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January 11, 1962 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1962-01-11

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Seventy-Second Year
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. " Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The .Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

OSA Study Committee:
Open the Door!

y ij* * .
i ",,,-ay t.t C
1 "' * fi' _Ai/ _ ,,f "t

T7E OFFICE of Student Affairs Study Com-
mittee has seen to it that the University
community will make little valuable contri-
bution to its final report.
When tle study group withdrew behind
closed doors to hold its meetings, it gained
more candid discussions but lost its chance
to tap the thoughts of the general campus.
There is widespread interest, and anxiety
about the current reshuffling of the OSA; this
was clearly expressed at the committee's "open
forum" Tuesday afternoon. But there is also
a great , deal of ignorance about what the
committee has discussed and what its in-
'dividual members think about the various is-
sues involved.
THE STUDENTS, faculty memlers and alum-
ni who spoke at the study committee's sole
public meeting were deeply concerned about
the current operation and structure of the
OSA and the possibility of major structural
and personnel changes in it. They wanted to
know what the committee had discussed and
what conclusions it has reached.
They were ,disappointed in the answers, of
course, because the committee has reached
agreement only on the broadest and vaguest
proposition: The University should be less
paternalistic and should make nonacadenic
life an educational experience.
Questions could not be answered directly
and honestly, because individual committee
members felt that an expression of their
opinion would be construed as a committee
belief. Nor did anyone seem willing to re-
construct earlier debates or present both sides
of a controversy in any detail.
Had the committee decided to make all its
meetings open to the general public, and to
inform the campus more clearly and fully about
its discussions, the recommendations the com-
mittee heard at Tuesday's meeting would have
been more intelligent and more directly re-
lated to various points members had raisedw
during the committee's discussions.
Community knowledge of the committee's
discussion-its basic philosophical position,
controversies raised, alternatives posed-would
have galvanized campus interest and led to
thoughtful probing of the questions involved.
This kind of explanation is necessary for a

mature and responsible reorganization of the
THE COMMITTEE did little to encourage the
presentation of written recommendations
from interested community members or in-
vations to speak to student and faculty groups;
though, its members did accept the reports
and invitations that were received.
The student representatives on the com-
mittee-four members of Student Government
Council-have never given a full report to the
Council on the committee's work. Outside of
a discussion on student responsibility prompted
by a request from the study committee, SGC
has heard only two short reports from its
student representatives.
Part of this is SGC's own fault. The Council
has not urged. a full report, nor seems much
interested in discussing the OSA until the
committee's first draft is ready. Many mem-
bers seem to consider the restructuring of the
OSA a dead issue and were reluctant to
schedule discussion of the Glick-Roberts mo-
tion early enough to make recommendations
about student responsibility for rule making
for inclusion in the committee's report.
The student group that initiated the protest
which eventually led to the formation of the
study committee have done little publicly to
justify or continue their work. Most of them,
however, have graduated and their followers
lost their, former role with the creation of
the study committee.
THE QUESTION of reformulating the govern-
ment of student life outside the classroom
is one that touches every member of the
University community. The OSA Study com-'
mittee has the official resonsibility for this
broad area at the present moment, and it'
has failed to awaken and stimulate interest
in its work by its secretive actions.
As the committee begins to hammer out
individual opinions into a consensus report,
it should open the rest of its meetings to the
University community. The campus could hear
the debate, see the confrontation of varying
views, learn what underlies the future of the
OSA and, perhaps, contribute to its improve-

'Faces of Malte',
Difficult, Well-Acted

"FACES OF MALTE," a play
written by Barton Wimble in
a playwriting course in the De-
partment 'of English, was by no
means loosely based" on the mo-
saic-like novel "Malte Laurids
Brigge" by Rainer Maria Rilke.
The first two Acts in particular
were put together out of themes
and scenes taken directly from the
puzzling, celebrated book by the
highly influential Austrian from
In the third Act Mr. Wimble
attempted to do what Rilke had
left undone: to integrate a multi-
tude of complex anxieties, frus-
trations, and fears pictured in
dozens of seemingly unconnected
and sudden juxtapositions.
Rilke's themes were reality,
nothingness, death, and love--each
viewed from many angles. It would
seem to be a very bold undertak-
ing indeed to make a play out of
any one of these themes, for
which the novel might supply rich
material; to compress so many
problems into two acts is more
than a third act can resolve.
Mr. Wimble, therefore, snapped
all the philosophical strings he
strummed in the first acts and
concentrated on love, which is not
the least problematic, but the most
engaging one. Love turns out to
be a coercion, perpetrated on the
hero. This is surely one of the
aspects of love which Rilke touch-
es'upon. Had Mr. Wimble concen-
trated more on this, the impact
may have been much greater. The
flippant and humorous beginning
of the third act was very unfor-

