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March 07, 1963 - Image 4

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Stir ty-Thbird Y e~w
EDrrE AND MANAGEDBY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MIC MGAN
UNDER AUTHORiTY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE No 2-3241
Truth WWl Prevau"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must b noted in all reprints.

DOWN, BUT BY NO MEANS OUT:
Menon Essential to Nehru's Program

THURSDAY, MARCH 7,I963

NIGHT EDITOR: GAIL EVANS

Union Supporters Face
Problems in New York Strike

THERE SOMETIMES comes a moment when,
even friends must question each others in-
tegrity. The friends of Bertram Powers and
his typographical workers' union face the un-
pleasant task these days, as the New York
newspapers continue to be struck, now in the
90th day.
Friends of organized labor often must de-
fend their position against extreme and non-
factual arguments. The habit of continual de-
fense, however, tends to blind the defender
to legitimate complaints, just as the perpetual
and oft incorrect attacker prejudices others
aaginst his occasional well-founded irritation.
The exact and detailed positions of the news-
papers and the unions are difficult to find
among all the reports, but a few positions have
become clear.
ONE LARGE ISSUE behind the intransigence
of both parties is a particular work rule,
long in existence, which allows the type-
setters to compose all advertising which comes
to the paper, even if the ads come already set
and ready for the page. It is a question of
interpretation if the rule extends to all ma-
terial which runs in the paper, but to this
date it has applied only to advertising, all
news being set originally by union members
at the paper.
The newspaper owners now wish to abolish
this rule, looking forward to the day when they,
will replace type-setters with machines that set
type automatically, machines that "read" and
set whatever news copy is placed inside them.
Such machines are now successfully being
developed:.
Powers is justifiably concerned with insuring
the jobs of his union members. He therefore
insists that no man be laid off as a result of
installation of these machines, and that his
workers set all type that goes into the paper.
It is the issue of job security which motivates
Powers.
THIS IS, of course, the legitimate concern
of a labor leader, and in fact ought to be
the vital concern of every member of the
community. The newspapers, however, have

apparently taken steps to meet the problem,
or at least offered a compromise for a reason-
able settlement of the question.
It has been the position of the newspapers
that no presently employed type-setter shall
be dismissed or have his hours curtailed as
a result of automation, and that advertising
shall continue to be set at the paper. But, as
excess workers retire or die, they shall not be
eplaced. This position seems to afford the
Union man considerable job security against
the threat of automation, but does not guaran-
tee a level of typographer employment in
future generations.
Powers insists that all present workers be
replaced in the event of death or retirement.
Management refuses to go along with this
plan, and presently rests on its guarantee to
all present workers.
NOW, IT CAN BE argued that a newspaper
should be responsible for hiring labor. This
lies at the heart of Power's position. A news-
paper should indeed be responsible for the
labor which it hires, but Powers' demand that
the papers be held accountable for hiring fu-
ture generations is unjust.
The question of automation and job security
is a most complicated one. Let the analysis
begin on the premise that an employer is i.
some sense responsible for his workers' security
and well-being, and on the further premise that
all men have the right to work if they so desire.
Among the glib solutions to the problem are
retraining programs, financed by government,
labor and management, "featherbedding" and
other less severe forms of job continuation.
What the New York papers are suggesting is
a program of featherbedding with a time limit,
the tenure of the marginal worker. While this
is not a productive solution, it offers job secur-
ity. What Powers suggests perpetuates a ques-
tionable and unproductive make-work policy
far beyond the short-range inefficiency of
management proposals.
The friends of labor must pause and wonder
that Powers is not more imaginative.-
-MICHAEL ZWEIG

