugoslavia, and the United Arab Re-
public have done it. Castro is following their
example. Castro wants a place between the
economically aided UAR and Communist but
independent Yugoslavia. He is not, as White
indicated, well within the bloc. Castro was
snubbed when he wanted to buy up American
land, and knowing that the Russians would do
almost anything to get a foothold in the
Western Hemisphere, it was inevitable that
he would turn to them.
Castro has given the Cuban people land and
prestige, although these happen to be in con-
flict with American business interests in the
Caribbean. Businessmen have brought this on
themselves by ignoring -the needs of the local
population. In any event, they and the Ameri-
can press have certainly pushed Castro farther
left than he had intended to go.
--HARRY PERLSTADT
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is, the
first in a two-parts analysis of the
two exponents of liberalism and
conservatism in America who re-
cently participated in a University
debate sponsored by Challenge.
Today's article will concern itself
with Senator Hubert Humphrey, to-
morrow's installment will be on his
opponent, Russell Kirk.)
By GLORIA BOWLES
Daily Staff Writer
THE BREEZY SENATOR from
Minnesota arrived at the Ann
Arbor Congregational Guild un-
heralded. Most of the students who
had been waiting didn't even know
that Hubert Humphrey had ar-
rived.
Still hatted, going almost un-
recognized, he spotted a tele-
phone and sat in a corner to make
hurried calls to confirm air reser-
vations out of Detroit for Min-
neapolis.
But bad weather developed and
a slated fifteen-minute meeting
with University students and Prof.
Owen Lattimore of Johns Hopkins
University was stretched into a
two hour bull session which ran
the gamut of topics from South
Africa to the farm problem and
from Chinese policy to the power
of congressional committees.
AMERICA became well acquaint-
ed with Hubert Humphrey when a
battle for the Democratic presi-
of 1960 took the down-to-earth
dential nomination in the summer
Senator into the hills and mines
of West Virginia where observers
erroneously predicted that anti-
Catholic sentiment was sure to de-
feat John F. Kennedy. Americans
remember the vital-and fatal-
primary fight in Humphrey's own
back yard, Wisconsin, where the
DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Building,
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
THURSDAY, MAY 4
General Notices
Phi Beta Kappa: Initiation Banquet,
Mon., May 8, Michigan Union, 6:30
p.m. Gordon N. Ray of the Guggenheim
Foundation will be the speaker. Reser-
vations should be made with the Sec-
retary, Hazel M. Losh, Observatory. Ext.
659, by Sat. a m. Members of other
Chapters invited.
Approval for the following student-
sponsored activities becomes effective
24 hours after the publication of this
notice. All publicity for these events
must be withheld until the approval
has become effective.
May 3 Michigan Union, "The People
of Israel vs. Adolf Eichmann," change
of date from April 26,
May 13 Michigan Union, "Foreign Car
Show," Packard Street Triangle, 10:00
a.m.-4:00 p.m.
May 19 Folklore Society, "Folk Music
Concert with Jack Elliott," Union Ball-
room, 8:30 p.m.
May 20-21 Michigan Union, "Malte
Laurids Brigge" by Barton Wimble,
concert reading of an original student
play, Trueblood Aud., 8:30 p.m.
COMMENCEMENT EXERCISES
June 17, 1961
To be held at 5:30 p.m. either in
the Stadium or Yost Field House, de-
pending on the weather. Exercises will
conclude about 7:30 p.m.
Those eligible to participate: If
weather is fair, Graduates of Summer
Session, 1960, and Feb.and June, 1961.
Those eligible to participate: If exer-
cises must be held indoors, Graduates
(Continued on Page 5)
midwest farm spokesman in a
midwestern farm state, lost out
to a sophisticated Senator and his
family from the East.
Television debates revealed the
Humphrey personality. A gift for
articulation, a keen mind which
enabled the Senator to shoot back
answers as quickly as the questions
were asked, was the mark of the
rnan from Minnesota.
But the news magazines didn't
give Humphrey much of a chance.
Kennedy couldn't get rid of his
religion, they said, and Humphrey,
supposedly, his glibness. He talks
just a little too much, and he
doesn't know when to stop talk-
ing-that was the analysis.
SINCE the Presidential nomina-
tion defeat and the close race
which returned him to the Senate,
Humphrey's headline-making ac-
tivities have slackened. His name
hasn't gained prominent mention
in a news magazine for months.
But Humphrey, in his Michigan
bull session, indicated that he
fully intends to stay in the Sen-
ate. For with the seniority system
"after a while you get what you
want."
The Senator says "there are a
lot of limintations to this seniority
system where a man becomes a
committee chairman by survival."
But for want of a replacement,
Humphrey thinks seniority is here
to stay.