tunate, and not at all in keeping
with the rest.
* * *
T HE HERO, Malte Laurids
Brigge at the age of 17, as played
by Stauley Redfern, was sympa-
thetic, intense, and in several
scenes quite convincing. Rilke,
however, had pictured the young
Malte as a young boy, being very
much concerned with the experi-
ences of childhood. The import-
ance which remembrance plays for
Malte at 28 was therefore too
much watered down.
Miss Henrietta Kleinpell was
particularly engaging, playing
Mathilde Brahe, Malte's mother.
Her diction and her variations of
pitch and tone, as well as her
nuances of emotion 'were excep-
tionally fine. Erik Brahe, the cou-
sin of Malte, was played by C.-
David Colson. His rendition was
in its harshness in keeping with
the character.
The cast gave fine support to the
leads, but one particular criticism
must be voiced, which applies not
only for this, but also for many a
professional company: the train-
ing in diction seems to be sadly
lacking. Sloppy speech - the
"Whaddayano" stuff-just doesn't
go well over the footlights. And
pitch and tone often tend to be
monotonous and lack nuances.
Shouting on stage is one of the
most difficult things to manage;
it is certainly to be used most
sparingly. Andrew Doe, the direc-
tor, must be credited for a most
difficult job well done.
-Heinz W. Puppe

Flexible Bargaining Needed

Issue Varied, Generous

Freeloaders in the UN

APPARENTLY the only nation that has to
follow the rules any more is the United
States. All the rest of the world gleefully vio-
lates the United Nations charter and everyone
Such a state of affairs does little to advance
the-cause of world peace and it's putting quite
a strain on the American treasury. So the
tinre has come for the United States to call
a halt to all the little invasions and other
forbidden activities that the UN ignores. If
no other nation will guard the purpose of the
UN, then the United States must.
American Ambassador to the United Na-,
tions Adlai E. Stevenson has announced that
the action of India in seizing the Portuguese
enclaves could spell the end of the United
Nations. So strange it is that Stevenson failed
to see that the United States alone can'direct
the fate of the UN-and should feel a respon-
sibility to do so.
Americans must look at the problem. By all
that is right in the United Nations charter,
India and its fickle Prime Minister Nehru
should be heartily denounced and drummed out
of the world body. That nation willfully,
determinedlyand with no remorse, engaged in
aggression against a second nation which had
done it no harm. Portugal's occupation of the
three tiny enclaves on India's coast had not
ever. menaced the Nehru government in the
least. The action was totally inexcusable and
a gross violation of the UN charter. In 1951,
the world went to war over just such an
action; today the world applauds. Nothing
else has changed.
dones unnecessary aggression.. In fact he
has called for more funds to finance UN
slaughter and destruction-more money for
UN planes to bomb Katanga hospitals-finan-
cial support for Indian mercenaries to loot
Katangan property. Whatever Katanga may
have done to offend the world (and it isn't
at all clear Katanga has done anything to
offend the world) it couldn't have been enough
to warrant loss of life.
Editorial Staff
City Edo fEditorial Director
SUSAN FARRELL..............Personnel Director
PETER STUART ................... Magazine Editor
MICHAEL BURNS ...................... Speirts Editor