Post Against The Economy

By PHILIP D. SHERMAN
Daily Guest Writer
MADRAS, INDIA-The Bombay
MP who came here recently to
speak to a student group slipped
quietly into town and received
only the barest newspaper cover-
age for his stock speech.
Clearly, things had changed for
V. K. Krishna Menon.
Four months ago, he seemed
firmly in power, defense minister
of the Republic of India and a
prime candidate to succeed aging
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.
But after India's armies were
caught unprepared in the Assam
hills, his fall was quick. Nehru
took the defense portfolio himself,
demoting Menon to minister for
defense production. But even then,
Menon's critics weren't satisfied,
and used the army defeats as a
lever to force Menon completely
out of the government.
* * *
THOUGH MENON has fallen
neither so fai' nor so fast as the
outward facts would indicate, or
his political enemies would like
to think, his future, to say the
least, looks a good deal less prom-
ising than it once did.
Menon declined to make the
customary resignation statement
in Parliament, and since his fall
has pursued a subdued speaking
program. Though his touring has
occasionally drawn fire from op-
ponents in Congress itself, his
speeches have been sober and self-
effacing. Menon generally con-
fines himself to a review of the
border situation and a firm boost
for Pandit Nehru and his nation-
building program, the nebulous
"socialist order of society."
Menon's Madras speech was a
good example of what he's now
doing.
Gone was the infamous acid
tongue, the contempt for audi-
ences, the invective Americans
have been taught to expect. All
that was left was the perpetual
scowl and a couple of cracks about
the old enemy, the Press.
* * *
MENON BEGAN by tracing the
history of the border problem,
marshalling all the evidence at
his command to show that China
had at various times accepted
what India says is the border. He
unhesitatingly labelled the Chinese
attack as perfidious aggression and
said China must be resisted, not
for "three or five months" but for
many years. Though she must and
will seek selective outside assist-
ance, he said, India alone mustebe
strong enough to protect herself.
The only way to be strong, Men-
on argued, the only way to gen-
erate anew "the force that dis-
placed a mighty empire," is to
build a popular partnership in
"the legacy of independence."
"Everyone must share equally, in
the fruits of independence," he
said, echoing Nehru's argument
that national independence must
have economic and social as well
as legal content if it is to mean
anything at all.
Menon's reasoning was signifi-
cant only in the insight it gave
into the ideas that have been guid-
ing Nehru since the late 20's, when
he took the lead in bringing con-
gress round to a program of eco-
nomic development and social re-
construction along lines of West-
ern equalitarian theory. These
were ideas that pleased neither
the Ghandians, who looked to an
older, more purely Indian idea,
nor sections of the capitalist and
landowner classes which were ob-
viously not so enamored by social
and economic reconstruction.
* * *
THE OPPOSITION still exists,
but Nehru, Menon and their fol-
lowers and allies are still pushing
to carry out the noble "directive
principle" of the Indian constitu-
tion-that the state shall strive
"to promote the welfa'e of the
people by securing and protecting
as effectively as it may a social
order in which justice, social, eco-

nomic and political, shall inform
all the institutions of national
life."
Nehru's effort to attain this
goal adds up to what Menon term-
ed "a full-fledged social revolu-
tion by consent." In this program,
all economic and social policies
are drawn up*in terms of benefits
for the nation as a whole and
not for a small owner class. The
program, Menon explained, in-
volves industrialization, govern-
ment ownership and regulation of
at least some of the means of
production to keep their use social,
national integration (breaking
down barriers of caste, religion,
localism, language; building a
"sense of belonging" to the na-
tion) and continuous democratiza-
tion of all phases of. the national
life.
Menon's close intellectual and
personal connections with Pandit
Nehru have always been his first
source of strength. He got to know
Nehru in the 30's when he served
as de facto London representative
of the independence movement. As
an editor of a major publishing
house, he saw several of Nehru's
books (Autobiography, The Dis-
covery of India) through the press,
and was with Nehru when Nehru's
wife Kamala died in a Swiss hos-
pital.
During this time, both Nehru
annd Menon.who toured Enrone n- n

serving the Republic's Common-
wealth connection, a fact often
forgotten by Westerners who
blandly label him a pro-Commun-
ist.
Menon later returned to New
Delhi to serve in the External Af-
fairs Ministry under Nehru (who
always kept that portfolio for him-
self) and then moved over to de-
fense. His prime responsibilities
were always in foreign affairs,
though his domestic views were
quite clear.