The House Un-American Ac-
tivities committee's film "Opera-
tion Abolition" was in mind when
a student raised a question about
the Congressional committee sys-
tem.
"I believe in the power of Con-
gress to investigate, Humphrey
says, and I don't believe in abol-
ishing Congressional committees.
Rules, witness, counsel all serve
as a check. The best check is the
election of capable Congressmen
in the first place."
Despite some campaign ill will,
Humphrey still maintains con-
tact with the man who dashed his
hopes for a place in the White,
House.
Kennedy and Humphrey meat
in conference every Tuesday morn-
ing "just to bat things around."
In an hour or two of discussion,
the President and his party whip
encourage argument and dissen-
sion so that issues may be clari-.
fied.
THE EXPULSION of the Union
of South Africa from the British
Commonwealth was given Hum-
phrey's attention.
"We always emphasize the ne-
gative elements of policy. We are
quick to condemn Britain for her
colonialization, but why didn't we
salute Britain when she reacted
against South African apartheid
policies?" he asked.
"The British took a stand
against miserable racial segrega-
tion, but not a single free world
resolution recognized her action."
Humphrey said U.S. action to
discourage South African policies
should "come through the United
Nations and our own example."
The President's Commission on
Employment is a good step for-
ward in this direction.
R * 4
ALTHOUGH he is a member of
the Senate Foreign Relations 'Com-
mittee, Humphrey made It from
drugstore to the political arena
as a farm Senator.
The ultimate solution to the
farm problem, according to many
authorities, calls for a shifting of
the nonproductive small farmer
dependent on price support and
acreage control programs to other
areas of employment. But Hum-
phrey is skeptical.
"What are we going to do with
the farmer once he's in the city?"
Employment programs in the
cities must certainly accompany
the exodus from the farm.
And the question of agricultural
aid to famine-plagued nations "as
simple as it sometimes appears."
Humphrey advocates a world food
budget accompanied by bilateral
negotiations to determine what
countries need.
As to domestic issues he predicts
the junking of the Soil Bank with-
in the next year.
R * .
THE TWO-HOUR bull session
was, for students, a revelation of
the Humphrey personality, for
some probably a confirmation of
preconceived notions.
At all times exuberant, Hum-
phrey showed a keen interest in
individual students as he greeted
them in a genuine display of
warmth.
In the question and answer ses-
sion, Humphrey relished the con-
versations and often changed the
subject abruptly in mid-stream.
The whole discussion came with
hardly a pause for breath.
Humphrey advocated "a re-
thinking on our China policy," but
when Prof. Lattimore, the author
of U.S. China policy after World
War II, asserted that "U.S. China
policy is lethargic," Humphrey
grew impatient.
The spotlight had been shifted,
and the Senator didn't like it. lie
interjected when he could, but was
perturbed during the moments
when he was not the center of
attention.
Hubert Humphrey is one of the
Senate's most capable men. He is
articulate, perhaps glib, but he is
forceful, energetic and very well
informed. Humphrey will never
make it to the White House, but
America can bet on Hubert Hum-
phrey and the seniority rule to
provide a great show in the United
States Senate.
Strong
Words
E NDING a golf holiday in Palm
Springs, Calif., Dwight Eisen-
hower said of (Joseph) Welch's
attack on him (which accused Ike
of being a Communist): "If I
thought the American people
thought I was anything but a
dedicated enemy of Communism,
I would certainly be disappointed."
-Time Magazine
TWO VERSIONS COMPARED:
Nilsson Masterful
linStereo 'Tristan
THE NEW RECORDINGof Wagner's "Tristan and Isolde" on London
records marks the stereo debut of Tristan and the first recording
since the 1952 Flagstad-Suthaus-Furtwangler set now on Angel 3588
E/L. But of greatest interest is the performance of Birgit Nilsson who
scored such a success in this role at the Metropolitan Opera last year,
and who, incidently, will sing at this evening's all-Wagner concert
which opens the May Festival.
To begin with, Miss Nilsson scores a complete success in her
role. She is to our generation what Flagstad must have been to hers-
the last word in interpreting Isolde. Throughout the performance her
voice is warm and unstrained. It
viould be unfair to compare her
work with Flagstad's recording as
the latter went before the micro-
phones after her prime. But one
can fairly say that Nilsson is
every bit as good in this recording
as Flagstad is in the older one.
, *
THE TRISTAN in the London
performance, Fritz Uhl, is not only
as goodas Suthaus but better.
His voice is lighter in quality, and
I wonder if he could be heard very
well in the opera house. But in
recordings light voices are easily
made stronger and Uhl's perform-
ance comes forth as a resounding
success. He sings with great effect
and brings off Tristan's scene in
the third act beautifully.