Katanga's secession from the Congo Republic
Is entirely an affair between Leopoldville and
Elizabethville. Neither side has disturbed any-
one outside their borders. Clearly their troubles
are no cause for UN aggression. Dag Hammar-
skjold recognized this. He refused to resort
to grmed aggression in Katanga. U Thant ap-
parently is not so perceptive as his predecessor.
And who foots the bill for UN action in
Katanga? Why the United States, of course.
Who sat by while India invaded Goa but
was screamed at earlier for backing an invasion
of Cuba? The same United States.
What is America supposed to be in the UN?
A silent partner? Decidedly not.
ADLAI STEVENSON should demand that all
nations be committed to the support of
any UN action with either money or man-
power. Any nation which can't lend 'such
support should lose its vote until such time
as it pays up.
But clearly Portugal cannot be asked to
support a United Nations that ignores its
charter and condons the unwarranted seizure
of Portuguese territory.
So Stevenson must also demand that every
member of the UN and every UN official
live up to the UN charter. He must demand
that U Thant be rebuked for unwarranted
action in Katanga; he must demand that
India be forced, with troops if necessary, to
withdraw .from Goa; he must demand that
everyone pay their bills or keep silent.
hesitate to turn to America whenever it
needs funds, and since the United States
supplies an overwhelming part of the UN
budget, that same United States should at
least demand that the UN be operated ac-
cording to the book.
Portugal now threatens to withdraw from
the UN, but such action shouldn't hurt the
organization, for Portugal is one of those na-
tions with a lot to say but little money to
contribute. If Portugal wants to quit the UN,
that is her business. From a financial point
of view she would be a small loss.
But what if the United States should threat-
en to withdraw from the UN? The loss would
not be so small then. In fact, the UN would
go down the drain.
Since the United States is that important
to the existence of the United Nations, it
would seem that America could at least insist
that all UN members comply with the charter
or get out.
RED CHINA is being barred from the UN
because it will not complv with the charter.

(EDITOR'S NOTE-This is the see-
end in a series of three interpre-
tives onathe United States' trade
Daily Staff Writer
liberalized trade policy is be-
ing waged by crystal-gazing eco-
nomists bent on minimizing the
injury to our economy by low-
wage imports while bloating and
maximizing the benefits of ex-
This sentiment, expressed by
'the chairman of a nationwid
committee dealing with imports
and exports, is typical of the kind'
of reaction any forward-looking
trade policy has usually received
from industry.
The statement is also indicative
of the degree of violence the Pres-
ident may have to face from one
of the major areas of opposition
before he can successfully initiate
the New Frontier's tariff propo-
* * *
our present policy can be three
major provisions:
1) Abandonment of the item-to-
item bargaining andthe adoption
of an across-the-board approach.
2) Increased authority for the
President in negotiating with
other countries.
3) Use of tariffs to cushion ad-.
justment, rather than to shut off
competition completely
The necessity for across-the-
board bargaining is a result of
the vast and continual changes in
Europe. At this juncture no one
can accurately predict where
American opportunities lie, and
thus we can no longer afford to
haggle over individual items. The
ECC cannot bargain effectively on
an item-to-item basis and neither
can we.
The second change, toward in-
creased presidential authority, is
extremely vital. Cumbersome re-
strictions hamper the effectiveness
of our dealings with foreign coun-
tries. From now on we will be
dealing with the Common Market,
a bloc of six nations, if not more,
and any one can veto a proposi-
tion offered by the U.S. The Presi-
dent's authority must be very flex-
ible to engage in barter of this
Third, the process of tariff re-
duction involves acceptance of
some structural adjustment by in-
dividual industries To a great ex-
tent, the industries themselves
must assume the burden of ad-
justment, but in those cases where
there is danger of a temporary
idling of production facilities, the
federal government should be
authorized to provide assistance
to hasten the transfer of capital
and labor into more productive
ALTHOUGH President Kennedy
has not yet made public the spe-
cifics of his new policy, he has in-
dicated enough along general lines
to cause reaction from both favor-
able and unfavorable sources.