of socialism and government ac-
tion is the most popular.
But the rural areas are the back-
bone of India and the real center
of gravity of the Congress. They
are conservative. As a Congress-
man, Menon would have done well
wherever he ran-as one observer
says, Congress could stick a poll
in the rural ground, run it for the
Lok Sabha, and probably get it a
thumping majority. The fact is,
however, that the kind of program
Menon stands for doesn't com-
mand the same support in rural
India as it does in the cities.
In the country, politics are more
a matter of caste than class. Local
vested interests are powerful.
Landlords and the wealthy wield
great influence over the illiterate
masses of voters. Political con-
sciousness does exist, but it is
amorphous and not directed to-
ward well-articulated ends. And it
is here the Ahaordian traditional
opposition fuels its base. For all
these reasons and more, the wvest-
ern ideas of Pandit Nehru are
neither liked nor understood-it
is the Prime Minister's personality,
his charisma, his close association
with Ghandi that are important.
Country politics and politicians
thus spell obvious trouble for the
likes of V. K. Krishna Menon.
* * *
ANOTHER SOURCE of weak-
ness for Menon and his program
is his vast unpopularity among the
urban upper classes who are Con-
gress' chief financial prop. Big
Business has more or less figured
that it will make out as well with
Congress as anybody, but it has
not been enthusiastic about the
left wing of the party. Its support
goes to the so-called right wings,
anti-Menon, pro-Western clique.
(However, the conservative rural
Congressman is a figure the upper
class often ridicules.)
Despite these weaknesses, weak-
nesses which spring out of a prob-
lem more basic than his own poli-
tical standing, Menon retains, on
the balance, a good deal of politi-
cal strength. It is almost all from
the left elements, and much of it
is outside of Congress.
Even more important, Menon re-
tains Nehru's confidence. He has

been Nehru's man too long to lose
this, for if Nehru were to abandon
Mernon it would be tantamount to
abandoning himself. This Nehru
will never do. Menon's personal
fate will perhaps point up the fu-
ture movement of the great poli-
tical forces at work in India to-
day.
* * *
THESE FORCES are largely at
work in the Congress itself, and
revolve around a developing "split"
between right and left elements.
While this split can easily be exag-
gerated, especially given the
party's immense organizational
cement, still it is (and always has
been) possible to detect two broad
groups in Congress.
(Before Independence, common
opposition to the British helped
paper over the differences. This
unifying force no longer exists.)
Both groups would be considered
extremely "liberal" by American
Standards, but there are dif-
ferences of approach. Bared in
the country and the upper classes,
the right would be more lenient
toward the capitalists and local
interests, and also to foreign in-
vestment. They would be less
"advanced" in social policies. They
would perhaps be inclined to align
more closely with the West. Based
in the city proletariat and middle
classes the left would be more
"socialistic" (though Indian so-
cialism as articulated by Nehru
is more humanitarian and demo-
cratic than doctrinnaire and
nearly as pragmatic as the so-
called New Frontier) and it would
hew more stringently to non-
alignment, the fancied interna-
tional concomitant to national in-
dependence.
Congress maintains its unity
despite all this, and is thus getting
to look more and more like the
syncretistic American national
parties. Add a strong tendency
toward localism, support of vested
interests, a growing lack of con-.
structive national vision and a fair
amount of corruption and Con-
gress looks less and less like the
revolutionary party its leader
wants it to be.
Observers like Prof. Myron Wei-
ner of Princeton University argue

that the growth of interest poli-
tics is both the inevitable accom-
and the necessary trigger to politi-
cization of the locally-compart-
mented masses. There nonetheless
remains the tension between con-

V. K. KRISHNA MENON

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

T HE MARXIAN DIALECTIC has done a
complete turnabout, or so it seems. Sup-
posedly downtrodden proletarians, instead of
bemoaning their accursed lot and rising in
armed revolution, are now holding great re-
sources of power, vested in the labor unions,
and dangling the fate of the United States',
economy over the heads of her bewildered
citizens.
In many areas, the membership has allowed
unions to make outrageous demands on man-
agement and threaten to strike if these aren't
met. The power equilibrium of the classes that
was expected to arise out of the strengthening
of the American labor movement. This equili-
brium has been reached and surpassed by the
unions in the political area.
Such a union is Local Six of the International
Typographical Union. Bertram Powers, presi-
dent of the union, has made ridiculously out-
landish demands. Efforts by the federal gov-
ernment and Mayor Wagner of New York
have proved fruitless in settling the strike. The
New York. Publishers Association has made
reasonable offers. They have been categorically
declined.
LAST THURSDAY Mrs. Dorothy Schiff, edi-
tor and publisher of the New York Post
annnounced that her paper had relented to the
union's demand and would resume publication
on Monday. Monday was quite a profitable day
for the Post. At least 500,000 copies were re-
ported sold in the early editions (compared to
a usual daily circulation of 375,060). New York-
ers waited in line at thenewsstands to buy
the Post. The paper was 20 pages longer than