Thomas Krause's Kurwenal can-
not compete with Dietrich Fischer-
Dieskau's magnificent performance
for Angel, but he is thoroughly
adequate and often excellent, es-
pecially in the first act. He is
still quite young and in time might
well grow into an exceptionally
fine Kurwenal.
Regina Resnik is also outclassed
by Angel's Blanche Thebaum.
While there is nothing specifically
wrong with her perf romance, there
is so much right with Thebaum's
that she wins any contest hands
down.
s . *
EVEN WITH FLAGSTAD in the
cast, the Angel recording is dom-
inated by Furtwangler; the Lon-
don recording is of, by, and for
Miss Nilsson. In general the Lon-
don set is faster paced and more
dramatic. Furtwangler relies on
understatement and the molding
of the performance in terms of an
organic whole; Solti lets the in-
dividual scenes flash out, making
his Tristan the sum of its parts.
The stereo in the London set
is ofthe first quality, though there
are not the super-dramatic effects
of Das Rheingold. For those who
have been waiting for a stereo
Fristan, this is it.
Each recording is truly great in
its own way. There is no call for
those with the Angel recording to
buy London's other than for ster-
eo. IThe new Tristan is different,
and as good in its way, but no
better than. the old one.
--Thomas Kabaker
Wagner: Tristan adn Isolde; Bir-
git Nilsso (s), Isolde; Regina Res-
nik (ms), Brangane; Fritz Uhl (t),
Tristan; Ernst Kozub (t), Melot;
Waldemar Kmentt (t), Young sail-
or; Peter Klein It), Shepherd;
Thomas Krause (b), Kurwenal; Ar-
nold van Mill (bs), King Marke;
Theodor Kirschbichler (bs), Steers-
man. Vienna Philharmonic Orches-
tra, Georg Solti, cond. London A
4506 (monaural) OSA 1502 (stereo).
CINEMA GUILD:
' Juggler'
Two-Sided
'THE JUGGLER," is a story set
in Israel shortly after the end
of the second World War, is mark.
ed by a strange combination of
realism and hollowness.t
The movie is refreshingly free
of the Hollywood sentimentalism
which is apt to be part of any
description of a man's return
from the ravages of war and his
subsequent search for a new place
and meaning in life, and yet at
the same time it fails to give any
real direction to that search.
* s *
THE RATHER STOCK situation
thus set up is saved from maudlih
disaster by a sensible, straight-
forward script and by a fine per-
formance from Kirk Douglas, who
portrays his role with understand-
ing and feeling.
It is in the very effectiveness of
Douglas' performance, in fact, that
the film faces its major difficulty.
So convincing is the sense of per-
sonal turmoil in Hans Muller that
the viewer is led to doubt that
there is a solution to his great
loss. The public demands a solu-
tion, however, and so at the end
of the story one is provided.
Whether or not it is a sufficient
and dramatically coherent one is
doubtful.
S* . s
ALONG WITH Muller's story
there is also the story of Israel
itself-a nation attempting to find
itself and provide a home for the
thousands of Hans Mullers pour-
ing into it. Here again the results
are mixed. A genuine sense of
courage and indomitable will is
imparted, but the government's
handling of the refugees and their
problems is unbelievably inept.
The inspector who trails Muller
throughout the film is the same
type of ludicrous blunderer with
whom Sherlock Holmes contended
for years.
"Home is a place you lose." With
these words Muller expresses his
feeling of despair and disillusion-
ment. The movie does a splendid
job of communicating his feeling
and in this respect is a consider-
able success. Whether the charac-
ter actually finds an ideal home
in the end is, to a large extent,
irrelevant.
-Ralph Stingel
TODAY AND TOMORROW
P ost-Mortem on Cuba
I17 By WA
RESIDENT KENNEDY is in grave trouble.
If, after the appalling mistake of judgment
in the Cuban venture, he allows himself to be
sucked into the quicksands of Laos, he will
have compromised, perhaps irrevocably, his in-
fluence on events. For the more he engages
himself directly while the Soviet Union and
China keep a free hand, the more he will
weaken his influence.
The disaster in Cuba has opened the way
to Chinese diplomatic intervention in the
Laotian negotiations. An American military en-
tanglement in Laos would not only open the
way to Chinese military intervention but would
greatly aggravate the pressure on Iran, on
Quemoy and Matsu, and on our other exposed
and vulnerable outposts, including probably
West Berlin.
The United States would have committed the
cardinal strategic error of dispersing its forces
at places where there can be no decision while
its adversary kept his forces concentrated and
intact.
THOUGH it is late, it is, let us hope, not too
late to fight our way back to the highway
from which we have strayed.
To do this there will have to be a certain
inquiry, which only the President can condluct,
followed by a frank and convincing explanation
of how so colossal a mistake was made.