To dispel doubts about his in-
tentions; the President has un-
equivocally stated he 'has no in-
tention of: joining the Common
Market; altering the concept of
political sovereignty; establishing
a -rich man's trading area; aban-
doning the most-favored-nation
policy; creating an Atlantic free
trade area or impairing our ties
with Canada, Japan, or Latin
Despite these statements of as-
surance,dthe President still faces
a great deal of opposition.
* * *
BEFORE the Administration can
successfully put forward its new
policy, it must quell the doubts of
two major groups. According to
the New Republic, these are:
1) The special interest groups -
who wonder if the U.S. can com-
pete successfully' within a broad,
Atlantic trading community em-
bracing the Common Market, and
2) The "ambitious elites of Bra-
silia or Lagos or New Delhi' who
fear pressure between Communist
China and the Soviet bloc on the
one hand, and the United States-
Common Market phalanx on the
other, will squeeze them to death.
employed by the interest groups
of industry, against the lowering
of the tariff.
One of the most vocal is the
contention that American business
is being hurt by the flood of im-
ports from foreign countries.
In certain cases; of wourse, an.
industry, or industries, may be
seriously harmed by the importa-

tion of a particular commodity.
But from the time tariffs were
first established-imports have been
used as a scapegoat to justify an
increase, or the eontiniation of
the tariff policy. Lack of adver-
tising, lack of consumer demand,
or outdated technology are many
times the real culprits.,
that trade blocs, such as the Com-
mon Market, have forced U.S. busi-
ness to set up manufacturing
plants inside their high tariff
walls. This, they claim, tends to
foster the production of goods
competitive with our own narket,
and still more important, makes
us, to all intents, exporters of
jobs that should belong to Ameri-
can labor.
It is not necessarily true there
would be additional jobs at home
oi an increase in export sales if
U.S. capital had remained in the
country. Plants are built in court-
tries whose markdts can not be
reached by exports for the most
part. Lower production costs are
far from being the determining
factor in all instances.
The sale of U.S. goods abroad
does .result in displacement to
some degree of our goods made
here, but this is a very small rer-
centage. Most of the sales occur
in producing countries outside of
the U.S.
The problem is also offset by
two other factors. We also export
a large volume of goods to these
companies, and the income from
investment abroad is a lot bigger
than the outflow of U.S. capital

ITHE NEW ISSUE of "Genera-
tion" is varied and generous-
perhaps the best' in a long time.
The task of reviewing it offers
a few pitfalls, into which I shall
probably fall, but it is nonetheless
a pleasure. The task is made
easier, I might add, by the fact
that the volume has already been
reviewed in advance, by its editor,
in an introductory column.
On Barton Wimble's play "Faces
of Malte" the editor says "Read
it-it is quite readable," but with-
out knowledge of the Rilke work,
which lies behind it I did not find
it so, This, the major offering,
is the kind of literature whose
meanings are explicit rather than
built in, and partly because it
reads like a translation, it tires
one's interest. Yet it might stage
Margaret Klee's dialogue "Beau-
tifillia" is far more accessible, and,
though Mr. Reynolds fears it "will
not get the attention it deserves,"
I recommend the conservative
reader to begin with it among the
prose and with Victor Perera's fine
and delicately balanced story, "A
Show of Strength." Konstantinos
Lardos' story "In Startled Caw-
ing" I found good but heavy go-
ing; it is not fiction so much
as myth.
A YOUNG American for Free-
dom at Ohio University com-
mented that YAF is in favor of
extending American democracy to
the Soviet Union even if it meant
dropping nuclear bombs on the
Is this what is called aid to
underdeveloped nations?

THE EDITOR attributes the dis-
parity in the fiction to the isola-
tion of the prose writer in Any
Arbor. I suspect, to venture a
rash view, that it is due to the
deeper cause that the short story
itself, as a form, is near the end
of its day, which will be regarded
as the curious product of a peri )d
now ending. Talent and editors
apart, it is difficult to do full
justice to it any more.
Poetry is deathless, and the
poems in this volume are of h-gh
quality. I merely mention the es-
tablished names of Squires and
Hall. The easiest is Anne Steven-
son's Frostian "Thunderstorm :n
Vermont," and the best to my
taste is her "Of Restraint and
Superfluity" which matches form
to thought perfectly. Some of the
rest of the twenty pages of verse
is more difficult but worth the
should like to say a word about
the several pages devoted to music.
Many lay readers will start to
skip Robert Ashley's "Maneuvers
for Small Hands" as beyond them;
I believe that they should take a
second look. It is a kind of illus-
tration of Phillip Krumm's essay
"New Sounds and What to do
with Them." Those who remember
a classic evening in May, 1959,
will sense behind the "Maneuvers"
the terrible spirit of J. B. WV4ol
gamot. They may be wrong but
they cannot help the caution. Ac-
cording to the "I Ching" Wol-
gamot is still alive though in de-
cline, and it is good to have this
possible confirmation. His mood
touches even the valuable inter-
view between Mr. Reynolds and
the American, beat, or off-beat,
composer, John Cage.
-Edmund Creeth,

Who's Student and Who's 'Trespasser'?