usual, due to heavy advertising. Quite a profit-
able day, indeed. And that was only the first
day.
Monday wasn't so profitable, however, for
the other metropolitan dailies. Their prestige
was shattered. Their only hope for defeating
the striking local was to wait until the strike
fund had been consumed, and the union would
not be able to continue the walkout. But Mrs.
Schiff took care of that. Salaries of the Post's
workers, and other union printers hired to meet
the expanding needs of the paper will no doubt
find a way to union treasuries and strike
funds. The union has cheered and will now be
encouraged to continue the strike longer than
anyone had anticipated.
It may well be possible that the Post might
never have reopened, had they not resumed
publication Monday. But if the union wins,
it may/ be that all the metropolitan dailies
will fold in the near future, after the
strike has been settled and the papers are,
laboring under union-imposed financial bur-
dens.
IN THE INTEREST of the American press,
in the interest of the entire American
economy, this strike must be broken. Mrs.
Schiff must have realized this, but she chose
to publish. If the Publisher's Association does
win, and the other six New York dailies open,
Mrs. Schiff would be ruined by financial pres-
sures.
By re-opening the Post she has violated every
basic tenet of journalistic integrity, and of in-
dividual responsibility.
-ROBERT GRODY

He worked closely with his chief
all the time and his numerous
critics both in and out of India
pictured him as an eminence grise
(or, rather icinence pinto), in-
clining his chief away from the
free world, into Communist arms.
* * *
HIS VIEWS, which were not
necessarily what his critics said
they were, did carry great weight
with Nehru, says Prof. Michael
Brecher of the University of Tor-
onto, author of the latest full
length study of the prime minis-
ter. But "it would be a great error
... to exaggerate (his) influence
on the fundamental character and
direction of Indian foreign policy."
Prof. Brecher says Nehru form-
ulated all the leading ideas of In-
dian policy "long before Menon
,arrived on the scene." Likewise,
Nehru has taken all of India's
"strategic" foreign policy decisions.
In a word, he has always been in
the driver's seat.
Menon's role has been a humbler
one-a technician who helps to
shape specific policies and carry
them out. His close affinities to
Nehru's thinking make him an ex-
cellent choice for the job. And he
would not, Prof. Brecher believes,
"steer Indian policy into another
course even if he had the authority
to do so."
MENON'S CLOSE identification
with Nehru probably explains a
good deal of the criticism levelled
at him. The Prime Minister is
personally inviolable, especially to
members of his own party, so Men-
on makes a very convenient target
for those who don't agree with
government policies.
The critic is only stimulated by
Menon's acerbic personality. "Bril-
liant but rude,' says a Congress
MP who agrees with him. A stu-
dent who knew him in England,
and supports his political convic-
tions, agrees.
Yet despite his unpopularity
with large segments of opinion,
especially in the upper classes and
even within his own party, Menon
also commands widespread sup-
port. His recent Parliamentary
electoral victory made this clear.
Before the national election a
year ago, one of his major liabili-
ties was apparent lack of a solid
connection to the electorate. He
had been out of the country most
of his adult life, and no longer
spoke any Indian language fluent-
ly, not even the Malayalam of his
native Malabar. He had held a
Parliamentary seat only in the ap-
pointive upper house.
* ,.*
NEHRU SET OUT to change
this. He posted Menon to stand
as Congress candidate for the Lok
Sabha (lower house of Parliament)
for north Bombay, a collection of
mostly lower class industrial sub-
urbs on the landward side of In-
dia's most westernized metropolis.
Seeing their opportunity, all
other parties joined forces to de-
feat Menon and by implication his
master's foreign and domestic poli-
cies. They nominated Acharya J.
B. Kripalani, a popular appostate
congressman whose tongue is
every bit as sharp as Menon's.
Neither Kripalani nor Menon
came from Bombay, so the election
could not have been fought on
purely local prejudices. But as an
American correspondent has point-
ed out, Menon was the only poli-
tician who campaigned on a plat-
form of social and economic im-
provement. The others campaigned
on Menon.
Menon won the election and he
won it good. Bombay City North
has the largest number of regis-
tered voters in uniformly-districted
India, and Menon took two-thirds
of the 475,000 votes cast. He sailed
to a cool 150,000 vote plurality,
one of the biggest in India. He did
quite as well, percentage wise, as
S. K Patil. the conservativ Con-