The question is how the President decided to
approve this venture which was, as the event
has shown, so greatly misconceived. As I under-
stand it, and contrary to the general impres-
sion, there was no serious expectation that the
landing of the exiles would be followed immedi-
ately by a political uprising against Castro. The
object of the landing was to establish a beach-
head for a civil war against Castro, and no
plans seemed to have been made, no thought
seems to have been given, to what we would do
then, what the rest of Latin America, would
do then, what the Soviet Union would do,
while the civil war was being fought.
Bad as have been the consequences of the
failure, they are probably less bad than would
have been the indecisive partial success which
' .._ _ . L 1. ...s 3~ llr'9!SB }0
LTER LIPPMANN _
MY OWN inquiries as to how the, misjudg-
ment was made lead me to believe that the
President was not protected by the New Hands
-Bundy, Rostow, Schlesinger, and Rusk -
against the bad advice of the Old Hands, Bissell
and Dulles of the C.I.A., Lemnitzer and Burke
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Berle of the
State Department. There is no doubt that the
plans had been drawn up and the preparations
made during the preceding Administration.
There is no doubt that the President insisted
upon modifying these plans to avoid, as he
thought and hoped, any appearance of direct
involvement of the United States Armed Forces.
Though much has been said that this proviso
ruined the plan, there is no doubt also that the
Chiefs of Staff and the C.I.A. advised the
President to proceed nevertheless.
I believe an inquiry will show that the Sec-
retary of State, although he had his misgiv-
ings, approved the plan. Contrary to much that
has been said, I believe it to be true that Ste-
venson and Bowles were excluded from the
deliberations which preceded the fatal decision.
Furthermore, the record will show, I believe,
that the one man who participated in the delib-
erations and pleaded with the President not to
approve the plan was Sen. Fulbright. He fore-
saw what would happen, he warned the Presi-
dent that the right policy was not to attempt
to oust Castro but to contain him while we
worked constructively in Latin America.
WHEN THERE IS a disaster of this kind-as
for example the British disaster at Suez-
the mistake can be purged and confidence can
be r'estored only by the resignation of the key
figures who had the primary responsibility and
by candid talk which offers the promise that
the mistake will not be repeated.
In the immediate wake of the disaster the
President took the position that he would ac-
cept all the blame and that nobody else was
to be held responsible. This was generous. It
was brave, and in the sense that the Chief
Executive must stand by those under him, it
was right. But it is not the whole story. Under
our system of government, unlike the British
svsem. +he Chiefr xecuive who maersa ma+
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(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
last of a two-part analysis of a
proposed United Nations university
which would serve as a training
center for an international youth,
service program.)
By BEATRICE TEODORO
Daily Staff writer
rE OBJECTIVES of the inter-
national youth service program,
as articulated in an Americans
Committed to World Responsibil-
ity study are undeniably admir-
able: the alleviation of suffering,
the promotion of development and
the preservation of world peace
and order."
One of the suggested means to-
ward achieving the lofty goal was
the establishment of a training
program in a United Nations
sponsored university; a center of
educational activity which would
theoretically bring together great
educators and youthful potential
from all over the world for "free
exchange of information and ideas
concerning economic development,
international understanding and
national politics."
s * +s
THE REPORT goes on to say
that the UN institution would en-
courage the establishment of other
world-oriented organizations such
as an International Library, sim-
ilar to the Library of Congress
but on an international scale. The
proposed university would also be
the core of world wide studies as
the International Geophysical
Year.
Then the report claims, "It
would also be the center where
all the languages of the world
would be, spoken; this might pave
The effectiveness of such a pro-
gram is therefore dependent upon
the liberation of the individual
from restraints of his society. The
philosophy of the program requires
that the individual subordinate his
national ties to the alleviation and
eradication of illness, poverty and
hunger.
THIS CREATES a major ob-
stacle for the program because
all peoples, even the more flex-
ible youth, are proud of identifi-
cation with a patria. National dis-
plays of power, flags, coats of
arms and other symbols of state
have existed in some form since
the first differentiation of organ-
ized societies.
The UN university report pre-
cludes this national pride when it
suggests the plausibility of, and
preference for, an international
language. When it states, "new
discoveries would take place in an
international body; thus they
would have to be shared by all
countries and would not be used
for nationalistic purposes," it is
too easily putting aside strong na-
tional allegiances.
PEOPLE REACT if their iden-
tity is threatened. Russell Kirk
and Sen. Hubert Humphrey agreed
in a recent "debate" that under-
developed nations would resist
American foreign policy which at-
tempted to make them "little
models of the United States."
While a UN program would not
construct a pattern after any par-
ticular country, it would assume
+hs.t fn,. itc nari.+n+. +the Tm