To the Editor:
YESTERDAY a young man who
works for me was arrested in
the Michigan Union for "trespass-
ing." He was "loitering" to the
extent of having taken one drink
from his glass and onebite from
his 'burger, when without any ad-
vance warning or appraisal he was
arrested by a police officer. Off to
Municipal Court, in less than 60
minutes from the time his lunch
hour began, he had walked to the
Union, purchased and started to
eat a sandwich, been arrested,
been tried, convicted and sen-
tenced. His fine was $20, not a
particularly small fine for a young
man trying to save money to re-
turn to the University.
It appears quite possible that
from a plea of not guilty a clear
case of suit for false arrest could
have been pursued against the
Michigan Union.
Yet he was anxious to "avoid
trouble" and his plea was accepted
(by a substitute judge) the fine
has been paid, and it appears that
this young man now has no further
recourse and must bear this blot
on his record for life. In many
ways he is an unusual young man.
Few college students are teaching
a Sunday School class or singing

friends and associates are all stu-
dents, still a "student" when for
financial ,reasons he has had to
drop out of school for a period?
Is one a student in June, able
to go to the Union, but not a
student if he hasn't registered for
classes at Summer School, and
thus not able to visit the Union
in July ... even though he may
be seriously planning to return in
September? What is the respon-
sibility of the Union to Michigan
students, quasi-students, ex-stu-
dents who very likely will be stu-
dents again?a
2) What is the Union's policy
toward people who clearly are non-
students? I am not a student, yet
I have always felt a part of the
University community, and com-
fortable in frequent visits to the
Union. I have participated in com-
mittee meetings in the Union Din-
ing Room and in the Union Cafe-
teria-some of which have lasted
for several hours. Will I, and
others like myself, be in danger
if we continue this practice? Or
will. the color of my skin protect
me from this indignity?
-Bob Marshall
A First . .

authorities, appears to have mov-
ed north.,
-Edward Weber
University Library
Federal Aid . .,
To the Editor:
CAROLINE DOW'S thoughtful
editorial (in Wednesday's
paper) raises some relevant ques-
tions about the need and dangers
of federal aid to education. Funds
for the expansion and improve-
ment of schooling and higher edu-
cation is a matter that should
concern us nationally; yet a
wholesome diversity is desirable
in a democratic culture.
One aspect of President Ken-
nedy's general message on edu-
cation submitted to Congress last
February called for the establish-
ment of federally sponsored
scholarship assistance to deserv-
ing undergraduates, in a program
to be administered by the state
governments. The proposal would
provide 25,000 to 50,000 scholar-
ships annually, averaging $700
each; these would be awarded on
the basis of qualifying exams as
well as consideration of individual
need, and the recipients them-
selves would decide where they

It is difficult to see how this
particular program might "back-
fire -... making the nation more
monolithic than ever," as Miss
Dow fears in her broad generaliza-
tion about the administration's
approach to the problem. Most re-
cipients would be likely to attend
a variety of the better privately-
endowed and church related uni-
versities; and the very provisions
of this high-minded proposal are
consistent with our tradition of
geographically and politically di-
versified educational administra-
Some version of last years' rec-
ommendation may yet be intro-
duced in the second session of the
Eighty-seventh Congress. To en-
sure a more local and territorial
rather than a nationally-centraliz-
ed focus of responsibility for the
financial needs of higher educa-
tion, it may be advisable to mod-
ify the administration's earlier"
proposal: instead of bearing ex-
pense for the entire program, the
federal government could offer
to match by a certain amount
funds appropriated by state legis-
latures for this purpose. This ap-
proach, suggested by Dr. Fussell
Kirk-perhaps the most truly con-
servative of Americans who call

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