WARM AIR IN WASHINGTON:
Filibuster Versus Values

By KAREN MARGOLIS
PERHAPS the most flagrant im-
pediment to democracy and to
the efficiency of the United States
Senate is the filibuster. For al-
most two centuries it has succeed-
ed in stifling the efforts of the
majority and has contributed di-
rectly to the denial of civil rights.
Pertaining to the Senate, the
filibuster is a device used to pro-
long debate for the purpose of pre-
venting a vote on a pending issue.
Its intent is to wear out the ma-
jority so that from fatigue or as
a price for time to consider other
and often much more important
matters, it will lay aside the pend-
ing issue. The filibuster does not
apply to all long debates-just
those aimed at blocking a vote.
At present, Senate Rule XXII
permits cloture (termination of a
debate) by a vote of two-thirds of
those present and voting. By a
relatively narrow margin, the Sen-
ate recently defeated a stronger
antifilibuster resolution. In two
years, the question will be brought
up again. At that time the Sen-
ate must vote to make it easier to
invoke cloture. Such a rule is
absolutely vital for the preserva-
tion of democracy.
* * *
A BIPARTISAN band of eight
Senators vigorously encouraged a
new cloture rule that would end
debate by a simple majority of
the Senate membership (51). The
band included Senators Hubert H.
Humphrey (D-Minn), Paul H.'
Douglas (D-Ill), Joseph Clkrk (D-
Pa), Philip A. Hart (D-Mich),
Clifford Case (R-NJ), Kenneth B.
Keating (R-NY), Jacob K. Javits
(R-NY), and Thomas H. Kuchel
(R-Calif).
A compromise proposal provid-
ing cloture by three-fifths of the
Senate membership (60) was sup-

ported by Senate Majority Leader
Mike Mansifield (D-Mont).
The filibuster is most destruc-
tive in the area of civil rights leg-
islation, which has always been
the classic example of an appro-
priate issue for filibustering in
the Senate. Indeed, Sen. Case has
called the filibuster "the grave-
digger of much effective civil
rights legislation." Sen. Harrison
A. Williams (D-NJ) also had some
strong words on the subject:
"The closing down of certain
public schools in Arkansas and
Virginia in an attempt to nullify
the Supreme Court's decision or-
dering desegregation makes it im-
perative that Congress . . . act to
secure equal protection of the law
for all our citizens. However, the
ability of Congress to fulfill its
heavy legislative responsibility in
this area . . . is critically endan-
gered unless the fight to end the
filibuster is successful."
* * *
IN A RECENT article in the
Wall Street Journal, Robert D.
Novak predicts, "Barring a racial
holocaust in the South that would
generate a massive public demand,
there seems little chance over the
next several years for sweeping
federal laws to speed up desegre-
gation-mainly because the lili-
buster remains a weapon of im-
mense potency!.. "
And without civil rights legis-
lation, we are not only denying
many people their inalienable
rights; we are handing the Rus-
sians a propaganda victory. This
is the greatest single item of pro-
paganda used against the United
States throughout the world. Many
people are losing faith in demo-
cracy because of its repeated fail-
ures to perform its implicit duties.
One of the basic principles of
American democracy is rule by the
majority along with recognition of

the rights of the minority. Under
the present filibuster rule, it is
possible for a few filibusterers to
deny the majority its right to rule.
* * *
ONE MUST ALSO keep in mind
the indignity caused by filibuster-
ing. At a time- when prestige is
so important, we cannot afford to
have the United States Senate the
laughing stock, of the world.
Then there is the cost to con-
sider. Many days and weeks of
valuable time are tied up in fili-
busters, and so are many pages of
the Congressional Record-at $81
a page!
Champions of the filibuster have
a weak case. They argue that the
Senate is the last citadel of un-
limited debate in the world and
that the minority must be given
this opportunity to air its views
to the fullest.
* * *
OF COURSE the minority should
be allowed to defend its interests,
but must the will of the majority
be thwarted in the process? This is
supporting the anti-democratic
doctrine that the end justifies the
means. Under present rules, the
filibuster is not limited to debate
pertaining to the subject at hand.
A Senator is not supporting his
point of view on the pending issue
if he reads addresses from a tele-
phone directory or his favorite
fried fish-recipe from a cook book.
Since he is not attempting to win
others to his side of the issue, he
is not even debating. He is simply
preventing a vote, and, in so do-
ing, is disregarding the majority
rule principle. There comes a time
when each Senator should be pre-
pared to stand up and cast his
vote on the pending question.
i The filibuster advocates also
claim that unlimited debate in-
sures careful passage of bills. How-
ever, this is already insured by
such institutions as our bicameral
legislative body (it is already hard
enough to get legislation past the
Rules Committee in the House),
Presidential approval of bills, and
judicial review.
ONE WEARY SENATOR, Norris
Cotton (R-NH) describes filibus-
tering from an insider's point of
view:
"It is a highly organized project
with one side appearing in shifts
to keep the ball rolling, while the
other side stations sentry squads
for 24-hour vigils with the re-
mainder of its forces sleeping in
cloakrooms and offices ready to
produce a quorum and grant no
respite. Even the elements make
a.backdrop for this historic strug-
gle. A blanket of snow lies over
the Capital while passions seethe
within. Mechanical equipment is
failing. One of the tram cars
from the office building, is out of
kilter and the other is limping.
At times the electricity goes off

4r

servative interest politics and the
nationally-oriented Nehru pro-
gram.
THE TENSION may conceivably
resolve itself in a formal split
within Congress itself. The "left"
elements would ally with some of
the socialists to form a national
non-Communist "liberal" party
while the "right" would pick up
some socialists of its own, the new
Swatantia Party (which stands
on incompatible bases of big cap-
italism and rural sentimentality)
and perhaps some of the Hindu
communal and one-state parties to
form a coalition on the other side
of the political fence.
It would be the left that would
carry forward the rather idealistic
Nehru program with the most
vigor. The right would temper it
--at least to an extent.
Menon is a logical leader for
the left group, and his political
fortunes could well be a prime in-
dicator of its progress, whether in
or out of Congress.

'1

Unon Should Check Out

AT ITS LAST MEETING, the Michigan Union
Board of Directors took the laudable step
of opening the Union's check-cashing facilities
to female students and University faculty mem-
bers. In addition to these two groups, the male
students on campus will benefit from quicker
service since present plans are to move the
service away fron the front desk to a separate
location.
As a matter of fact just about everybody who
handles a check will benefit except the Union
itself. It will be forced to hire an extra per-
son specifically to take care of this area as well
as keep extra cash on hand at all times when
it could be put to more profitable use else-
where. In addition the Union will now be fair
Editorial Staff
MICHAEL OLINICK, Editor
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game for more people who want to use it as
a lending agency when their own funds run
out. The wasted time and effort needed to
locate these people is also something the
Union can do without.
WHAT THIS all boils down to is that the
Union is not the best organization on cam-
pus to handle such a service-the most obvious
choice is the University itself. The facilities
and personnel are available at the Administra-
tion building, and the University has greater
financial resources than the Union, permitting
higher monetary limits on checks cashed. Yet
despite all this a University official commented
that it was better to improve the existing
service (meaning the Union's adoption of new
policy) than start a new one.
As of now the Union usually sets a limit of
$20 per check and won't cash any University
payroll checks. It also refuses to take checks
made out to the casher by anyone except his
parents or himself. These limits are necessary

To The Editor

To the Editor:
I TNTIL RECENTLY I had viewed
with growing nausea the spirit
of good feelings which imbues
both the Young Republicans and
the Young' Democrats on this
campus.
As a close observer of those
organizations, I have noticed a
lack of partisan activity on their
parts, when indeed they have
shown any activity at all. With
a few meager exceptions, they have
expended the bulk of their severly
limited energies in vigorous, mu-
tual back-patting.
But why must we deplore when
we may rejoice? Let us carry the

students away from the Student
Government Council polls! Warms
the cockles of your heart, doesn't
it?
Doubtless, there will be some few
dissidents, thoughtless characters
blind to the virtues of unity, te-
nacious in their endeavor to pro-
mote political activity. But h're
,the solution is beautiful in its
simplicity: such extremists, in-
domitable foes of political in-
activity, will inevitably coalesce
into the Young Communists and
Young Fascists. As a minority of
one or two per cent, their cries
will be lost in the deadening roar
of apathy. Sensible people of the
__r1.A _ m, fa

i

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